Erschließung von griechischen Quellenstellen zum Sicherheitsdenken als Teil des DFG-Projektes "Sicherheitsvorstellung in der Antike"
Dieser XML-Datei liegt die Datenbank "./Quellensammlung_Asphaleia_v1.0.1.accdb" im Format MS Access 2016 zugrunde.
Information zum DFG-Projektes "Sicherheitsvorstellung in der Antike": Projektwebsite
[․․]οκλῆς Σολεὺς
ἐπαγγειλάμενος
ὑπὲρ ἐρανιστᾶν
σωτηριαστᾶν τῶν σὺν
5
Δαματρίωι Σελγεῖ
Διὶ Σωτῆρι καὶ
Ποτειδᾶνι Ἀσφαλείωι.
Καλῶς δὲ δοκεῖ καὶ ἀγχινόως μετ’ ἀσφαλείας διαλῦσαι τὸ μέλλον.
[9] ἐὰν δέ τις ἄλλως ἐκθῆται τὰ ὅπλα ἢ ἄλλῃ ἐξενεγκάμενος φανῇ, ὡς προδότης καὶ ἐπιβουλεύων τῷ δήμῳ πασχέτω τι.
[10] τοῦτο δὴ αὐτὸ ἵνα κατὰ τὰς φυλὰς ὄντες οἱ πλούσιοι μὴ δύνωνται εἰς ταὐτὸ ἀθροισθέντες μετὰ τῶν ξένων ἐπιθέσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐν ταῖς φυλαῖς ὄντες διακεχωρισμένοι ὦσιν ἐν πολλοῖς ὀλίγοι φυλέταις. καλῶς δὲ δοκεῖ καὶ ἀγχινόως μετ’ ἀσφαλείας διαλῦσαι τὸ μέλλον. [p. 68]
[9] Further, that if anyone should follow a different course in arming himself or should appear elsewhere and out of his proper station, he should be punished as a traitor and conspirator against the people.
[10] The purpose of this was that the rich men, scattered among the various tribes, should not be able to assemble at one point and attack with the mercenaries, but should be distributed in the several tribes as a small minority among their fellow-tribesmen. And he seems to have dealt skilfully, cleverly, and safely with the impending danger. (Übers. "Ilinois Greek Club" -> Loeb-Ausgabe)
οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλὲς ξενοκρατεῖσθαι καὶ ἐπὶ μισθοφόροις γίγνεσθαι.
[4] δεῖ οὖν μήποτε εἰς πόλιν οἰκείαν μείζω δύναμιν ἐπακτὸν δέχεσθαι τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τοῖς πολίταις, ξένοις τε χρωμένην ἀεὶ δεῖ τὴν πόλιν πολλῷ ὑπερέχειν τῆς τῶν ξένων δυνάμεως: οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλὲς ξενοκρατεῖσθαι καὶ ἐπὶ μισθοφόροις γίγνεσθαι.
[5] οἷον καὶ Ἡρακλεώταις τοῖς ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ συνέβη. ἐπαγόμενοι γὰρ ξένους πλείονας τοῦ προσήκοντος, πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς ἀντιστασιώτας ἀνεῖλον, ἔπειτα αὑτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀπώλεσαν, τυραννευθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ εἰσάγοντος τοὺς ξένους.
[4] One must therefore, never admit into a city an alien force greater than that already available to the citizens, and the state employing mercenaries must always be much superior to them in strength, since it is not safe to be outnumbered by aliens nor to be in the power of mercenaries, as actually happened to the inhabitants of Heracleia Pontica; for, by bringing in more hired troops than they should, they forst made away with those of the opposing faction, but later brought destruction to themselves and the sate, being forced into subjection to the man who introduced the mercenaries. (Übers. "Ilinois Greek Club" -> Loeb-Ausgabe)
Ἂν δὲ δέῃ ξενοτροφεῖν, ὧδε ἂν ἀσφαλέστατα γίγνοιτο.
Ἂν δὲ δέῃ ξενοτροφεῖν, ὧδε ἂν ἀσφαλέστατα γίγνοιτο. χρὴ τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει εὐπορωτάτοις προστάξαι κατὰ δύναμιν ἑκάστῳ παρασχεῖν ξένους ἕκαστον, τοὺς μὲν τρεῖς, τοὺς δὲ δύο, τινὰς δὲ ἕνα: ἀθροισθέντων δὲ ὅσων ἂν δέοιο, διελεῖν αὐτοὺς εἰς λόχους,
[2] καταστήσαντας ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς πιστοτάτους λοχαγούς. τὸν δὲ μισθὸν καὶ τὴν τροφὴν οἱ ξένοι παρὰ τῶν μισθωσαμένων λαμβανόντων, τὸ μέν τι παῤ αὐτῶν, τὸ δὲ καὶ τῆς πόλεως συμβαλλομένης.
[1] If, however, it is necassary to maintain mercenaries it may be most safely done as follows. The wealthiest citizens should be required to provide mercenaries, each according to his means, some three, some two, others one. When as many as you need are assembled, they should be divided into companies,
[2] and the most trustworthy of the citizens placed over them as captains. Pay and maintenance the mercenaries should receive from their employers, partly at the private expense of the latter, partly from funds contributed by the state. (Übers. "Ilinois Greek Club" -> Loeb-Ausgabe)
οὕτω γὰρ ἂν τάχιστά τε καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ εὐτελέστατα ξενοτροφηθείη.
[3] καὶ διαιτάσθωσαν ἕκαστοι ἐν ταῖς τῶν μισθωσαμένων οἰκίαις, οἱ δὲ τὰς λειτουργίας καὶ τὰς [p. 74] ἐκκοιτίας καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐπιτάγματα ἐκ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀθροιζόμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν λοχαγῶν ὑπηρετούντων.
[4] κομιδὴ δὲ τοῖς προαναλίσκουσιν εἰς τοὺς ξένους χρόνῳ τινὶ γενέσθω ὑπολογιζομένων τῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσφερομένων παρὰ ἑκάστου τελῶν: οὕτω γὰρ ἂν τάχιστά τε καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ εὐτελέστατα ξενοτροφηθείη.
(14.1) Τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ πόλει ὑπεναντία θέλουσιν τοῖς καθεστηκόσι προσφέρεσθαι ὡς προγέγραπται. τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν πολιτῶν εἰς ὁμόνοιαν τέως μάλιστα χρὴ προάγειν, ἄλλοις τε ὑπαγόμενον αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς χρεωφειλέτας κουφίζοντα τόκων βραχύτητι ἢ ὅλως ἀφαιροῦντα, ἐν δὲ τοῖς λίαν ἐπικινδύνοις καὶ τῶν ὀφειλημάτων τι μέρος, καὶ πάντα ὅταν δέῃ, ὡς πολύ γε φοβερώτατοι ἔφεδροί εἰσιν οἱ τοιοίδε ἄνθρωποι, τούς τε ἐν ἀπορίᾳ ὄντας τῶν ἀναγκαίων εἰς εὐπορίαν καθιστάναι.
[3] And each group of them should board in the houses of their employers, but they should be assembled by their captains for the performance of public services, night watches, and other tasks assigned by the authorities. Reimbursement should be made in due time to those who have incurred expense for the mercenaries, after deducting the taxes due the state from each individual. For in this way maintenance may be provided for mercenaries most quickly, safely, and cheaply.
[14.1] (Sugesstions für securing Loyalty) With those, then, in the city who are opposed to the existing order one may deal in the manner already prescribed. In the meantime it is of primar importance to win over the mass of the citizens to a spirit of loyalty, both by other influences and in the case of the debtors by the reduction or complete cancellation of interest, and, in cases of especial danger, of some part of the principal, or even all of it when necessary; for such men as there are the most formidable of adversaries. (Übers. "Ilinois Greek Club" -> Loeb-Ausgabe)
ἔν τε τῇ αὑτῶν ἤδη γεγονότες καὶ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ὄντες, πρὸς ῥᾳθυμίαν τρεπόμενοι ἀφυλακτοτέρως ἂν διακέοιντο.
[11] ἐὰν δέ σε λάθῃ ἢ φθάσῃ τὰ ἐκ τῆς χώρας λεηλατηθέντα, οὐ χρὴ τὴν δίωξιν αὐτῶν ποιεῖσθαι τὰς αὐτὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χώρους, ἀλλὰ τῇδε μὲν ὀλίγους ἐπιφαίνεσθαι καὶ διώκοντας μὴ ἐπικαταλαμβάνειν ἑκουσίως καὶ ἀνυπόπτως, ἄλλο δὲ πλῆθος μετὰ ἀξιοχρέου δυνάμεως σπεύδειν κατ̓ ἄλλας ὁδοὺς ὅτι τάχιστα πορευόμενον, καὶ φθάσαντας ἐν τῇ τῶν ἀγόντων [p. 84]
[12] χώρᾳ περὶ τὰ ὅρια ἐνεδρεῦσαι ῾φθάσαι δέ σε εἰκός ἐστι, πρότερον εἰς τὴν ἐκείνων ἀφικόμενον, διὰ τὸ λείαν ἄγοντας αὐτοὺς βραδυτέρως πορεύεσθαἰ, τὴν δ̓ ἐπίθεσιν αὐτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι δειπνοποιουμένοις: οἱ γὰρ λεηλατήσαντες, ἔν τε τῇ αὑτῶν ἤδη γεγονότες καὶ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ὄντες, πρὸς ῥᾳθυμίαν τρεπόμενοι ἀφυλακτοτέρως ἂν διακέοιντο.
[13] ἄριστον δ̓, ἵνα νεοκμῆσιν τοῖς στρατιώταις χρήσῃ, ὑπαρχόντων γε πλοίων, κατὰ θάλατταν τὴν δίωξιν ποιεῖσθαι: τό τε γὰρ φθάσαι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εἰς τὸ δέον σοι συμβήσεται, ἐὰν μὴ κατοφθῇς πλέων ὑπ̓ αὐτῶν.
[11] But if the plundering of the country has escaped your notice or has occured before you could prevent it, you should not make your pursuit of the enemy along the same roads nor in the same places, but should cause only a few to make a demonstration there, and, in their pursuit, intentionally but without arousing suspicion, refrain from overtaking them, while the army as a whole, in considerable strength, should hasten as quickly as possible by other roads, and,
[12]anticipating the enemy, should lie in ambush in the land of the invaders, near the border. You may reasonably expect to reach their land first, since because of driving their booty they must advance more slowly. And you should make your attack upon them while they are at the evening meal; for when the marauders are already within their own border and feel themselves secure they would be inclined to carelessness and be more off their guard. (Übers. "Ilinois Greek Club" -> Loeb-Ausgabe)
ἄλλως μὲν οὐδαμῶς εἶχεν ἀσφαλῶς δηλῶσαι, ἅτε φυλασσομένων τῶν ὁδῶν
[28] Ἱστιαῖος δὲ βουλόμενος τῷ Ἀρισταγόρᾳ σημῆναι ἀποστῆναι, ἄλλως μὲν οὐδαμῶς εἶχεν ἀσφαλῶς δηλῶσαι, ἅτε φυλασσομένων τῶν ὁδῶν καὶ οὐκ εὔπορον ὂν γράμματα λαθεῖν φέροντα, τῶν δὲ δούλων τὸν πιστότατον ἀποξυρήσας ἔστιξεν καὶ ἐπέσχεν ἕως ἀνέφυσαν αἱ τρίχες.
[29] ὡς δὲ ἀνέφυσαν τάχιστα, ἔπεμπεν εἰς Μίλητον, ἐπιστείλας τῷ ἐπεστιγμένῳ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ἐπειδὰν δ̓ ἀφίκηται εἰς Μίλητον πρὸς Ἀρισταγόραν, κελεύειν ξυρήσαντα κατιδεῖν εἰς τὴν κεφαλήν. τὰ δὲ στίγματα ἐσήμαινεν ἃ ἔδει ποιεῖν.
[28] Again, Histiaeus, wishing to tell Aristagoras to revolt, had no other safe means of communication, since the roads were guarded and it was not easy for a letter-carrier to escape notice, but shaving the head of his most faithful slave, he tattooed it and detained him until the hair had grown again. And as soon as it had grown, he dispatched him to Miletus and gave the tattooed man no ther orders except that when he had come to Miletus, into the presence of Aristagoras, he should request him to shave his head and examine it, whereupon the marks indicated what was to be done. (Übers. "Ilinois Greek Club" -> Loeb-Ausgabe)
- direkt im Anschluss sehr spannende Stelle mit Verschlüsselungsmethode (echte Kryptographie mit Vokalkodierung)
ἀλλὰ κοινωσώμεθ’ ἤν πως ἀσφαλῆ βουλεύματ’ ἦι.
{80Αγ.}80 ὤμοι πέπληγμαι καιρίαν πληγὴν ἔσω.
{80Χο.}80 σῖγα· τίς πληγὴν ἀυτεῖ καιρίως οὐτασμένος;
{80Αγ.}80 ὤμοι μάλ’ αὖθις δευτέραν πεπληγμένος. (1345)
{80Χο.}80 τοὖργον εἰργάσθαι δοκεῖ μοι βασιλέως οἰμώγμασιν· @1
ἀλλὰ κοινωσώμεθ’ ἤν πως ἀσφαλῆ βουλεύματ’ ἦι.
{80—}80 ἐγὼ μὲν ὑμῖν τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην λέγω,
πρὸς δῶμα δεῦρ’ ἀστοῖσι κηρύσσειν βοήν.
{80—}80 ἐμοὶ δ’ ὅπως τάχιστά γ’ ἐμπεσεῖν δοκεῖ (1350)
καὶ πρᾶγμ’ ἐλέγχειν σὺν νεορρύτωι ξίφει.
{80—}80 κἀγὼ τοιούτου γνώματος κοινωνὸς ὢν
ψηφίζομαι τὸ δρᾶν τι· μὴ μέλλειν δ’ ἀκμή.
{80—}80 ὁρᾶν πάρεστι· φροιμιάζονται γὰρ ὡς
τυραννίδος σημεῖα πράσσοντες πόλει. (1355)
{80—}80 χρονίζομεν γάρ, οἱ δὲ τῆς μελλοῦς κλέος
πέδοι πατοῦντες οὐ καθεύδουσιν χερί.
{80—}80 οὐκ οἶδα βουλῆς ἧστινος τυχὼν λέγω·
τοῦ δρῶντός ἐστι καὶ τὸ βουλεῦσαι †πέρι†.
{80—}80 κἀγὼ τοιοῦτός εἰμ’, ἐπεὶ δυσμηχανῶ (1360)
λόγοισι τὸν θανόντ’ ἀνιστάναι πάλιν.
{80—}80 ἦ καὶ βίον τείνοντες ὧδ’ ὑπείξομεν
Agamemnon
Alas! I am struck deep with a mortal blow!
Chorus
Silence! Who is this that cries out, wounded by a mortal blow?
Agamemnon
[1345] And once again, alas! I am struck by a second blow.
Chorus
The deed is done, it seems—to judge by the groans of the king. But come, let us take counsel together if there is perhaps some safe plan of action.
The members of the Chorus deliver their opinion on the course to be taken
—I tell you my advice: summon the townsfolk to bring rescue here to the palace.
[1350] —To my thinking we must burst in and charge them with the deed while the sword is still dripping in their hands.
—I, too, am for taking part in some such plan, and vote for action of some sort. It is no time to keep on delaying.
—It is plain. Their opening act [1355] marks a plan to set up a tyranny in the State.
—Yes, because we are wasting time, while they, trampling underfoot that famous name, Delay, allow their hands no slumber.
—I know not what plan I could hit on to propose. It is the doer's part likewise to do the planning.
[1360] G. I too am of this mind, for I know no way to bring the dead back to life by mere words.
—What! To prolong our lives shall we thus submit to the rule of those defilers of the house?
—No, it is not to be endured. No, death would be better, [1365] for that would be a milder lot than tyranny.
—And shall we, upon the evidence of mere groans, divine that our lord is dead?
—We should be sure of the facts before we indulge our wrath. For surmise differs from assurance.
[1370] —I am supported on all sides to approve this course—that we get clear assurance how it stands with Atreus' son.
δέδοικα δ’ ὄμβρου κτύπον δομοσφαλῆ τὸν αἱματηρόν·
Κλ. οὔτ’ ἀνελεύθερον οἶμαι θάνατον
τῶιδε γενέσθαι < >
... (1522,bis)
οὐδὲ γὰρ οὗτος δολίαν ἄτην (1523)
οἴκοισιν ἔθηκ’;
ἀλλ’ ἐμὸν ἐκ τοῦδ’ ἔρνος ἀερθὲν (1525)
τὴν πολυκλαύτην
Ἰφιγένειαν ἀνάξια δράσας (1526,bis)
ἄξια πάσχων μηδὲν ἐν Ἅιδου (1527)
μεγαλαυχείτω, ξιφοδηλήτωι
θανάτωι τείσας ἅπερ ἦρξεν.
Χο. ἀμηχανῶ φροντίδος στερηθεὶς [στρ. δ] (1530)
εὐπάλαμον μέριμναν
ὅπαι τράπωμαι πίτνοντος οἴκου.
δέδοικα δ’ ὄμβρου κτύπον δομοσφαλῆ
τὸν αἱματηρόν· ψακὰς δὲ λήγει.
Δίκα δ’ ἐπ’ ἄλλο πρᾶγμα θήγεται βλάβας (1535)
πρὸς ἄλλαις θηγάναισι Μοίρας.
ἰὼ γᾶ γᾶ, εἴθε μ’ ἐδέξω
πρὶν τόνδ’ ἐπιδεῖν ἀργυροτοίχου (1539)
δροίτας κατέχοντα χάμευναν. (1540)
τίς ὁ θάψων νιν; τίς ὁ θρηνήσων;
ἦ σὺ τόδ’ ἔρξαι τλήσηι, κτείνασ’
ἄνδρα τὸν αὑτῆς ἀποκωκῦσαι
ψυχῆι τ’ ἄχαριν χάριν ἀντ’ ἔργων (1545)
μεγάλων ἀδίκως ἐπικρᾶναι;
τίς δ’ ἐπιτύμβιον αἶνον ἐπ’ ἀνδρὶ θείωι
σὺν δακρύοις ἰάπτων
ἀληθείαι φρενῶν πονήσει; (1550)
Clytaemestra
[Neither do I think he met an ignoble death.] And did he not himself by treachery bring ruin on his house? [1525] Yet, as he has suffered—worthy prize of worthy deed—for what he did to my sweet flower, shoot sprung from him, the sore-wept Iphigenia, let him make no great boasts in the halls of Hades, since with death dealt him by the sword he has paid for what he first began.
Chorus
[1530] Bereft of any ready expedient of thought, I am bewildered where to turn now that the house is tottering. I fear the beating storm of bloody rain that shakes the house; no longer does it descend in drops. [1535] Yet on other whetstones Destiny is sharpening justice for another evil deed.
O Earth, Earth, if only you had taken me to yourself before ever I had lived to see my lord [1540] occupying a lowly bed of a silver-sided bath! Who shall bury him? Who shall lament him? Will you harden your heart to do this—you who have slain your own husband—to lament for him [1545] and crown your unholy work with an uncharitable gift to his spirit, atoning for your monstrous deeds? And who, as with tears he utters praise over the hero's grave, [1550] shall sorrow in sincerity of heart?
καὶ προστρόπαιος ἑστίας μολὼν πάλιν τλήμων Θυέστης μοῖραν ηὕρετ’ ἀσφαλῆ
{80ΑΙΓΙΣΘΟΣ}80 ὦ φέγγος εὖφρον ἡμέρας δικηφόρου·
φαίην ἂν ἤδη νῦν βροτῶν τιμαόρους
θεοὺς ἄνωθεν γῆς ἐποπτεύειν ἄχη,
ἰδὼν ὑφαντοῖς ἐν πέπλοις Ἐρινύων (1580)
τὸν ἄνδρα τόνδε κείμενον φίλως ἐμοί,
χερὸς πατρώιας ἐκτίνοντα μηχανάς.
Ἀτρεὺς γὰρ ἄρχων τῆσδε γῆς, τούτου πατήρ,
πατέρα Θυέστην τὸν ἐμόν, ὡς τορῶς φράσαι,
αὑτοῦ δ’ ἀδελφόν, ἀμφίλεκτος ὢν κράτει, (1585)
ἠνδρηλάτησεν ἐκ πόλεώς τε καὶ δόμων· @1
καὶ προστρόπαιος ἑστίας μολὼν πάλιν
τλήμων Θυέστης μοῖραν ηὕρετ’ ἀσφαλῆ,
τὸ μὴ θανὼν πατρῶιον αἱμάξαι πέδον
αὐτοῦ· ξένια δὲ τοῦδε δύσθεος πατὴρ (1590)
Ἀτρεύς, προθύμως μᾶλλον ἢ φίλως, πατρὶ
τὠμῶι, κρεουργὸν ἦμαρ εὐθύμως ἄγειν
δοκῶν, παρέσχε δαῖτα παιδείων κρεῶν.
τὰ μὲν ποδήρη καὶ χερῶν ἄκρους κτένας
†ἔθρυπτ’ ἄνωθεν ἀνδρακὰς καθήμενος (1595)
ἄσημα δ’† αὐτῶν αὐτίκ’ ἀγνοίαι λαβὼν
ἔσθει, βορὰν ἄσωτον, ὡς ὁρᾶις, γένει.
κἄπειτ’ ἐπιγνοὺς ἔργον οὐ καταίσιον
ὤιμωξεν, ἀμπίπτει δ’ ἀπὸ σφαγὴν ἐρῶν,
μόρον δ’ ἄφερτον Πελοπίδαις ἐπεύχεται (1600)
λάκτισμα δείπνου ξυνδίκως τιθεὶς ἀρᾶι,
οὕτως ὀλέσθαι πᾶν τὸ Πλεισθένους γένος.
ἐκ τῶνδέ σοι πεσόντα τόνδ’ ἰδεῖν πάρα·
Enter Aegisthus with armed retainers
Aegisthus
Hail gracious light of the day of retribution! At last the hour has come when I can say that the gods who avenge mortal men look down from on high upon the crimes of earth. [1580] Now that, to my joy, I behold this man lying here in a robe spun by the Avenging Spirits and making full payment for the deeds contrived in craft by his father's hand.
For Atreus, lord of this land, this man's father, challenged in his sovereignty, drove forth, from city and from home, Thyestes, who （to speak it clearly） was my father [1585] and his own brother. And when he had come back as a suppliant to his hearth, unhappy Thyestes secured such safety for his lot as not himself to suffer death and stain with his blood his native soil. [1590] But Atreus, the godless father of this slain man, with welcome more hearty than kind, on the pretence that he was cheerfully celebrating a happy day by serving meat, served up to my father as entertainment a banquet of his own children's flesh. [1595] The toes and fingers he broke off
<*> sitting apart.1And when all unwittingly my father had quickly taken servings that he did not recognize, he ate a meal which, as you see, has proved fatal to his race. Now, discovering his unhallowed deed, he uttered a great cry, reeled back, vomiting forth the slaughtered flesh, and invoked [1600] an unbearable curse upon the line of Pelops, kicking the banquet table to aid his curse, “thus perish all the race of Pleisthenes!” This is the reason that you see this man fallen here. I am he who planned this murder and with justice. For together with my hapless father he drove me out, [1605] me his third child, as yet a baby in swaddling-clothes. But grown to manhood, justice has brought me back again. Exile though I was, I laid my hand upon my enemy, compassing every device of cunning to his ruin. [1610] So even death would be sweet to me now that I behold him in justice's net.
Chorus
Aegisthus, excessive triumph amid distress I do not honor. You say that of your own intent you slew this man and did alone plot this pitiful murder. [1615] I tell you in the hour of justice that you yourself, be sure of that, will not escape the people's curses and death by stoning at their hand.
Αγγ.) ἀνδρῶν γὰρ ὄντων ἕρκος ἐστὶν ἀσφαλές.
{80Βα.}80 αἰαῖ, κακῶν ὕψιστα δὴ κλύω τάδε,
αἴσχη τε Πέρσαις καὶ λιγέα κωκύματα.
ἀτὰρ φράσον μοι τοῦτ’ ἀναστρέψας πάλιν,
τοσόνδε πλῆθος ἦν νεῶν Ἑλληνίδων
τοσόνδε πλῆθος ἦν νεῶν Ἑλληνίδων
ὥστ’ ἀξιῶσαι Περσικῶι στρατεύματι (335)
μάχην συνάψαι ναΐοισιν ἐμβολαῖς;
{80Αγγ.}80 πλήθους μὲν ἂν σάφ’ ἴσθ’ ἕκατι βαρβάρων
ναῦς ἂν κρατῆσαι· καὶ γὰρ Ἕλλησιν μὲν ἦν
ὁ πᾶς ἀριθμὸς ἐς τριακάδας δέκα
ναῶν, δεκὰς δ’ ἦν τῶνδε χωρὶς ἔκκριτος. (340)
Ξέρξηι δέ, καὶ γὰρ οἶδα, χιλιὰς μὲν ἦν
ὧν ἦγε πλῆθος, αἱ δ’ ὑπέρκοποι τάχει
ἑκατὸν δὶς ἦσαν ἑπτά θ’· ὧδ’ ἔχει λόγος. @1
μή σοι δοκοῦμεν τῆιδε λειφθῆναι μάχης;
ἀλλ’ ὧδε δαίμων τις κατέφθειρε στρατὸν (345)
τάλαντα βρίσας οὐκ ἰσορρόπωι τύχηι.
θεοὶ πόλιν σώιζουσι Παλλάδος θεᾶς.
{80Βα.}80 ἔτ’ ἆρ’ Ἀθηνῶν ἔστ’ ἀπόρθητος πόλις;
{80Αγγ.}80 ἀνδρῶν γὰρ ὄντων ἕρκος ἐστὶν ἀσφαλές.
{80Βα.}80 ἀρχὴ δὲ ναυσὶ συμβολῆς τίς ἦν, φράσον· (350)
τίνες κατῆρξαν, πότερον Ἕλληνες, μάχης,
ἢ παῖς ἐμός, πλήθει καταυχήσας νεῶν;
Atossa
Alas! The words I hear put the very crown upon our woes; a disgrace to the Persians and cause for shrill lament. But retrace your tale and tell me this clearly: [335] how great was the number of the Greek ships which gave them confidence enough to go into battle with their armed prows against the Persian army?
Messenger
If numbers had been the only factor, be assured that the barbarians would have gained the victory with their fleet. For the whole number of the ships of Hellas amounted to ten times thirty, [340] and, in addition to these, there was a chosen squadron of ten. But Xerxes, this I know, had under his command a thousand, while those excelling in speed were twice a hundred, and seven more. This is the total of their respective numbers. Do you think that we were simply outnumbered in this contest? [345] No, it was some divine power that tipped the scale of fortune with unequal weight and thus destroyed our host. The gods preserve the city of the goddess Pallas.
Atossa
Is then the city of Athens not yet despoiled?
Messenger
No, while her men still live, her ramparts are impregnable. [350]
Atossa
But the beginning of the encounter of the fleets, tell me about it. Who began the onset? Was it the Hellenes? Or my son, exulting in the multitude of his ships?
Κρ.}80 καὶ τήνδε νῦν πόρπασον ἀσφαλῶς, ἵνα μάθηι σοφιστὴς ὢν Διὸς νωθέστερος
Ἥφαιστος
καὶ δὴ πρόχειρα ψάλια δέρκεσθαι πάρα.
Κράτος
55 βαλών νιν ἀμφὶ χερσὶν ἐγκρατεῖ σθένει
ῥαιστῆρι θεῖνε, πασσάλευε πρὸς πέτραις.
Ἥφαιστος
περαίνεται δὴ κοὐ ματᾷ τοὔργον τόδε.
Κράτος
ἄρασσε μᾶλλον, σφίγγε, μηδαμῇ χάλα.
δεινὸς γὰρ εὑρεῖν κἀξ ἀμηχάνων πόρον.
Ἥφαιστος
60 ἄραρεν ἥδε γ᾽ ὠλένη δυσεκλύτως.
Κράτος
καὶ τήνδε νῦν πόρπασον ἀσφαλῶς, ἵνα
μάθῃ σοφιστὴς ὢν Διὸς νωθέστερος.
Ἥφαιστος
πλὴν τοῦδ᾽ ἂν οὐδεὶς ἐνδίκως μέμψαιτό μοι.
Κράτος
ἀδαμαντίνου νῦν σφηνὸς αὐθάδη γνάθον
65 στέρνων διαμπὰξ πασσάλευ᾽ ἐρρωμένως.
Ἥφαιστος
αἰαῖ, Προμηθεῦ, σῶν ὑπερστένω πόνων.
Κράτος
σὺ δ᾽ αὖ κατοκνεῖς τῶν Διός τ᾽ ἐχθρῶν ὕπερ
στένεις; ὅπως μὴ σαυτὸν οἰκτιεῖς ποτε.
Ἥφαιστος
ὁρᾷς θέαμα δυσθέατον ὄμμασιν.
Κράτος
70 ὁρῶ κυροῦντα τόνδε τῶν ἐπαξίων.
ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφὶ πλευραῖς μασχαλιστῆρας βάλε.
Ἥφαιστος
δρᾶν ταῦτ᾽ ἀνάγκη, μηδὲν ἐγκέλευ᾽ ἄγαν.
Κράτος
ἦ μὴν κελεύσω κἀπιθωύξω γε πρός.
χώρει κάτω, σκέλη δὲ κίρκωσον βίᾳ.
Ἥφαιστος
75 καὶ δὴ πέπρακται τοὔργον οὐ μακρῷ πόνῳ.
Hephaestus
Well, there then! The bands are ready, as you may see.
Power
[55] Cast them about his wrists and with might strike with your hammer; rivet him to the rocks.
Hephaestus
There! The work is getting done and not improperly.
Power
Strike harder, clamp him tight, leave nothing loose; for he is wondrously clever at finding a way even out of desperate straits.
Hephaestus
[60] This arm, at least, is fixed permanently.
Power
Now rivet this one too and securely, so that he may learn, for all his cleverness, that he is a fool compared to Zeus.
Hephaestus
None but he could justly blame my work.
Power
Now drive the adamantine wedge's stubborn edge straight [65] through his chest with your full force.
Hephaestus
Alas, Prometheus, I groan for your sufferings.
Power
What! Shrinking again and groaning over the enemies of Zeus? Take care, so that the day does not come when you shall grieve for yourself.
Hephaestus
You see a spectacle grievous for eyes to behold.
Power
[70] I see this man getting his deserts. Come, cast the girths about his sides.
Hephaestus
I must do this; spare me your needless ordering.
Power
Indeed, I'll order you, yes and more—I'll hound you on. Get down below, and ring his legs by force.
Hephaestus
[75] There now! The work's done and without much labor.
Διὸς κόρα (145) ἔχουσα σέμν’ †ἐνώπι’ ἀσφαλές†, παντὶ δὲ σθένει
πλάτα μὲν οὖν λινορραφής {72[στρ. η]}72
τε δόμος ἅλα στέγων δορὸς (135)
ἀχείματόν μ’ ἔπεμπε σὺν πνοαῖς, οὐδὲ μέμφομαι·
τελευτὰς δ’ ἐν χρόνωι πατὴρ ὁ παντόπτας
πρευμενεῖς κτίσειεν· (140)
σπέρμα σεμνᾶς μέγα ματρὸς εὐνὰς {72[ἐφυμν. β]}72
ἀνδρῶν, ἒ ἔ,
ἄγαμον ἀδάματον ἐκφυγεῖν.
θέλουσα δ’ αὖ θέλουσαν ἁ- {72[ἀντ. η]}72
γνά μ’ ἐπιδέτω Διὸς κόρα (145)
ἔχουσα σέμν’ †ἐνώπι’ ἀσφαλές†, παντὶ δὲ σθένει
διωγμοῖς ἀσχαλῶσ’ ἄδμητος ἀδμήται (149)
ῥύσιος γενέσθω· (150)
σπέρμα σεμνᾶς μέγα ματρὸς εὐνὰς {72[ἐφυμν. β]}72
ἀνδρῶν, ἒ ἔ,
ἄγαμον ἀδάματον ἐκφυγεῖν.
εἰ δὲ μή, μελανθὲς {72[στρ. θ]}72
ἡλιόκτυπον γένος (155)
τὸν γάιον,
τὸν πολυξενώτατον
Ζῆνα τῶν κεκμηκότων @1
ἱξόμεσθα σὺν κλάδοις
ἀρτάναις θανοῦσαι, (160)
μὴ τυχοῦσαι θεῶν Ὀλυμπίων·
ἆ Ζήν, Ἰοῦς † ἰὼ μῆνις {72[ἐφυμν. γ]}72
μάστειρ’ † ἐκ θεῶν.
Chorus
Our oars, indeed, and our timbered ship, bound with yellow rope [135] to withstand the sea, sped me on by help of favoring winds, unharmed by all tempests; nor have I reason for complaint. But may the all-seeing Father [140] establish a kindly issue in due time—
That the mighty race of our honorable mother escape the embrace of man (ah me), unwedded, unvanquished.
[145] And may Zeus' pure daughter, she who holds securely the sacred wall, willingly, meeting my will, look upon me; and, grieved at our pursuit, come with all her might, a virgin to a virgin's aid, [150] to deliver me—
That the mighty race of our honorable mother may escape the embrace of man (ah me), unwedded, unvanquished.
Yet, if she will not, we, a dark, [155] sun-burned race, with suppliant boughs will invoke the underworld Zeus, Zeus the great host [160] of the dead; for if the gods of Olympus hear us not, we will hang ourselves.
Ah Zeus! On account of the poisonous hate of Io vengeance from the gods pursues us.1I know [165] your consort's sky-conquering spite; for a stormy sea follows a harsh wind.
ὡς ἂν τῶν πολισσούχων θεῶν βωμοὺς προνάους καὶ †πολισσούχων† ἕδρας (495) εὕρωμεν, ἀσφάλεια δ’ ἦι δι’ ἄστεως στείχουσι·
Δα. πολλῶν τάδ’ ἡμῖν ἐστιν ἠξιωμένα, (490)
αἰδοῖον εὑρεθέντα πρόξενον λαβεῖν.
ὀπάονας δὲ φράστοράς τ’ ἐγχωρίων
ξύμπεμψον, ὡς ἂν τῶν πολισσούχων θεῶν
βωμοὺς προνάους καὶ †πολισσούχων† ἕδρας
εὕρωμεν, ἀσφάλεια δ’ ἦι δι’ ἄστεως (495)
στείχουσι· μορφῆς δ’ οὐχ ὁμόστολος φύσις·
Νεῖλος γὰρ οὐχ ὁμοῖον Ἰνάχωι γένος
τρέφει. φύλαξαι μὴ θράσος τέκηι φόβον·
καὶ δὴ φίλον τις ἔκταν’ ἀγνοίας ὕπο.
Βα. στείχοιτ’ ἄν, ἄνδρες, εὖ γὰρ ὁ ξένος λέγει· (500)
ἡγεῖσθε βωμοὺς ἀστικούς, θεῶν ἕδρας·
καὶ ξυμβολοῦσιν οὐ πολυστομεῖν χρεὼν
ναύτην ἄγοντας τόνδ’ ἐφέστιον θεῶν.
Χο. τούτωι μὲν εἶπας καὶ τεταγμένος κίοι·
ἐγὼ δὲ πῶς δρῶ; ποῦ θράσος νέμεις ἐμοί; (505)
Βα. κλάδους μὲν αὐτοῦ λεῖπε, σημεῖον πόνου.
Χο. καὶ δή σφε λείπω χειρία λόγοις σέθεν.
Βα. λευρὸν κατ’ ἄλσος νῦν ἐπιστρέφου τόδε. @1
Χο. καὶ πῶς βέβηλον ἄλσος ἂν ῥύοιτό με;
Βα. οὔτοι πτερωτῶν ἁρπαγαῖς <σ’> ἐκδώσομεν. (510)
Χο. ἀλλ’ εἰ δρακόντων δυσφρόνων ἐχθίοσιν;
Βα. εὔφημον εἴη τοὖπος εὐφημουμένηι.
Χο. οὔτοι τι θαῦμα δυσφορεῖν φόβωι φρένας.
Βα. ἀεὶ γυναικῶν ἐστι δεῖμ’ ἐξαίσιον.
Χο. σὺ καὶ λέγων εὔφραινε καὶ πράσσων φρένα. (515)
Βα. ἀλλ’ οὔτι δαρὸν χρόνον ἐρημώσει πατήρ·
ἐγὼ δὲ λαοὺς συγκαλῶν ἐγχωρίους
σπεύσω, τὸ κοινὸν ὡς ἂν εὐμενὲς τιθῶ,
καὶ σὸν διδάξω πατέρα ποῖα χρὴ λέγειν.
πρὸς ταῦτα μίμνε καὶ θεοὺς ἐγχωρίους (520)
λιταῖς παραιτοῦ τῶν σ’ ἔρως ἔχει τυχεῖν.
ἐγὼ δὲ ταῦτα πορσυνῶν ἐλεύσομαι·
πειθὼ δ’ ἕποιτο καὶ τύχη πρακτήριος.
Χο. ἄναξ ἀνάκτων, μακάρων
μακάρτατε καὶ τελέων (525) [στρ. α]
Danaus
[490] We consider it worth much to have gained a champion who is compassionate. Yet send escorts and guides of the country's people with me so we may find where the gods who protect your city have their altars at the temple porches and their . . . seats, [495] and that we may go safely through the town. My shape is unlike yours, for Nile and Inachus rear a different race. Beware lest boldness give birth to fear; for through ignorance men have slain those they love.
King
[500] Come, men, the stranger speaks well. Be his guides to the altars of the city and to the sanctuaries of the gods. Do not speak at length with whomever you meet on the way while you are bringing this seafarer to be a suppliant at the hearths of the gods.Exit Danaus with attendants
Chorus
You told him, and let him go as directed. [505] But what of me? What am I to do? Where do you assign security to me?
King
Leave your boughs here, tokens of your distress.
Chorus
Behold, I leave them at your signal and command.
King
Go now along this level space about the sanctuary.1
Chorus
But it is not holy ground. How can it keep me safe?
King
[510] Be assured, we will not surrender you to winged creatures' ravishment.
Chorus
But what about those whom we dread worse than evil serpents?
King
Speak with good omen, as I have spoken auspiciously to you.
Chorus
No wonder I am fretful through alarm of mind.
King
Excessive fear is always uncontrolled.
Chorus
[515] Cheer my heart by deeds as well as words.
King
Your father will not leave you here alone for long. I am going now to call together the people of the land, that I may make the masses friendly; and I will instruct your father in what things he should say. [520] Now stay here and beseech the gods of the land with prayers to grant what you desire, while I go to advance your cause. May persuasion and efficacious fortune attend me!
(Exit with attendants )
πίπτει δ’ ἀσφαλὲς οὐδ’ ἐπὶ νώτωι,
ἀλλὰ θεοὶ γενέται κλύετ’ εὖ τὸ δίκαιον ἰδόντες {72[ἀντ. γ]}72
†ἥβαι μὴ τέλεον† δόντες ἔχειν παρ’ αἶσαν, (80)
ὕβριν δ’ ἐτύμως στυγοῦντες
πέλοιτ’ ἂν ἔνδικοι γάμοις.
ἔστιν κἀκ πολέμου τειρομένοις
βωμὸς ἀρῆς φυγάσιν
ῥῦμα, δαιμόνων σέβας. (85)
εἴθ’ εἴη ’κ Διὸς εὖ παναληθῶς· {72[στρ. δ]}72
Διὸς ἵμερος οὐκ εὐθήρατος ἐτύχθη·
δαυλοὶ γὰρ πραπίδων
δάσκιοί τε τείνουσιν πόροι κατιδεῖν ἄφραστοι. (90)
πίπτει δ’ ἀσφαλὲς οὐδ’ ἐπὶ νώτωι, {72[ἀντ. δ]}72
κορυφᾶι Διὸς εἰ κρανθῆι πρᾶγμα τέλειον·
παντᾶι τοι φλεγέθει
κἀν σκότωι μελαίναι ξὺν τύχαι μερόπεσσι λαοῖς. (95)
ἰάπτει δ’ ἐλπίδων {72[στρ. ε]}72
ἀφ’ ὑψιπύργων πανώλεις βροτούς,
βίαν δ’ οὔτιν’ ἐξοπλίζει.
πᾶν ἄπονον δαιμονίων· (100)
ἥμενος ὃν φρόνημά πως
αὐτόθεν ἐξέπραξεν ἔμ-
πας ἑδράνων ἀφ’ ἁγνῶν.
Chorus
But, gods of our race, hear, and regard with favor the cause of righteousness; if you refuse youth [80] fulfillment of its arrogant desires, and readily abhor violence, you would be righteous toward marriage. Even for those who flee hard-pressed from war there is an altar, [85] a shelter against harm through respect for the powers of heaven.
But may Zeus grant that it go well with us. For Zeus' desire is hard to trace: it shines everywhere, even in gloom, together with fortune [90] obscure to mortal men.
Safely it falls, and not upon its back, whatever deed comes to pass at Zeus' nod; for the pathways of his understanding stretch dark and tangled, [95] beyond comprehension.
From their high-towering hopes he hurls mankind to utter destruction; yet he does not marshal any armed violence— [100] all that is wrought by the powers divine is free from toil. Seated on his holy throne, unmoved, in mysterious ways he accomplishes his will.
ἀσφαλῆ καὶ ῥᾴδιον τὸν καθ᾽ αὑτοῦ ποιήσεται ἔπαινον
ἐγὼ δ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ μὲν εἰκότως διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν οὐ διείλεγμαι, Φίλιππον δὲ νῦν μὲν διὰ τὴν τῶν λόγων εὐφημίαν ἐπαινῶ: ἐὰν δ᾽ ὁ αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἔργοις γένηται, οἷος νῦν ἐστιν ἐν τοῖς ἐπαγγέλμασιν, ἀσφαλῆ καὶ ῥᾴδιον τὸν καθ᾽ αὑτοῦ ποιήσεται ἔπαινον. ἐπετίμησα δ᾽ ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ Δημοσθένει οὐ τὸν παῖδα ἐκθεραπεύων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐὰν τὰ τοιαῦτα ἀποδέχησθε, ὁμοίαν νομίζων τὴν πόλιν φανήσεσθαι τῇ τοῦ λέγοντος ἀκοσμίᾳ.
Now I naturally have had no conversation with Alexander, because of his youth, but Philip I do praise now because of his auspicious words, and if in what he does toward us in the future he shall fulfil the promise of what he now says, he will make praise of him a safe and easy thing. I did, indeed, rebuke Demosthenes in the senate-chamber, not because I was counting the favor of the boy, but because I felt that if you should listen to such words as his, the city would show itself as ill-behaved as the speaker.
ἦν ἀσφαλεστέρα καὶ καλλίων Ἀθηναίοις ἡ ἔξοδος...;
[137] τῶν δ᾽ ἑταίρων τινὲς τῶν Φιλίππου οὐ διαρρήδην πρός τινας ἡμῶν ἔλεγον ὅτι τὰς ἐν Βοιωτοῖς πόλεις κατοικιεῖ Φίλιππος; Θηβαῖοι δ᾽ οὐκ ἐξεληλύθεσαν πανδημεί, ἀπιστοῦντες τοῖς πράγμασιν; ὑμῖν δὲ ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶν οὐκ ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν ὁ Φίλιππος, ἐξιέναι πάσῃ τῇ δυνάμει βοηθήσοντας τοῖς δικαίοις; οἱ δὲ νῦν πολεμικοὶ καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀνανδρίαν καλοῦντες, οὐ διεκώλυσαν ὑμᾶς ἐξελθεῖν εἰρήνης καὶ συμμαχίας γεγενημένης,1 δεδιέναι φάσκοντες μὴ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑμῶν ὁμήρους λάβῃ Φίλιππος;
[138] πότερον οὖν ἐγὼ τοὺς προγόνους ἐκώλυσα τὸν δῆμον μιμεῖσθαι, ἢ σὺ καὶ οἱ μετὰ σοῦ συνεστηκότες ἐπὶ τὰ κοινά; καὶ πότερον ἦν ἀσφαλεστέρα καὶ καλλίων Ἀθηναίοις ἡ ἔξοδος, ἡνίκα ἤκμαζον μὲν (1) τῇ μανίᾳ Φωκεῖς, ἐπολέμουν δὲ Φιλίππῳ, εἶχον δὲ Ἀλπωνὸν καὶ Νίκαιαν, οὔπω παραδόντος Φαλαίκου Μακεδόσι, τὰς σπονδὰς δὲ οἷς ἐμέλλομεν βοηθεῖν τὰς μυστηριώτιδας οὐκ ἐδέχοντο, Θηβαίους δ᾽ ὄπισθεν κατελείπομεν, (2) ἢ μεταπεμπομένου μὲν Φιλίππου, ὅρκων δ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ συμμαχίας γεγενημένης, Θετταλῶν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἀμφικτυόνων στρατευόντων;
1 μὲν Dobree : ἐν MSS.
2 κατελείπομεν Bekker : κατελίπομεν MSS.
[139] οὐ πολλῷ καλλίων οὗτος ἦν ὁ καιρὸς ἐκείνου, ἐν ᾧ διὰ τὴν σὴν ἀνανδρίαν καὶ ἅμα φθόνον ἐσκευαγώγησαν ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν Ἀθηναῖοι, πρεσβεύοντος ἐμοῦ τὴν τρίτην ἤδη πρεσβείαν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων, ἐφ᾽ ἣν τολμᾶς με λέγειν ὡς οὐ χειροτονηθεὶς ᾠχόμην, ἐχθρὸς δ᾽ ὢν οὐδέπω καὶ τήμερον ἠθέληκάς με εἰσαγγεῖλαι παραπρεσβεύσασθαι; οὐ γὰρ δὴ φθονεῖς γέ μοι τῶν εἰς τὸ σῶμα τιμημάτων.
[137] Did not some of' Philip's companions say explicitly to some of us that Philip was going to reestablish the cities in Boeotia? Had not the Thebans already, suspicious of the situation, called out all their reserves and taken the field? And did not Philip, when he saw this, send a letter to you calling upon you to come out with all your forces in defence of the cause of justice? As for those who are now for war, and who call peace cowardice, did they not prevent your going out, in spite of the fact that peace and alliance had been made with Philip? And did they not say that they were afraid he would take your soldiers as hostages?
[138] Was it I, therefore, who prevented the people from imitating our forefathers, or was it you, Demosthenes, and those who were in conspiracy with you against the common good? And was it a safer and more honourable course for the Athenians to take the field at a time when the Phocians were at the height of their madness and at war with Philip, with Alponus and Nicaea in their possession—for Phalaecus had not yet surrendered these posts to the Macedonians—and when those whom we were proposing to aid would not accept the truce for the Mysteries, and when we were leaving the Thebans in our rear: or after Philip had invited us, when we had already received his oaths and had an alliance with him, and when the Thessalians and the other Amphictyons were taking part in the expedition?
[139] Was not the latter opportunity far better than the former? But at this later time, thanks to the combination of cowardice and envy in you, Demosthenes, the Athenians brought in their property from the fields, when I was already absent on the third embassy, and appearing before the assembly of the Amphictyons—that embassy on which you dare to say that I set out without having been elected, although, enemy as you are to me, you have never to this day been willing to prosecute me as having wrongly served on it; and we may safely assume that this is not because you begrudge me bodily pains and penalties.
μὴ διασφαλῆναι τῆς πρὸς ὑμᾶς συμμαχίας
ταῦτα διανοηθείς, ἀποστέλλει δεῦρο πρέσβεις Γλαυκέτην καὶ Ἐμπέδωνα καὶ Διόδωρον τὸν δολιχοδρομήσαντα, φέροντας τῷ μὲν δήμῳ κενὰς ἐλπίδας, Δημοσθένει δ᾽ ἀργύριον καὶ τοῖς περὶ τοῦτον. τρία δ᾽ ἦν ἃ ἅμα ἐξεωνεῖτο, πρῶτον μὲν μὴ διασφαλῆναι τῆς πρὸς ὑμᾶς συμμαχίας: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἦν τὸ μέσον, εἰ μνησθεὶς τῶν προτέρων ἀδικημάτων ὁ δῆμος μὴ προσδέξαιτο τὴν συμμαχίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπῆρχεν αὐτῷ ἢ φεύγειν ἐκ Χαλκίδος, ἢ τεθνάναι ἐγκαταληφθέντι: τηλικαῦται δυνάμεις ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπεστράτευον, ἥ τε Φιλίππου καὶ Θηβαίων. δεύτερον δ᾽ ἧκον οἱ μισθοὶ τῷ γράψοντι (1) τὴν συμμαχίαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ συνεδρεύειν Ἀθήνησι Χαλκιδέας, τρίτον δὲ ὥστε μὴ τελεῖν συντάξεις.
1 γράψοντι Scheibe: γράψαντι MSS.
With this plan in view Callias sent ambassadors hither,(1) Glaucetes, Empedon, and Diodorus the long distance runner, who brought to the people empty hopes, but silver to Demosthenes and his following. And he was buying three things at once: first, to be assured of your alliance, for he had no alternative if the people, remembering his past crimes, should refuse the alliance, since one of two things was sure, that he would be banished from Chalcis, or be caught and put to death—such were the forces that were moving against him, the combined power of Philip and the Thebans; and the second service for which the pay came to the man who was to move the alliance, was to provide that the Chalcidians should not sit in the synod at Athens; (2) and the third was that they should pay no contributions to the league. Now in not one of these plans did Callias fail;
(1) This was in 342 b.c.
(2) Had the Euboeans come back into the naval alliance (see Aeschin. 3.69, note), they would have been on the same footing with the other states that were subordinate to Athens, and would have had to pay their share of the war-fund of the Athenian league. As it was, they came into a special alliance with Athens herself, and as her equals.
φραγμὸς τῇ εἰσόδῳ περιετέθη καὶ ἀτεχνῶς ὁ περίβολος κατησφάλιστο.
(1.) ΠΟΙΜΗΝ ΚΑΙ ΛΥΚΟΣ (t)
ὁ ἐπείσακτος κόσμος ἐπικίνδυνος τοῖς χρωμένοις ἐστίν. (1)
ἔδοξέ ποτε τῷ λύκῳ τὴν φύσιν τῷ σχήματι μεταλλάξασθαι
ὡς ἂν οὕτως ἀφθονίαν ἕξῃ τροφῆς· καὶ δορὰν οἰὸς περι-
βεβλημένος μετὰ τῆς ποίμνης ἐνέμετο τὸν ποιμένα φενα-
κίσας τῷ μηχανήματι. νυκτὸς δὲ γενομένης συναπεκλείσθη (5)
καὶ ὁ θὴρ παρὰ τοῦ ποιμένος τῇ μάνδρᾳ καὶ φραγμὸς τῇ
εἰσόδῳ περιετέθη καὶ ἀτεχνῶς ὁ περίβολος κατησφάλιστο.
ὡς δὲ ὁ ποιμὴν ἠράσθη τροφῆς, μαχαίρᾳ τὸν λύκον
ἀπέκτεινεν.
οὕτως ἄρα τὸν ἐπείσακτον κόσμον ὑποκριθεὶς τῆς ζωῆς (10)
πολλάκις ἐστέρηται καὶ τὴν σκηνὴν εὗρε παραιτίαν μεγάλου
συμπτώματος.
νίκης ἀσφάλεια μετριότης φρονήματος.
(12.) ΜΥΘΟΣ Ο ΤΩΝ ΑΛΕΚΤΡΥΟΝΩΝ ΜΕΤΡΙΑΖΕΙΝ (1t)
ΠΑΡΑΙΝΩΝ ΕΝ ΤΟΙΣ ΕΥΤΥΧΗΜΑΣΙ (2t)
ἀλεκτρυόνες συμπεσόντες ἀλλήλοις ὡς νόμος εἶχεν ἐμά- (3)
χοντο. καὶ ὁ μὲν νικηθεὶς κλίνῃ ὑποδὺς ἀπεκρύπτετο, ὁ δὲ
νενικηκὼς ἐπὶ στέγους ἀρθεὶς ἀνέκραγε μέγιστον τὴν νίκην (5)
κατάδηλον ἐξ ᾠδῆς ἐργαζόμενος. καὶ καταπτὰς ἀετὸς τοῦ-
τον ἁρπάζει λαβών.
νίκης ἀσφάλεια μετριότης φρονήματος.
ἄρχεσθαι μᾶλλον ἀσφαλῶς ἄμεινον ἢ κρατεῖν σφαλερῶς.
(20.) ΜΥΘΟΣ Ο ΤΗΣ ΑΛΩΠΕΚΟΣ ΠΑΡΑΙΝΩΝ ΜΗ ΒΛΕ- (1t)
ΠΕΙΝ ΤΑ ΜΕΙΖΟΝΑ (2t)
ἀλώπηξ λέοντι συνῆν ἐν ὑπηρέτου προσχήματι. καὶ ἡ (3)
μὲν ἄγρας ἐμήνυεν, ὁ δὲ ἐμπίπτων ἐλάμβανεν. ἑκατέρῳ
τοίνυν πρὸς τὴν ἀξίαν διῃρεῖτο μερίς. ζηλοτυπήσασα δὲ ἡ (5)
ἀλώπηξ τῶν πλειόνων τὸν λέοντα θηρᾶν ἀντὶ τοῦ μη-
νύειν ᾑρεῖτο. καὶ πειρωμένη ποίμνης τι λαβεῖν κατέστη
πρώτη τοῖς θηρῶσιν εἰς θήραμα.
ἄρχεσθαι μᾶλλον ἀσφαλῶς ἄμεινον ἢ κρατεῖν σφαλερῶς.
ὁ λόγος δηλοῖ, ὅτι πρὸς τὰ χαλεπὰ τῶν πραγμάτων τὸ εἴκειν τοῦ ἀντιτάσσεσθαι ἀσφαλέστερον.
239.
(t.) ΔΕΝΔΡΑ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΛΑΜΟΣ
(1.) τὰ δένδρα ποτὲ κατεασσόμενα ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνέμων ὡς ἑώρα
τοὺς καλάμους ἀβλαβεῖς διαμένοντας, ἐπυνθάνετο αὐτῶν,
πῶς αὐτὰ μὲν ἰσχυρὰ καὶ ἐμβριθῆ ὄντα οὕτως κατακλᾶται,
οἱ δὲ λεπτοὶ καὶ ἀσθενεῖς ὄντες οὐδὲν πάσχουσι. κἀκεῖνοι
ἔφασαν ὅτι „ἡμεῖς συνειδότες ἑαυτοῖς ἀσθένειαν εἴκομεν (5)
τῇ τῶν ἀνέμων προσβολῇ καὶ οὕτω τὰς ὁρμὰς ἐκκλίνο-
μεν· ὑμεῖς δὲ πεποιθότες τῇ ἰδίᾳ δυνάμει ἀντιτείνετε καὶ
διὰ τοῦτο κατεάσσεσθε.“
ὁ λόγος δηλοῖ, ὅτι πρὸς τὰ χαλεπὰ τῶν πραγμάτων τὸ
εἴκειν τοῦ ἀντιτάσσεσθαι ἀσφαλέστερον.
αὐτοῦ ἐδεήθη τόπον αὐτῷ πρὸς νεοττοποιίαν ἀσφαλῆ παρασχεῖν.
3.
(t.) ΑΕΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΝΘΑΡΟΣ
(1.) ἀετὸς λαγωὸν ἐδίωκεν. ὁ δὲ ἐν ἐρημίᾳ τῶν βοηθησόντων
ὑπάρχων, ὃν μόνον ὁ καιρὸς παρέσχεν, κάνθαρον ἰδὼν τοῦ-
τον ἱκέτευεν, ὁ δὲ παραθαρσύνας αὐτὸν ὡς ἐγγὺς ἐλθόντα
τὸν ἀετὸν ἐθεάσατο, παρεκάλει μὴ ἀπάγειν αὐτοῦ τὸν
ἱκέτην. κἀκεῖνος ὑπεριδὼν τῆς σμικρότητος ἐν ὄψει τοῦ (5)
κανθάρου τὸν λαγωὸν κατεθοινήσατο. ὁ δὲ ἀπ’ ἐκείνου
μνησικακῶν διετέλει παρατηρούμενος τοῦ ἀετοῦ τὰς καλιὰς
καί, εἴ ποτε ἐκεῖνος ἔτικτε, μετάρσιος αἰρόμενος ἐκύλιε τὰ
ὠὰ καὶ κατέασσε, μέχρις οὗ πανταχόθεν ἐλαυνόμενος ὁ
ἀετὸς ἐπὶ τὸν Δία κατέφυγεν καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐδεήθη τόπον (10)
αὐτῷ πρὸς νεοττοποιίαν ἀσφαλῆ παρασχεῖν. τοῦ δὲ Διὸς
ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ κόλποις τίκτειν ἐπιτρέψαντος αὐτῷ ὁ κάν-
θαρος τοῦτο ἑωρακὼς κόπρου σφαῖραν ποιήσας ἀνέπτη @1
καὶ γενόμενος κατὰ τοὺς τοῦ Διὸς κόλπους ἐνταῦθα
καθῆκεν. ὁ δὲ Ζεὺς ἀποσείσασθαι τὴν κόπρον βουλόμενος (15)
ὡς διανέστη, ἔλαθεν ἀπορρίψας τὰ ὠά. ἀπ’ ἐκείνου τέ
φασιν, περὶ ὃν καιρὸν οἱ κάνθαροι γίνονται, τοὺς ἀετοὺς
μὴ νεοττεύειν.
ὁ λόγος διδάσκει μηδενὸς καταφρονεῖν λογιζομένους,
ὅτι οὐδεὶς οὕτως ἐστὶν ἀδύνατος, ὡς προπηλακισθεὶς μὴ (20)
δύνασθαι ἑαυτὸν ἐκδικῆσαι.
ἐδεήθη αὐτοῦ τόπον αὐτῷ ἀσφαλῆ πρὸς νεοττοποιίαν παρασχεῖν.
3.
(t.) ΑΕΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΝΘΑΡΟΣ
(2.) ἀετὸς λαγωὸν ἐδίωκεν. ὁ δὲ ἐν ἐρημίᾳ τῶν βοηθούντων
ὑπάρχων, ὃν μόνον ὁ καιρὸς ὑπέσχεν, κάνθαρον ἰδὼν τοῦ-
τον ἱκέτευεν. ὁ δὲ παραθαρρύνας αὐτὸν ὡς ἐγγὺς ἐλθόντα
τὸν ἀετὸν ἐθεάσατο, παρεκάλει αὐτὸν ὁ κάνθαρος μὴ ἀπ-
άγειν αὐτοῦ τὸν ἱκέτην. κἀκεῖνος ὑπεριδὼν τῆς σμικρότη- (5)
τος ἐν ὄψει τοῦ κανθάρου τὸν λαγωὸν κατέφαγεν. ὁ δὲ
ἀπ’ ἐκείνου μνησικακῶν διετέλει παρατηρούμενος τοῦ ἀετοῦ
τὰς καλιάς. καὶ εἴ ποτε ἐκεῖνος ἔτικτε, μετάρσιος αἰρόμενος
ἐκύλιε τὰ ὠὰ καὶ κατέασσε, μέχρις οὗ πανταχόθεν ἐλαυνό-
μενος ὁ ἀετὸς ἐπὶ τὸν Δία κατέφυγεν—ἔστι δὲ τοῦ (10)
θεοῦ ἱερὸς ὁ ὄρνις—καὶ ἐδεήθη αὐτοῦ τόπον αὐτῷ ἀσ-
φαλῆ πρὸς νεοττοποιίαν παρασχεῖν. τοῦ δὲ Διὸς ἐν τοῖς
ἑαυτοῦ κόλποις ἐπιτρέψαντος αὐτῷ νεοττοποιεῖν ὁ κάνθα-
ρος τοῦτο ἑωρακὼς κόπρου σφαῖραν ποιήσας ἀνέπτη καὶ
γενόμενος κατὰ τοὺς κόλπους τοῦ Διὸς καθῆκε τὴν κόπρον. (15)
ὁ δὲ Ζεὺς ἀποσείσασθαι τὴν κόπρον βουλόμενος ὡς ἐξαν-
έστη, ἔλαθε τὰ ὠὰ ἀπορρίψας. ἀπ’ ἐκείνου τέ φασι, περὶ
ὃν καιρὸν οἱ κάνθαροι γίνονται, τοὺς ἀετοὺς μὴ νεοττεύειν. @1
ὁ μῦθος δηλοῖ μηδενὸς καταφρονεῖν λογιζομένους, ὅτι
οὐδείς ἐστιν, ὃς προπηλακισθεὶς ἑαυτόν ποτε οὐκ ἐκδι- (20)
κήσει.
εἰσελθὼν δρομαίως εἰς
τὸ πανδοχεῖον κατησφαλίσατο εἰς τὸ ἐνδότερον.
301.
(t.) ΚΛΕΠΤΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΝΔΟΧΕΥΣ
(1.) κλέπτης κατέλυσεν ἔν τινι πανδοχείῳ. διέμενεν δὲ ἐκεῖ
ἡμέρας τινὰς προσδοκῶν κλέψαι τι. ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἠδύνατο
τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, μιᾷ τῶν ἡμερῶν ἰδὼν τὸν πανδοχέα ἐν-
δυθέντα χιτῶνα ὡραῖον καὶ καινὸν—ἦν γὰρ ἑορτή—
καὶ καθεζόμενον πρὸ τῆς πύλης τοῦ πανδοχείου καὶ οὐ- (5)
δένα ἄλλον τυχόντα ἐκεῖ, ἐπελθὼν καὶ ὁ κλέπτης ἐκάθισεν
πλησίον τοῦ πανδοχέως καὶ ἤρξατο διηγεῖσθαι μετ’ αὐτοῦ.
καὶ διηγούμενοι ὥραν ἱκανὴν ἐχασμήσατο ὁ κλέπτης καὶ
ὁμοῦ μετὰ τὸ χασμᾶσθαι ὠρυᾶτο ὥσπερ λύκος. ὁ δὲ παν-
δοχεύς φησι πρὸς αὐτόν· „τί οὕτως ποιεῖς;“ καὶ ὁ κλέ- (10)
δοχεύς φησι πρὸς αὐτόν· „τί οὕτως ποιεῖς;“ καὶ ὁ κλέ- (10)
πτης ἀπεκρίθη· „νῦν ἀναγγελῶ σοι· ἀλλὰ δέομαί σου, ἵνα
φυλάξῃς τὰ ἱμάτιά μου· ἐνταῦθα γὰρ καταλείψω. ἐγώ, κύ-
ριέ μου, οὐκ οἶδα, πόθεν μοι ἐπέρχεται τὸ χασμᾶσθαι οὕτως,
ἢ διὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας μου ἢ διὰ ποίαν αἰτίαν, οὐ γινώσκω—,
ὅταν οὖν χασμηθῶ τρεῖς βολάς, γίνομαι λύκος ἐσθίων ἀν- (15)
θρώπους.“ καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐχασμήσατο ἐκ δευτέρου καὶ
πάλιν ὠρυᾶτο καθάπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον. ἀκούσας οὖν ταῦτα
ὁ πανδοχεὺς καὶ πιστεύσας τοῦ κλέπτου ἐφοβήθη καὶ
ἀναστὰς ἠβούλετο φυγεῖν. ὁ δὲ κλέπτης δραξάμενος αὐτὸν
τοῦ χιτῶνος παρεκάλει αὐτὸν λέγων· „ἀνάμεινον, κύριέ (20)
μου, καὶ λαβὲ τὰ ἱμάτιά μου, ἵνα μὴ ἀπολέσω αὐτά.“ καὶ
παρακαλῶν αὐτὸν ἀνοίξας τὸ στόμα ἤρξατο χασμᾶσθαι ἐκ
τρίτου. ὁ δὲ πανδοχεὺς φοβηθείς, μήπως φάγῃ αὐτόν, @1
κατέλιπεν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ χιτῶνα καὶ εἰσελθὼν δρομαίως εἰς
τὸ πανδοχεῖον κατησφαλίσατο εἰς τὸ ἐνδότερον. καὶ ὁ κλέ- (25)
πτης λαβὼν τὸν χιτῶνα ἀπῆλθεν.
οὕτω πανθάνουσιν οἱ τὰ μὴ ἀληθῆ πιστεύοντες
τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε γῆς οὔτε ἀέρος οὔτε ὕδατος στοιχεῖον ἀσφαλές ἐστιν.
32.
(t.) ΑΝΔΡΟΦΟΝΟΣ
(1.) ἄνθρωπόν τις ἀποκτείνας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκείνου συγγενῶν
ἐδιώκετο. γενόμενος δὲ κατὰ τὸν Νεῖλον ποταμὸν λύκου
αὐτῷ ἀπαντήσαντος φοβηθεὶς ἀνέβη ἐπί τι δένδρον τῷ
ποταμῷ παρακείμενον κἀκεῖ ἐκρύπτετο. θεασάμενος δὲ ἐν-
ταῦθα ἔχιν κατ’ αὐτοῦ αἰωρούμενον ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸν ποτα- @1 (5)
μὸν καθῆκεν. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ ὑποδεξάμενος αὐτὸν κροκόδειλος
κατεθοινήσατο.
ὁ λόγος δηλοῖ, ὅτι τοῖς ἐναγέσι τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε
γῆς οὔτε ἀέρος οὔτε ὕδατος στοιχεῖον ἀσφαλές ἐστιν.
ἀσφαλίζεσθαι δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν δόλῳ καὶ ὑποκρίσει φιλίας πειρωμένων ἑτέρους λυμαίνεσθαι.
(37.) ΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΛΩΠΗΞ (t)
λέων γηράσας καὶ ἀτονήσας καὶ ἑαυτὸν μὴ δυνάμενος (1)
διατρέφειν ἐπειρᾶτο μηχανικῶς διαζῆν. νοσεῖν οὖν προσ-
ποιούμενος κατέκλινεν ἑαυτὸν ἔν τινι σπηλαίῳ, εἶτα τῶν
ἄλλων θηρίων εἰς ἐπίσκεψιν αὐτοῦ παραγινομένων εὐθὺς
ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἁρπάζων κατήσθιε. γνοῦσα δὲ ἡ ἀλώπηξ (5)
τὴν αὐτοῦ πανουργίαν οὐκ ἤθελε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνελθεῖν,
ἀλλὰ μακρόθεν ἑστῶσα ἐπηρώτα τὸν λέοντα, ὅπως δῆθεν @1
τὰ κατ’ αὐτὸν ἔχει. ὁ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔλεγε· „τίνος χάριν
οὐκ εἰσέρχῃ πρός με;“ ἡ δὲ ἀλώπηξ ἀντέφησεν ὡς „πολ-
λῶν ἴχνη ἐνταῦθα ἑώρακα εἰσελθόντων μέν, μὴ ἐξελθόν- (10)
των δέ.“
ὁ μῦθος δηλοῖ, ὡς καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὑφορᾶσθαι δεῖ
τὰ τῶν πρακτέων ἐπικίνδυνα καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποδιδράσκειν,
ἀσφαλίζεσθαι δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν δόλῳ καὶ ὑποκρίσει φιλίας
πειρωμένων ἑτέρους λυμαίνεσθαι.
ἵνα καὶ ἀμείνονος καὶ
ἀσφαλεστέρας διαίτης μεταλάβῃ
70.
(t.) ΒΑΤΡΑΧΟΙ
(1.) δύο βάτραχοι ἀλλήλοις ἐγειτνίων. ἐνέμοντο δὲ ὁ μὲν
βαθεῖαν καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ πόρρω λίμνην, ὁ δὲ ἐν ὁδῷ μικρὸν
ὕδωρ ἔχων. καὶ δὴ τοῦ ἐν τῇ λίμνῃ παραινοῦντος τὸν
ἕτερον μεταβῆναι πρὸς αὐτόν, ἵνα καὶ ἀμείνονος καὶ
ἀσφαλεστέρας διαίτης μεταλάβῃ, ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἐπείθετο (5)
λέγων δυσαποσπάστως ἔχειν τῆς τοῦ τόπου συνηθείας·
ἕως οὗ συνέβη ἅμαξαν τῇδε παριοῦσαν ὀλέσαι αὐτόν. @1
οὕτω καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἱ τοῖς φαύλοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν
ἐνδιατρίβοντες φθάνουσιν ἀπολλύμενοι πρὶν ἢ ἐπὶ τὰ
καλλίονα τραπέσθαι.
ὡς ἂν ἀσφαλεστέρας διαίτης μεταλάβῃ,
70.
(t.) ΒΑΤΡΑΧΟΙ
(3.) δύο βάτραχοι ἀλλήλοις ἐγειτνίων. ἐνέμοντο δὲ ὁ μὲν
εἷς ἐν βαθείᾳ καὶ πόρρω τῆς ὁδοῦ λίμνῃ, ὁ δὲ ἐν ὁδῷ
μικρὸν ὕδωρ ἔχων. καὶ δὴ τοῦ ἐν τῇ λίμνῃ θατέρῳ παραι-
νοῦντος πρὸς αὐτὸν μεταβῆναι, ὡς ἂν ἀσφαλεστέρας διαί-
της μεταλάβῃ, ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἐπείθετο λέγων δυσαποσπάστως (5)
ἔχειν τῆς τοῦ τόπου συνηθείας· ἕως οὗ συνέβη ἅμαξαν
παρελθοῦσαν αὐτὸν συνθλάσαι.
ὁ μῦθος δηλοῖ, ὅτι καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἱ τοῖς φαύλοις
ἐπιχειροῦντες φθάνουσιν ἀπολλύμενοι πρὶν ἢ ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον
τραπέσθαι. (10)
ἀντὶ πάντων χρημάτων εἶναι ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ φράσαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς
[21] καὶ ὡς μὲν ταῦτα διεπράχθη, οὐδὲν προὔργου ἀκοῦσαι ὑμῖν: τάδε <δὲ> (1) νυνὶ βούλομαι ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι αἱ μέλλουσαι νῆες ἤδη σιταγωγοὶ καταπλεῖν εἰς τὸν Πειραιᾶ εἰσιν ὑμῖν τέτταρες καὶ δέκα, αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ τῶν ἐκ Κύπρου ἀναχθεισῶν ἥξουσιν ἁθρόαι οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον. ἐδεξάμην δ᾽ <ἂν> (2) ἀντὶ πάντων χρημάτων εἶναι ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ φράσαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἃ καὶ τῇ βουλῇ ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ εἰσήγγειλα, ὅπως αὐτόθεν προῄδετε.(3)
1 τάδε δὲ Gebauer: τὰ δὲ codd.
2 ἂν add. Dobree.
3 προῄδετε Blass: προειδῆτε codd.
[21] It is of no importance that you should know how this was done; what I do wish you to know is that the ships on the point of putting in to the Peiraeus at this moment with a cargo of grain number no less than fourteen; while the remainder of the convoy which sailed from Cyprus will arrive in a body shortly after them.
I would have given all the money in the world to be able to reveal to you with safety the secret proposal which I have placed before the Council, so that you might know at once what to expect.
[22] Instead, you will only learn what it is when you begin to benefit by it, and that will not be until it is put into effect. However, if you would consent even as it is, gentlemen, to bestow on me what is only a small token of gratitude, and one which is both easily granted and just, nothing would give me more delight. That I am entitled to it you will see at once. I am asking of you only what you yourselves gave me in fulfilment of a solemn promise, but were afterwards persuaded to withdraw. If you are prepared to restore it, I ask it as a favour; if you are not, I claim it as my due.
πάλιν εἰς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἁπάντων ἐγὼ ἀθλιώτατος
[9] καὶ ὅμως τό γε δυστυχέστατος εἶναι ἀνθρώπων οὐδαμῇ ἐκφεύγω, ὅτε δὴ προαγομένης μὲν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ ταύτας τὰς συμφορὰς οὐδεὶς ἐμοῦ ἤρχετο γίγνεσθαι δυσδαιμονέστερος, μεθισταμένης δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἁπάντων ἐγὼ ἀθλιώτατος. ὄντων γὰρ κακῶν τοσούτων τῇ πόλει ἀδύνατον ἦν ταῦτα ἰαθῆναι ἄλλως ἢ τῷ ἐμῷ αἰσχρῷ, ὥστ᾽ ἐν αὐτῷ (1) ᾧ ἐγὼ κακῶς ἔπραττον, ἐν τούτῳ ὑμᾶς σῴζεσθαι. χάριν οὖν εἰκός με, οὐ μῖσος τῷ δυστυχήματι τούτῳ φέρεσθαι παρ᾽ ὑμῶν.
1 αὐτῷ ante tou/tw| ponit Sluiter.
[9] Notwithstanding, I have never succeeded in being anything save the unluckiest man alive; for when Athens was heading for this disaster, no one came near suffering the sorrows which I suffered: and when she was once more regaining her security, I was of all men the most to be pitied. The desperate distress of Athens could be remedied only at the cost of my good name: so that your deliverance meant my own ruin. It is your gratitude, therefore, not your scorn that I deserve for my sufferings.
τήν τε ἀσφάλειαν ἡμῶν τῆς ἐπαναφορᾶς δέος ὀνομάζουσι (33, Z. 7) // βουλεύσασθαι μὲν οὖν ἀσφαλῶς χρὴ κατὰ δύναμιν (34, Z. 11)
[33] εἰσὶ δέ τινες ὑμῶν (1) οἳ τοσαύτην ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἔχουσιν εἰρήνην ὡς τάχιστα γενέσθαι: φασὶ γὰρ καὶ τὰς τετταράκονθ᾽ ἡμέρας ἐν αἷς ὑμῖν (2) ἔξεστι βουλεύεσθαι περίεργον εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτο ἀδικεῖν ἡμᾶς: αὐτοκράτορας γὰρ πεμφθῆναι εἰς Λακεδαίμονα διὰ ταῦθ᾽, (3) ἵνα μὴ πάλιν ἐπαναφέρωμεν. τήν τε ἀσφάλειαν ἡμῶν τῆς ἐπαναφορᾶς δέος ὀνομάζουσι, λέγοντες ὡς οὐδεὶς πώποτε τὸν δῆμον τὸν (4) Ἀθηναίων ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ πείσας ἔσῳσεν, ἀλλὰ δεῖ λαθόντας ἢ ἐξαπατήσαντας αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῆσαι.
1 ὑμῶν A: ἡμῶν Q./ 2 ὑμῖν Bekker: ἡμῖν codd./ 3 ταῦθ᾽ Reiske: ταύτην codd./ 4 τὸν Spengel: τῶν codd.
[34] τὸν λόγον οὖν τοῦτον οὐκ ἐπαινῶ. φημὶ γάρ, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, πολέμου μὲν ὄντος ἄνδρα στρατηγὸν τῇ πόλει τε εὔνουν εἰδότα τε ὅ τι πράττῃ,(1) λανθάνοντα δεῖν τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἐξαπατῶντα ἄγειν ἐπὶ (2) τοὺς κινδύνους, εἰρήνης δὲ πέρι πρεσβεύοντας (3) κοινῆς τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὅρκοι τε ὀμοσθήσονται στῆλαί τε σταθήσονται γεγραμμέναι, ταῦτα δὲ οὔτε λαθεῖν οὔτε ἐξαπατῆσαι δεῖν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐπαινεῖν ἢ ψέγειν, εἰ πεμφθέντες αὐτοκράτορες ἔτι (4) ἀποδώσομεν ὑμῖν (5) περὶ αὐτῶν (6) σκέψασθαι. βουλεύσασθαι μὲν οὖν ἀσφαλῶς (7) χρὴ κατὰ δύναμιν, οἷς δ᾽ ἂν ὀμόσωμεν καὶ συνθώμεθα, τούτοις ἐμμένειν.
1 πράττῃ Yde/n: πράττοι codd./ 2 ἐπὶ A: παρὰ Q./ 3 πρεσβεύοντας A: πρεσβεύοντα Q./ 4 ἔτι Reiske: τιcodd./ 5 ὑμῖν apogr. :h(mi=n AQ./ 6 περὶ αὐτῶν A: περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν Q./ 7 ἀσφαλῶς om. Q.
[33] A number of you are extremely anxious to see peace concluded as quickly as possible. In fact, according to those in question, the forty days allowed you for consideration are a waste of time and a concession which we delegates have done wrong to obtain, as the one object of our being sent to Sparta with full powers was to avoid any further reference of the matter to the Assembly. Our desire to secure our position by such a reference they call nervousness, since no one, they argue, has ever yet saved the Athenian people by open persuasion: measures for its good must be secret or disguised.
[34] Now I cannot praise this reasoning. I admit, gentlemen, that in time of war a patriotic and experienced general should employ secrecy or deception in leading the majority of men into danger; but when a peace to include the entire nation is being negotiated, an agreement to which sworn assent will be given and which will be recorded on public monuments, I deny that the negotiators should practise secrecy or deception. I maintain that we deserve praise much more than blame, if, in spite of our full powers of discretion, we still refer the question to you for consideration. Decisions should be reached with all the caution possible; then, once we have made our sworn compact, we should abide by it.
οὐδὲ τοὺς κακούργους ἀσφαλὲς εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ὂν ἀπάγειν
[18] ἀγανακτῶ δ᾽ ἐνθυμούμενος ὑμῖν μὲν (1) οὐδὲ τοὺς κακούργους ἀσφαλὲς εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ὂν ἀπάγειν, διὰ τὸ χιλίας δραχμὰς τετάχθαι ἀποτεῖσαι ὃς ἂν τὸ πέμπτον μέρος μὴ μεταλάβῃ τῶν ψήφων: ὁ δὲ τοσοῦτον χρόνον εἵρξας καὶ ἐπαναγκάζων γράφειν οὐδὲν κακὸν πέπονθεν, ἀλλὰ διὰ ταῦτα σεμνότερος δοκεῖ καὶ φοβερώτερος εἶναι. καὶ πρὸς μὲν τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις ἐν τοῖς συμβόλοις συντιθέμεθα μὴ ἐξεῖναι μήθ᾽ εἷρξαι μήτε δῆσαι τὸν ἐλεύθερον: ἐὰν δέ τις παραβῇ, μεγάλην ζημίαν ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἔθεμεν: τούτου δὲ τοιαῦτα πράξαντος οὐδεμίαν οὐδεὶς οὔτ᾽ ἰδίαν οὔτε δημοσίαν τιμωρίαν ποιεῖται.
1 ὑμῖν μὲν οὐδὲ A corr.: ὑμῖν οὐδὲ A pr. Q.
[18] It makes me angry to think that while you yourselves cannot place even malefactors under arrest without risk, because it is enacted that anyone who fails to gain one-fifth of the votes shall be liable to a fine of a thousand drachmae, Alcibiades, who imprisoned a man for so long and forced him to paint, went unpunished—nay, increased thereby the awe and the fear in which he is held. In our treaties with other states we make it a condition that no free man shall be imprisoned or placed in durance, and a heavy fine is prescribed as the penalty for so doing. Yet when Alcibiades behaved as he did, no one sought satisfaction, whether for himself or for the state.
διὰ γὰρ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ κινδύνου ἐκ πολλοῦ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ὧν ἐπιβουλεύουσι σκοποῦντες
[2] εἰσι: διὰ γὰρ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ κινδύνου ἐκ πολλοῦ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ὧν ἐπιβουλεύουσι σκοποῦντες, οὐ πρότερον ἐπιχειροῦσιν ἢ πάσης ὑποψίας φυλακὴν ποιήσωνται. γιγνώσκοντας οὖν ὑμᾶς χρὴ ταῦτα, κἂν ὁτιοῦν εἰκὸς παραλάβητε, σφόδρα πιστεύειν αὐτῷ. ἡμεῖς δ᾽ οἱ ἐπεξερχόμενοι τὸν φόνον οὐ τὸν αἴτιον ἀφέντες τὸν ἀναίτιον διώκομεν:
[2] The enormous risk makes them devote a great deal of thought to the problem of executing the crime in safety, and they take no steps until they have completely secured themselves against suspicion. With these facts in mind, you must place implicit confidence in any and every indication from probability (1) presented to you.
1 εἰκός, εἰκότως, and τὰ εἰκότα cannot properly be rendered by any single English equivalent. I have made use of “natural,” “logical,” “probable,” “to be expected,” etc., according to the requirements of the context.
[3] We, on the other hand, who are seeking satisfaction for the murder, are not letting the guilty escape and bringing the innocent into court; we know very well that as the whole city is defiled by the criminal until he is brought to justice, the sin becomes ours and the punishment for your error falls upon us, if our prosecution is misdirected. Thus, as the entire defilement falls upon us, we shall try to show you as conclusively as our knowledge allows that the defendant killed the dead man.
τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐνόμισεν ἀσφαλέστερον εἶναι
[8] εἴ τε καὶ ἁλοίη, τιμωρησαμένῳ κάλλιον ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ταῦτα πάσχειν, ἢ ἀνάνδρως μηδὲν ἀντιδράσαντα ὑπὸ τῆς γραφῆς διαφθαρῆναι. σαφῶς δ᾽ ᾔδει ἁλωσόμενος αὐτήν: οὐ γὰρ ἂν τόνδε τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐνόμισεν ἀσφαλέστερον εἶναι.
[8] nobody, he thought, would proceed with the suit, and judgement would go by default; while in the event of his losing his case after all, he considered it better to have revenged himself for his defeat than, like a coward, to be ruined by the indictment without retaliating. And he knew very well that he would lose it, or he would not have thought the present trial the safer alternative.
ἦν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τηροῦντα φυλάξασθαι
[8] εἰ δέ τις τὰ εἰκότα ἀληθέσιν ἴσα ἡγεῖται καταμαρτυρῆσαί μου, ταὐτὸν (1) ἀντιλογισάσθω ὅτι με εἰκότερον ἦν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τηροῦντα φυλάξασθαι καὶ μὴ παραγενέσθαι τῷ ἔργῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦτον σφαττόμενον ὀρθῶς γνῶμαι.
1 τοὖργον Blass: τοῦτ᾽ αὖ Gernet:alii alia. Codicum tamen
[8] Further, whoever allows probability the force of fact when it testifies to my guilt must on the same principle bear the following in mind as evidence of my innocence; it was more likely that, with an eye to carrying out my plot in safety, I should take the precaution of not being present at the scene of the crime than that the slave should recognize me distinctly just as his throat was being cut.
τὸν κίνδυνον οὐκ ἀσφαλέστερον τοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς γραφῆς ἡγούμην εἶναι
[9] ὡς δὲ τόνδε (1) τὸν κίνδυνον οὐκ ἀσφαλέστερον τοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς γραφῆς ἡγούμην εἶναι, ἀλλὰ πολλαπλάσιον, εἰ μὴ παρεφρόνουν, διδάξω. ἁλοὺς μὲν γὰρ τὴν γραφὴν τῆς μὲν οὐσίας ᾔδη ἐκστησόμενος, τοῦ δὲ σώματος καὶ τῆς πόλεως (2) οὐκ ἀπεστερούμην, περιγενόμενος δὲ καὶ λειφθείς, κἂν ἔρανον παρὰ τῶν φίλων συλλέξας, οὐκ ἂν εἰς τὰ ἔσχατα κακὰ ἦλθον: ἐὰν δὲ νῦν καταληφθεὶς ἀποθάνω, ἀνόσια ὀνείδη τοῖς παισὶν ὑπολείψω, ἢ φυγὼν γέρων καὶ ἄπολις ὢν ἐπὶ ξενίας πτωχεύσω.
1 τόνδε Dobree: οὐδὲ codd.
2 τοῦ δὲ σώματος καὶ τῆς πόλεως Ν: τῆς δὲ π. καὶ τοῦ ς. Α.
[9] I will now show that, unless I was mad, I must have thought the danger in which I now stand far greater, instead of less, than the danger to be expected from the indictment. If I was convicted on the indictment, I knew that I should be stripped of my property; but I did not lose my life or civic rights. I should still have been alive, still left to enjoy those rights and even though I should have had to obtain a loan of money from my friends, (1) my fate would not have been the worst possible. On the other hand, if I am found guilty today and put to death, my children will inherit from me an insufferable disgrace; if instead I go into exile, I shall become a beggar in a strange land, an old man without a country.
1 ἔρανον συλλέγειν. Cf. infra 12, ἐρανίζειν. The reference in both cases is to a sum of money advanced without interest by friends who each contributed a portion. ἔρανος later came to have the more specialized sense of a club formed for the purpose of lending money without interest to any of its members. Each member paid a subscription （also called ἔρανος）; and such clubs often acquired landed property. They grew political in character as time went on.
μάλιστα πιστεύοντες ἀσφαλῶς διαπράσσεσθε
[81] ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἐκ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων τεκμηρίων καὶ μαρτυριῶν οἷά τε ἦν ἀποδειχθῆναι, ἀκηκόατε: χρὴ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν θεῶν σημείοις γενομένοις εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτα οὐχ ἥκιστα τεκμηραμένους ψηφίζεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ τὰ τῆς πόλεως κοινὰ τούτοις μάλιστα πιστεύοντες ἀσφαλῶς διαπράσσεσθε, τοῦτο μὲν τὰ εἰς τοὺς κινδύνους ἥκοντα, τοῦτο δὲ [εἰς] (1) τὰ ἔξω τῶν κινδύνων. χρὴ δὲ καὶ εἰς τὰ ἴδια ταῦτα μέγιστα καὶ πιστότατα ἡγεῖσθαι.
1 εἰς del. Bekker.
[81] Proof as complete as the presumptions and the evidence supplied by things human could make it has now been presented to you. But in cases of this nature the indications furnished by heaven must also have no small influence on your verdict. (1) It is upon them that you chiefly depend for safe guidance in affairs of state, whether in times of crisis or tranquillity; so they should be allowed equal prominence and weight in the settlement of private questions.
1 The fact that an argument of this kind could be advanced in a court of law, shows, like the popular agitation over the mutilation of the Hermae, that the average Athenian of the time was far from being a rationalist.
[82] I hardly think I need remind you that many a man with unclean hands or some other form of defilement who has embarked on shipboard with the righteous has involved them in his own destruction. Others, while they have escaped death, have had their lives imperilled owing to such polluted wretches. Many, too, have been proved to be defiled as they stood beside a sacrifice, because they prevented the proper performance of the rites.
ἀσφαλ<4έω>4ς βεβηκὼς ποσσί, καρδίης πλέως.
(114.) οὐ φιλ<4έω>4 μέγαν στρατηγὸν οὐδὲ διαπεπλιγμένον
οὐδὲ βοστρύχοισι γαῦρον οὐδ’ ὑπεξυρημένον,
ἀλλά μοι σμικρός τις εἴη καὶ περὶ κνήμας ἰδεῖν
ῥοικός, ἀσφαλ<4έω>4ς βεβηκὼς ποσσί, καρδίης πλέως.
Ich mag nicht den großen Feldherrn, wenn er gestelzt daher kommt,
und mit seiner Lockenpracht angibt und glatt rasiert ist.
Für mich mag er kleingewachsen sein und krumme Beine haben,
wenn er sicher auf den Füßen steht und ein Herz voller Mut hat.
(Übers. Rainer Nickel; Tusculum 2003)
προσβαλὼν ἐναντίον στέρνον †ἐνδοκοισιν ἐχθρῶν πλησίον κατασταθεὶς ἀσφαλ<4έω>4ς·
(128.) θυμέ, θύμ’, ἀμηχάνοισι κήδεσιν κυκώμενε,
†ἀναδευ δυσμενῶν† δ’ ἀλέξ<4εο>4 προσβαλὼν ἐναντίον
στέρνον †ἐνδοκοισιν ἐχθρῶν πλησίον κατασταθεὶς
ἀσφαλ<4έω>4ς· καὶ μήτε νικ<4έω>4ν ἀμφάδην ἀγάλλεο,
μηδὲ νικηθεὶς ἐν οἴκωι καταπεσὼν ὀδύρεο, (5)
ἀλλὰ χαρτοῖσίν τε χαῖρε καὶ κακοῖσιν ἀσχάλα
μὴ λίην, γίνωσκε δ’ οἷος ῥυσμὸς ἀνθρώπους ἔχει.
Herz, mein Herz, von ausweglosem Kummer überschüttet,
tauch auf und wehr dich gegen alle, die dir übelwollen, wirf ihnen
deine Brust entgegen. Um deine Feinde abzuwehren, musst du ihre Nähe suchen,
ohne zu zögern: und wenn du siegst, darfst du deinen Stolz nicht offen zeigen,
wenn du besiegt bist, jammere nicht, zu Hause auf den Boden stürzend.
Doch über Erfreuliches freue dich und über Schlimmes sei betrübt,
aber nicht zu sehr. Erkenne einfach das Auf und Ab, das die Menschen erfasst.
(Übers. Rainer Nickel; Tusculum 2003)
ταῦτα γὰρ πράττων οὐχ ἅπαξ ἀλλὰ δι΄ ὅλου συντηρῶν ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ ἀκίνδυνα τὰ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἕζεις μέλαθρα
Ἄμφω δὲ ταῦτα ποιεῖ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν τοῦ μὴ ἐνεδρεύεσθαι
ἄλλα μὲν πολλὰ καὶ τερατώδη λέγουσι, τοῦτο δ΄ὅτι οὐκ ἀσφαλές ἐστι προσελθεῖν πρὸς ἐκαῖνον τὸν τόπον τῆς νυκτός, συμφωνοῦσιν
es geht um ein Grab auf Lipara, einer der aiolischen Inseln - nachts ist es "nicht sicher" sie zu betreten, weil man schrecklichen Laerm aus ihr hoert; ein Mann wurde mal da als tot aufgefunden, erstand aber nach seiner Trauerfeier wieder auf (Zombies? nein: er war ganz normal, Wiederauferstehung!)
πρὸς αὐτὴν ἁγνὸν εἲναι, καὶ τούτου γιγνομένου πλεῖον ἀναβλύζειν αὐτὴν τὸ ἔλαιον, ὥστε ἀσφαλῶς ἀρύεσθαι. φασὶ καὶ ταύτης τῆς κρήνης πλησίον εἲναί τινα πέτραν…
über eine Ölquelle im Herrschaftsgebiet der Karthager, aus der nach Zeder duftendes Öl quillt - aber nur Jungfrauen koennen sicher aus ihr schoepfen (als Zeichen der Jungfraeulichkeit stoße die Quelle dann mehr öl aus; was passiert, wenn sich ihr unreine naehern schildert Arist. nicht)
Οὔλυμπόνδ΄ ὅθι φασὶ θεῶν ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ | ἔμμεναι. οὔτ΄ ἀνέμοισι τινάσσεται οὔτε ποτ΄ ὄμβρῳ ...
(Dichterzitat) "Οὔλυμπόνδ΄ ὅθι φασὶ θεῶν ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ | ἔμμεναι. οὔτ΄ ἀνέμοισι τινάσσεται οὔτε ποτ΄ ὄμβρῳ | δεύεται, οὔτε χιὼν ἐπιπίλναται, ἀλλὰ μάλ΄ αἴθρη | πέπταται ἀνέφελος, λευκὴ δ΄ ἐπιδέδρομεν αἴγλη."
Ἡσίοδος "πρῶτον μὲν πάντων" φησὶ "χάος ἐγένετ΄, αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα γαῖ΄ εὐρύστερνος, πάντων ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεέ ...
ἦ τοι μὲν πρώτιστα Χάος γένετ᾽, αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα
Γαῖ᾽ εὐρύστερνος, πάντων ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ
[ἀθανάτων, οἳ ἔχουσι κάρη νιφόεντος Ὀλύμπου,
Τάρταρά τ᾽ ἠερόεντα μυχῷ χθονὸς εὐρυοδείης,]
120
ἠδ᾽ Ἔρος, ὃς κάλλιστος ἐν ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσι,
λυσιμελής, πάντων δὲ θεῶν πάντων τ᾽ ἀνθρώπων
δάμναται ἐν στήθεσσι νόον καὶ ἐπίφρονα βουλήν.
= Hesiod Theog. 104
[…] - bei Arist. aAusgelassen!!
In truth at first Chaos came to be, but next wide-bosomed Earth, the ever-sure foundation of all (1) [the deathless ones who hold the peaks of snowy Olympus, and dim Tartarus in the depth of the wide-pathed Earth,] [120] and Eros, fairest among the deathless gods, who unnerves the limbs and overcomes the mind and wise counsels of all gods and all men within them.
= Hesiod Theog. 104 (Aristoteles-Kopie aus Loeb im Hefter!!!)
1 Earth, in the cosmology of Hesiod, is a disk surrounded by the river Oceanus and floating upon a waste of waters. It is called the foundation of all （the qualification “the deathless ones...” etc. is an interpolation）, because not only trees, men, and animals, but even the hills and seas （ll. 129, 131） are supported by it.
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι τηνικαῦτα ἄν τις ἀσφαλῶς μακαρίσειεν ἄνθρωπον
[10] πότερον οὖν οὐδ᾽ ἄλλον οὐδένα ἀνθρώπων εὐδαιμονιστέον ἕως ἂν ζῇ, κατὰ Σόλωνα δὲ χρεὼν τέλος ὁρᾶν; εἰ δὲ δὴ καὶ θετέον οὕτως, ἆρά γε καὶ ἔστιν εὐδαίμων τότε ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνῃ; ἢ τοῦτό γε παντελῶς ἄτοπον, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῖς λέγουσιν ἡμῖν ἐνέργειάν τινα τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν; εἰ δὲ μὴ λέγομεν [15] τὸν τεθνεῶτα εὐδαίμονα, μηδὲ Σόλων τοῦτο βούλεται, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι τηνικαῦτα ἄν τις ἀσφαλῶς μακαρίσειεν ἄνθρωπον ὡς ἐκτὸς ἤδη τῶν κακῶν ὄντα καὶ τῶν δυστυχημάτων, ἔχει μὲν καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἀμφισβήτησίν τινα: δοκεῖ γὰρ εἶναί τι τῷ τεθνεῶτι καὶ κακὸν καὶ ἀγαθόν, εἴπερ καὶ τῷ ζῶντι μὴ [20] αἰσθανομένῳ δέ, οἷον τιμαὶ καὶ ἀτιμίαι καὶ τέκνων καὶ ὅλως ἀπογόνων εὐπραξίαι τε καὶ δυστυχίαι. ἀπορίαν δὲ καὶ ταῦτα παρέχει: τῷ γὰρ μακαρίως βεβιωκότι μέχρι γήρως καὶ τελευτήσαντι κατὰ λόγον ἐνδέχεται πολλὰς μεταβολὰς συμβαίνειν περὶ τοὺς ἐκγόνους, καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν
Are we then to count no other human being happy either, as long as he is alive? Must we obey Solon's warning, and ‘look to the end’? [2] And if we are indeed to lay down this rule, can a man really be happy after he is dead? Surely that is an extremely strange notion, especially for us who define happiness as a form of activity! [3] While if on the other hand we refuse to speak of a dead man as happy, and Solon's words do not mean this, but that only when a man is dead can one safely call him blessed as being now beyond the reach of evil and misfortune, this also admits of some dispute; for it is believed that some evil and also some good can befall the dead, just as much as they can happen to the living without
their being aware of it— for instance honors, and disgraces, and the prosperity and misfortunes of their children and their descendants in general. [4] But here too there is a difficulty. For suppose a man to have lived in perfect happiness until old age, and to have come to a correspondingly happy end: he may still have
τώδους ἀνάγκη ῥέπειν τὰ σώματα πρὸς τὴν γῆν, ὥστε πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἀντὶ βραχιόνων καὶ χειρῶν τοὺς προσθίνους πόδας ὑπέθηκεν ἡ φύσις τοῖς τετράποσιν.
Z. 15: ποιοῦν δ΄ ἀσφαλεστέραν τὴν βάσιν / Z. 18: τὸ δ΄ ἀσφαλές καὶ τὴν τάσιν ἐν τοῖς ὄπισθεν
Θᾶττον γὰρ ἀνοίγεται καὶ κλείεται τὰ μίαν ἔχοντα γωνίαν ἢ πλείους, ὁ δ΄ ἀστράγαλος γόμφος ὢν ὥσπερ ἀλλότριον κῶλον ἐμβέβληται τοῖς δυσί, βάρος μὲν παρέχον, ποιοῦν δ΄ ἀσφαλεστέραν τὴν βάσιν. Διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἐμπροσθίοις οὐκ ἔχουσιν ἀστράγαλον τὰ ἔχοντα ἀστράγαλον, ἀλλ΄ ἐν τοῖς ὄπισθεν, ὅτι δεῖ ἐλαφρὰ εἶναι τὰ ἡγούμενα καὶ εὔκαμπτα, τὸ δ΄ ἀσφαλές καὶ τὴν τάσιν ἐν τοῖς ὄπισθεν.
über die Belastbarkeit von Hufen: Hinterhufe muessen ασφαλες sein, deshalb mit Astragalus (Sprungbein) - während Vorderhufe leicht sein muessen, weil sie zuerst gehen
τῶν δὲ τὸ βεβηκέναι ἀσφαλῶς, ὥστε τοῦτο δεῖ τὸ μόριον εἶναι νομίζειν τὸ ἄσχιστον
...ἔχειν (τῷ γὰρ καμπτομένῳ μέρει περιλαμβάνει ἡ χείρ), τῶν δὲ τὸ βεβηκέναι ἀσφαλῶς, ὥστε τοῦτο δεῖ τὸ μόριον εἶναι νομίζειν τὸ ἄσχιστον τοῦ ποδὸς τῶν δακτύλων.
- Mensch braucht grossen Mittelfuss, damit er sicher feststehend SEIN kann
Τούτων δὲ τοὺς μὲν τρεῖς ἔχει πρόσθεν, ἕνα δ΄ ὄπισθεν πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἀντὶ πτέρνης.
ἄρχον δὲ καὶ ἀρχόμενον φύσει, διὰ τὴν σωτηρίαν
εἰ δή τις ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὰ πράγματα φυόμενα βλέψειεν, [25] ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις, καὶ ἐν τούτοις κάλλιστ᾽ ἂν οὕτω θεωρήσειεν. ἀνάγκη δὴ πρῶτον συνδυάζεσθαι τοὺς ἄνευ ἀλλήλων μὴ δυναμένους εἶναι, οἷον θῆλυ μὲν καὶ ἄρρεν τῆς γενέσεως ἕνεκεν （καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐκ προαιρέσεως, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις ζῴοις καὶ φυτοῖς φυσικὸν τὸ ἐφίεσθαι, [30] οἷον αὐτό, τοιοῦτον καταλιπεῖν ἕτερον）, ἄρχον δὲ καὶ ἀρχόμενον φύσει, διὰ τὴν σωτηρίαν. τὸ μὲν γὰρ δυνάμενον τῇ διανοίᾳ προορᾶν ἄρχον φύσει καὶ δεσπόζον φύσει, τὸ δὲ δυνάμενον τῷ σώματι ταῦτα πονεῖν ἀρχόμενον καὶ φύσει δοῦλον: διὸ δεσπότῃ καὶ δούλῳ ταὐτὸ συμφέρει.
In this subject as in others the best method of investigation is to study things in the process of development from the beginning. The first coupling together of persons then to which necessity gives rise is that between those who are unable to exist without one another: for instance the union of female and male for the continuance of the species （and this not of deliberate purpose, but with man as with the other animals and with plants there is a natural instinct to desire to leave behind one another being of the same sort as oneself）; and the union of natural ruler and natural subject for the sake of security （for he that can foresee with his mind is naturally ruler and naturally master, and he that can do these things (3) with his body is subject and naturally a slave; so that master and slave have the same interest）.
3 A probable emendation gives ‘that can carry out labor.
διαφέρει δὲ τούτων ἕτερα ἑτέρων τῷ τὰ μὲν ἀσφαλέστερα εἶναι, τὰ δὲ πλείω πορίζειν τὴν ἐπικαρπίαν
ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ πρὸς τὴν γνῶσιν διωρίκαμεν ἱκανῶς, τὰ [10] πρὸς τὴν χρῆσιν δεῖ διελθεῖν. πάντα δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα τὴν μὲν θεωρίαν ἐλευθέραν ἔχει, τὴν δ᾽ ἐμπειρίαν ἀναγκαίαν. ἔστι δὲ χρηματιστικῆς μέρη χρήσιμα: τὸ περὶ τὰ κτήματα ἔμπειρον εἶναι, ποῖα λυσιτελέστατα καὶ ποῦ καὶ πῶς, οἷον ἵππων κτῆσις ποία τις ἢ βοῶν ἢ προβάτων, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ [15] τῶν λοιπῶν ζῴων （δεῖ γὰρ ἔμπειρον εἶναι πρὸς ἄλληλά τε τούτων τίνα λυσιτελέστατα, καὶ ποῖα ἐν ποίοις τόποις: ἄλλα γὰρ ἐν ἄλλαις εὐθηνεῖ χώραις）, εἶτα περὶ γεωργίας, καὶ ταύτης ἤδη ψιλῆς τε καὶ πεφυτευμένης, καὶ μελιττουργίας, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων τῶν πλωτῶν ἢ πτηνῶν, ἀφ᾽ [20] ὅσων ἔστι τυγχάνειν βοηθείας. τῆς μὲν οὖν οἰκειοτάτης χρηματιστικῆς ταῦτα μόρια καὶ πρῶτα: τῆς δὲ μεταβλητικῆς μέγιστον μὲν ἐμπορία （καὶ ταύτης μέρη τρία, ναυκληρία φορτηγία παράστασις: διαφέρει δὲ τούτων ἕτερα ἑτέρων τῷ τὰ μὲν ἀσφαλέστερα εἶναι, τὰ δὲ πλείω πορίζειν τὴν ἐπικαρπίαν）, [25] δεύτερον δὲ τοκισμός, τρίτον δὲ μισθαρνία （ταύτης δ᾽ ἡ μὲν τῶν βαναύσων τεχνῶν, ἡ δὲ τῶν ἀτέχνων καὶ τῷ σώματι μόνῳ χρησίμων）: τρίτον δὲ εἶδος χρηματιστικῆς μεταξὺ ταύτης καὶ τῆς πρώτης （ἔχει γὰρ καὶ τῆς κατὰ φύσιν τι μέρος καὶ τῆς μεταβλητικῆς）, ὅσα ἀπὸ γῆς [30] καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ γῆς γιγνομένων, ἀκάρπων μὲν χρησίμων δέ, οἷον ὑλοτομία τε καὶ πᾶσα μεταλλευτική. αὕτη δὲ πολλὰ ἤδη περιείληφε γένη: πολλὰ γὰρ εἴδη τῶν ἐκ γῆς μεταλλευομένων ἔστιν. εἰσὶ δὲ τεχνικώταται μὲν τῶν ἐργασιῶν ὅπου ἐλάχιστον τῆς τύχης, βαναυσόταται δ᾽ ἐν αἷς τὰ [35] σώματα λωβῶνται μάλιστα, δουλικώταται δὲ ὅπου τοῦ σώματος πλεῖσται χρήσεις, ἀγεννέσταται δὲ ὅπου ἐλάχιστον προσδεῖ ἀρετῆς.
And since we have adequately defined the scientific side of the subject, we ought to discuss it from the point of view of practice; although, whereas the theory of such matters is a liberal study, the practical pursuit of them is narrowing. The practically useful branches of the art of wealth-getting are first, an expert knowledge of stock, what breeds are most profitable and in what localities and under what conditions, for instance what particular stock in horses or cattle or sheep, and similarly of the other animals also （for the farmer must be an expert as to which of these animals are most profitable compared with one another, and also as to what breeds are most profitable on what sorts of land, since different breeds flourish in different places）; secondly, the subject of agriculture, and this again is divided into corn-growing and fruit-farming; also bee-keeping, and the breeding of the other creatures finned and feathered [20] which can be used to furnish supplies. These then are the branches and primary parts of wealth-getting in the most proper sense. Of the kind that deals with exchange, the largest branch is commerce （which has three departments, ship-owning, transport and marketing: these departments differ from each other in the fact that some are safer and others carry larger profits）; the second branch is money-lending, and the third labor for hire, one department of which is that of the mechanic arts and the other that of unskilled laborers who are useful only for bodily service. And there is a third form of wealth-getting that lies between the latter and the one placed first, since it possesses mediate an element both of natural wealth-getting and of the sort that employs exchange; it deals with all the commodities that are obtained from the earth and from those fruitless but useful things that come from the earth—examples are the felling of timber and all sorts of mining; and of mining itself there are many classes, since there are many sorts of metals obtained out of the earth. The most scientific of these industries are those which involve the smallest element of chance, the most mechanic those in which the operatives undergo the greatest amount of bodily degradation, the most servile those in which the most uses are made of the body, and the most ignoble those in which there is the least requirement of virtue as an accessory.
οὐκ ἔστιν ἀσφαλὲς τὸ νομοθετεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐόφθαλμον ἀκοῦσαι μόνον
ἔτι δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐπιορκεῖν ἀναγκάζει τὸν ἁπλῶς ἀποδικάσαντα ἢ καταδικάσαντα, εἴπερ ἁπλῶς τὸ ἔγκλημα γέγραπται, δικαίως: οὐ γὰρ μηδὲν [20] ὀφείλειν ὁ ἀποδικάσας κρίνει, ἀλλὰ τὰς εἴκοσι μνᾶς: ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἤδη ἐπιορκεῖ, ὁ καταδικάσας, μὴ νομίζων ὀφείλειν τὰς εἴκοσι μνᾶς.
περὶ δὲ τοῦ τοῖς εὑρίσκουσί τι τῇ πόλει συμφέρον ὡς δεῖ γίνεσθαί τινα τιμήν, οὐκ ἔστιν ἀσφαλὲς τὸ νομοθετεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐόφθαλμον ἀκοῦσαι μόνον: ἔχει [25] γὰρ συκοφαντίας καὶ κινήσεις, ἂν τύχῃ, πολιτείας. ἐμπίπτει δ᾽ εἰς ἄλλο πρόβλημα καὶ σκέψιν ἑτέραν: ἀποροῦσι γάρ τινες πότερον βλαβερὸν ἢ συμφέρον ταῖς πόλεσι τὸ κινεῖν τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἂν ᾖ τις ἄλλος βελτίων. διόπερ οὐ ῥᾴδιον τῷ λεχθέντι ταχὺ συγχωρεῖν, εἴπερ μὴ συμφέρει [30] κινεῖν, ἐνδέχεται δ᾽ εἰσηγεῖσθαί τινας νόμων λύσιν ἢ πολιτείας ὡς κοινὸν ἀγαθόν. ἐπεὶ δὲ πεποιήμεθα μνείαν, ἔτι μικρὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ διαστείλασθαι βέλτιον....
Again, nobody compels the juror to commit perjury who, if the indictment has been drawn in simple form, gives a simple verdict of acquittal or condemnation, and gives it justly; for the juror [20] who gives a verdict of acquittal does not give judgement that the defendant owes nothing, but that he does not owe the twenty minae for which he is sued; it is only the juror who gives a verdict condemning the defendant when he does not think that he owes twenty minae who commits perjury. As for the view that an honor ought to be awarded to those who invent something advantageous to the state, legislation to this effect is not safe, but only specious to the ear; for it involves malicious prosecutions and, it may even happen, constitutional upheavals. And the matter leads to another problem and a different inquiry: some persons raise the question whether to alter the ancestral laws, supposing another law is better, is harmful or advantageous to states. Hence it is not easy to give a speedy agreement to the above proposal to honor reformers, if really it is disadvantageous to alter the laws; yet it is possible that persons may bring forward the repeal of laws or of the constitution as a benefit to the community.
ἀπιστεῖν ὡς οὐκ ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν, οὐκ ἀσφαλές
ἔχει δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν γερόντων ἀρχὴν οὐ καλῶς αὐτοῖς. ἐπιεικῶν μὲν γὰρ ὄντων καὶ πεπαιδευμένων ἱκανῶς πρὸς ἀνδραγαθίαν τάχ᾽ ἂν εἴπειέ τις συμφέρειν τῇ πόλει, καίτοι τό γε διὰ βίου κυρίους εἶναι κρίσεων μεγάλων ἀμφισβητήσιμον [40] （ἔστι γάρ, ὥσπερ καὶ σώματος, καὶ διανοίας γῆρας）:
[1271α] τὸν τρόπον δὲ τοῦτον πεπαιδευμένων ὥστε καὶ τὸν νομοθέτην αὐτὸν ἀπιστεῖν ὡς οὐκ ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν, οὐκ ἀσφαλές. φαίνονται δὲ καὶ καταδωροδοκούμενοι καὶ καταχαριζόμενοι πολλὰ τῶν κοινῶν οἱ κεκοινωνηκότες τῆς [5] ἀρχῆς ταύτης. διόπερ βέλτιον αὐτοὺς μὴ ἀνευθύνους εἶναι: νῦν δ᾽ εἰσίν. δόξειε δ᾽ ἂν ἡ τῶν ἐφόρων ἀρχὴ πάσας εὐθύνειν τὰς ἀρχάς: τοῦτο δὲ τῇ ἐφορείᾳ μέγα λίαν τὸ δῶρον, καὶ τὸν τρόπον οὐ τοῦτον λέγομεν διδόναι δεῖν τὰς εὐθύνας.
Also their regulations for the office of the Elders are not good; it is true that if these were persons of a high class who had been adequately trained in manly valor, one might perhaps say that the institution was advantageous to the state, although their life-tenure of the judgeship in important trials is indeed a questionable feature （for there is old age of mind as well as of body）;
[1271a] [1] but as their education has been on such lines that even the lawgiver himself cannot trust in them as men of virtue, it is a dangerous institution. And it is known that those who have been admitted to this office take bribes and betray many of the public interests by favoritism; so that it would be better if they were not exempt from having to render an account of their office, but at present they are. And it might be held that the magistracy of the Ephors serves to hold all the offices to account; but this gives altogether too much to the Ephorate, and it is not the way in which, as we maintain, officials ought to be called to account.
οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλὴς ὁ κανών
[1272β] πόρρω γ᾽ ἀποικοῦσιν ἐν νήσῳ τῶν διαφθερούντων.
ἣν δὲ ποιοῦνται τῆς ἁμαρτίας ταύτης ἰατρείαν, ἄτοπος καὶ οὐ πολιτικὴ ἀλλὰ δυναστευτική. πολλάκις γὰρ ἐκβάλλουσι συστάντες τινὲς τοὺς κόσμους ἢ τῶν συναρχόντων αὐτῶν ἢ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν: ἔξεστι [5] δὲ καὶ μεταξὺ τοῖς κόσμοις ἀπειπεῖν τὴν ἀρχήν. ταῦτα δὴ πάντα βέλτιον γίνεσθαι κατὰ νόμον ἢ κατ᾽ ἀνθρώπων βούλησιν: οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλὴς ὁ κανών. πάντων δὲ φαυλότατον τὸ τῆς ἀκοσμίας τῶν δυνατῶν, ἣν καθιστᾶσι πολλάκις οἳ ἂν μὴ δίκας βούλωνται δοῦναι τῶν δυνατῶν: ᾗ καὶ δῆλον ὡς ἔχει τι [10] πολιτείας ἡ τάξις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πολιτεία ἐστὶν ἀλλὰ δυναστεία μᾶλλον. εἰώθασι δὲ διαλαμβάνοντες τὸν δῆμον καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἀναρχίαν ποιεῖν καὶ στασιάζειν καὶ μάχεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους: καίτοι τί διαφέρει τὸ τοιοῦτον ἢ διά τινος χρόνου μηκέτι πόλιν εἶναι τὴν τοιαύτην, ἀλλὰ λύεσθαι τὴν πολιτικὴν [15] κοινωνίαν;
[1272b] [1] as they live in an island remote from any people to corrupt them. Also the remedy which they employ for this defect (1) is a curious one, and less characteristic of a republic than of a dynasty: often the Cosmi are expelled by a conspiracy formed among some of their actual colleagues or the private citizens. Also the Cosmi are allowed to resign during their term of office. Now it would be preferable for all these expedients to be put in force by law rather than at the discretion of individuals, for that is a dangerous principle. And the worst expedient of all is that of the suspension of the office of Cosmi, which is often brought about by members of the powerful class who wish to escape being punished; this proves that the constitution has a republican element, although it is not actually a republic but rather a dynasty. And the nobles frequently form parties among the common people and among their friends and so bring about a suspension of government, and form factions and engage in war with one another. Yet such a state of things is virtually the same as if for a period of time the state underwent an entire revolution, and the bonds of civil society were loosened.
- Analyse über die Verfassung der Bewohner von Kos
1 i.e. the defect of the undue restriction of the office.
μετέχειν αὐτοὺς τῶν ἀρχῶν τῶν μεγίστων οὐκ ἀσφαλές
εἰ μὲν οὖν περὶ πάντα δῆμον καὶ περὶ πᾶν πλῆθος ἐνδέχεται ταύτην εἶναι τὴν διαφορὰν τῶν πολλῶν πρὸς τοὺς ὀλίγους σπουδαίους, ἄδηλον, ἴσως δὲ νὴ Δία δῆλον ὅτι περὶ ἐνίων ἀδύνατον （ὁ γὰρ αὐτὸς κἂν ἐπὶ τῶν θηρίων ἁρμόσειε λόγος: καίτοι τί διαφέρουσιν [20] ἔνιοι τῶν θηρίων ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν;）: ἀλλὰ περὶ τὶ πλῆθος οὐδὲν εἶναι κωλύει τὸ λεχθὲν ἀληθές. διὸ καὶ τὴν πρότερον εἰρημένην ἀπορίαν λύσειεν ἄν τις διὰ τούτων καὶ τὴν ἐχομένην αὐτῆς, τίνων δεῖ κυρίους εἶναι τοὺς ἐλευθέρους καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολιτῶν. τοιοῦτοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν ὅσοι μήτε [25] πλούσιοι μήτε ἀξίωμα ἔχουσιν ἀρετῆς μηδὲ ἕν. τὸ μὲν γὰρ μετέχειν αὐτοὺς τῶν ἀρχῶν τῶν μεγίστων οὐκ ἀσφαλές （διά τε γὰρ ἀδικίαν καὶ δι᾽ ἀφροσύνην τὰ μὲν ἀδικεῖν ἀνάγκη τὰ δ᾽ ἁμαρτάνειν αὐτούς）: τὸ δὲ μὴ μεταδιδόναι μηδὲ μετέχειν φοβερόν （ὅταν γὰρ ἄτιμοι πολλοὶ καὶ πένητες ὑπάρχωσι, [30] πολεμίων ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι πλήρη τὴν πόλιν ταύτην）. λείπεται δὴ τοῦ βουλεύεσθαι καὶ κρίνειν μετέχειν αὐτούς. διόπερ καὶ Σόλων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τινὲς νομοθετῶν τάττουσιν ἐπί τε τὰς ἀρχαιρεσίας καὶ τὰς εὐθύνας τῶν ἀρχόντων, ἄρχειν δὲ κατὰ μόνας οὐκ ἐῶσιν. πάντες μὲν γὰρ [35] ἔχουσι συνελθόντες ἱκανὴν αἴσθησιν, καὶ μιγνύμενοι τοῖς βελτίοσι τὰς πόλεις ὠφελοῦσιν, καθάπερ ἡ μὴ καθαρὰ τροφὴ μετὰ τῆς καθαρᾶς τὴν πᾶσαν ποιεῖ χρησιμωτέραν τῆς ὀλίγης: χωρὶς δ᾽ ἕκαστος ἀτελὴς περὶ τὸ κρίνειν ἐστίν.
It is not indeed clear whether this collective superiority of the many compared with the few good men can possibly exist in regard to every democracy and every multitude, and perhaps it may be urged that it is manifestly impossible in the case of some—for the same argument would also apply to animals, yet what difference is there, [20] practically, between some multitudes and animals?—but nothing prevents what has been said from being true about some particular multitude. One might therefore employ these considerations to solve not only the previously stated difficulty but also the related question, over what matters is the authority of the freemen, the mass of the citizens, to extend （using that expression to denote those who are not rich nor possessed of any distinguishing excellence at all）? For it is not safe for them to participate in the highest offices （for injustice and folly would inevitably cause them to act unjustly in some things and to make mistakes in others）, but yet not to admit them and for them not to participate is an alarming situation, for when there are a number of persons without political honors and in poverty, the city then is bound to be full of enemies. It remains therefore for them to share the deliberative and judicial functions. For this reason Solon and certain other lawgivers appoint the common citizens to the election of the magistrates and the function of calling them to audit, although they do not allow them to hold office singly. For all when assembled together have sufficient discernment, and by mingling with the better class are of benefit to the state, just as impure food mixed with what is pure makes the whole more nourishing than the small amount of pure food alone; but separately the individual is immature in judgement.
τυραννικαὶ μὲν οὖν διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτόν εἰσιν, ἀσφαλεῖς δὲ διὰ τὸ πάτριαι καὶ κατὰ νόμον εἶναι
ἓν μὲν [15] οὖν τοῦτ᾽ εἶδος βασιλείας, στρατηγία διὰ βίου, τούτων δ᾽ αἱ μὲν κατὰ γένος εἰσὶν αἱ δ᾽ αἱρεταί: παρὰ ταύτην δ᾽ ἄλλο μοναρχίας εἶδος, οἷαι παρ᾽ ἐνίοις εἰσὶ βασιλεῖαι τῶν βαρβάρων. ἔχουσι δ᾽ αὗται τὴν δύναμιν πᾶσαι παραπλησίαν τυραννίσιν, εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ κατὰ νόμον καὶ πάτριαι: διὰ [20] γὰρ τὸ δουλικώτεροι εἶναι τὰ ἤθη φύσει οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι τῶν Ἑλλήνων, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν τῶν περὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην, ὑπομένουσι τὴν δεσποτικὴν ἀρχὴν οὐδὲν δυσχεραίνοντες. τυραννικαὶ μὲν οὖν διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτόν εἰσιν, ἀσφαλεῖς δὲ διὰ τὸ πάτριαι καὶ κατὰ νόμον εἶναι. καὶ ἡ φυλακὴ δὲ βασιλικὴ [25] καὶ οὐ τυραννικὴ διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν. οἱ γὰρ πολῖται φυλάττουσιν ὅπλοις τοὺς βασιλεῖς, τοὺς δὲ τυράννους ξενικόν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ κατὰ νόμον καὶ ἑκόντων οἱ δ᾽ ἀκόντων ἄρχουσιν, ὥσθ᾽ οἱ μὲν παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολίτας ἔχουσι τὴν φυλακήν.
This then is one sort of kingship, a lifelong generalship, and some of the kingships of this kind are hereditary, others elective; and by its side there is another sort of monarchy, examples of which are kingships existing among some of the barbarians. The power possessed by all of these resembles that of tyrannies, but they govern according to law and are hereditary; [20] for because the barbarians are more servile in their nature than the Greeks, and the Asiatics than the Europeans, they endure despotic rule without any resentment. These kingships therefore are for these reasons of a tyrannical nature, but they are secure because they are hereditary and rule by law. Also their bodyguard is of a royal and not a tyrannical type for the same reason; for kings are guarded by the citizens in arms, whereas tyrants have foreign guards, for kings rule in accordance with law and over willing subjects, but tyrants rule over unwilling subjects, owing to which kings take their guards from among the citizens but tyrants have them to guard against the citizens.
ὥστ᾽ εἰ τῶν κατὰ γράμματα ἄνθρωπος ἄρχων ἀσφαλέστερος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἔθος
[1287β] ἀλλὰ μὴν εἰσάγονταί γ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς οἱ ἰατροὶ κάμνοντες ἄλλους ἰατροὺς καὶ οἱ παιδοτρίβαι γυμναζόμενοι παιδοτρίβας, ὡς οὐ δυνάμενοι κρίνειν τὸ ἀληθὲς διὰ τὸ κρίνειν περί τε οἰκείων καὶ ἐν πάθει ὄντες. ὥστε δῆλον ὅτι τὸ δίκαιον ζητοῦντες τὸ μέσον ζητοῦσιν: ὁ γὰρ νόμος τὸ [5] μέσον. ἔτι κυριώτεροι καὶ περὶ κυριωτέρων τῶν κατὰ γράμματα νόμων οἱ κατὰ τὰ ἔθη εἰσίν, ὥστ᾽ εἰ τῶν κατὰ γράμματα ἄνθρωπος ἄρχων ἀσφαλέστερος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἔθος.
ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον ἐφορᾶν πολλὰ τὸν ἕνα: δεήσει ἄρα πλείονας εἶναι τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καθισταμένους ἄρχοντας, [10] ὥστε τί διαφέρει τοῦτο ἐξ ἀρχῆς εὐθὺς ὑπάρχειν ἢ τὸν ἕνα καταστῆσαι τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον; ἔτι, ὃ καὶ πρότερον εἰρημένον ἐστίν, εἴπερ ὁ ἀνὴρ ὁ σπουδαῖος, διότι βελτίων, ἄρχειν δίκαιος, τοῦ γε ἑνὸς οἱ δύο ἀγαθοὶ βελτίους:
[1287b] [1] Yet certainly physicians themselves call in other physicians to treat them when they are ill, and gymnastic trainers put themselves under other trainers when they are doing exercises, believing that they are unable to judge truly because they are judging about their own cases and when they are under the influence of feeling. Hence it is clear that when men seek for what is just they seek for what is impartial; for (1) the law is that which is impartial. Again, customary laws are more sovereign and deal with more sovereign matters than written laws, so that if a human ruler is less liable to error than written laws, yet he is not less liable to error than the laws of custom.
But also it is certainly not easy for the single ruler to oversee a multitude of things; it will therefore be necessary for the officials appointed by him to be numerous; so that what difference does it make whether this has been the arrangement immediately from the outset or the single ruler appoints them in this manner? Again, a thing that has also been said before, if the virtuous man justly deserves to rule because he is better, yet two good men are better than one:
1 Perhaps this should be ‘and.’
καὶ αἱ δημοκρατίαι δὲ ἀσφαλέστεραι τῶν ὀλιγαρχιῶν εἰσι καὶ πολυχρονιώτεραι διὰ τοὺς μέσους
[1296α] ὡς ὅπου οἱ μὲν πολλὰ σφόδρα κέκτηνται οἱ δὲ μηθέν, ἢ δῆμος ἔσχατος γίγνεται ἢ ὀλιγαρχία ἄκρατος, ἢ τυραννὶς δι᾽ ἀμφοτέρας τὰς ὑπερβολάς: καὶ γὰρ ἐκ δημοκρατίας τῆς νεανικωτάτης καὶ ἐξ ὀλιγαρχίας γίγνεται τυραννίς, ἐκ δὲ [5] τῶν μέσων καὶ τῶν σύνεγγυς πολὺ ἧττον. τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν ὕστερον ἐν τοῖς περὶ τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν πολιτειῶν ἐροῦμεν. ὅτι δ᾽ ἡ μέση βελτίστη, φανερόν: μόνη γὰρ ἀστασίαστος: ὅπου γὰρ πολὺ τὸ διὰ μέσου, ἥκιστα στάσεις καὶ διαστάσεις γίγνονται τῶν πολιτῶν. καὶ αἱ μεγάλαι πόλεις ἀστασιαστότεραι [10] διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν, ὅτι πολὺ τὸ μέσον: ἐν δὲ ταῖς μικραῖς ῥᾴδιόν τε διαλαβεῖν εἰς δύο πάντας, ὥστε μηθὲν καταλιπεῖν μέσον, καὶ πάντες σχεδὸν ἄποροι ἢ εὔποροί εἰσι. καὶ αἱ δημοκρατίαι δὲ ἀσφαλέστεραι τῶν ὀλιγαρχιῶν εἰσι καὶ πολυχρονιώτεραι διὰ τοὺς μέσους （πλείους τε γάρ [15] εἰσι καὶ μᾶλλον μετέχουσι τῶν τιμῶν ἐν ταῖς δημοκρατίαις ἢ ταῖς ὀλιγαρχίαις）, ἐπεὶ ὅταν ἄνευ τούτων τῷ πλήθει ὑπερτείνωσιν οἱ ἄποροι, κακοπραγία γίνεται καὶ ἀπόλλυνται ταχέως. σημεῖον δὲ δεῖ νομίζειν καὶ τὸ τοὺς βελτίστους νομοθέτας εἶναι τῶν μέσων πολιτῶν: Σόλων τε γὰρ ἦν τούτων [20] （δηλοῖ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ποιήσεως） καὶ Λυκοῦργος （οὐ γὰρ ἦν βασιλεύς） καὶ Χαρώνδας καὶ σχεδὸν οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ἄλλων.
[1296a] [1] since where some own a very great deal of property and others none there comes about either an extreme democracy or an unmixed oligarchy, or a tyranny may result from both of the two extremes, for tyranny springs from both democracy and oligarchy of the most unbridled kind, but much less often from the middle forms of constitution and those near to them. The cause of this we will speak of later in our treatment of political revolutions. That the middle form of constitution is the best is evident; for it alone is free from faction, since where the middle class is numerous, factions and party divisions among the citizens are least likely to occur. And the great states are more free from faction for the same reason, because the middle class is numerous, whereas in the small states it is easy to divide the whole people into two parties leaving nothing in between, and also almost everybody is needy or wealthy. Also democracies are more secure and more long-lived than oligarchies owing to the citizens of the middle class （for they are more numerous and have a larger share of the honors in democracies than in oligarchies）, since when the poor are in a majority without the middle class, adversity sets in and they are soon ruined. And it must be deemed a significant fact that the best lawgivers are from among the middle citizens; for Solon was of that class, [20] as appears from his poetry, and so was Lycurgus （for he was not a king） and Charondas and almost the greatest number of the other lawgivers.
[1302α] εὐγενεῖς γὰρ καὶ ἀγαθοὶ οὐδαμοῦ ἑκατόν, εὔποροι δὲ πολλαχοῦ. τὸ δὲ ἁπλῶς πάντῃ καθ᾽ ἑκατέραν τετάχθαι τὴν ἰσότητα φαῦλον. φανερὸν δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος: οὐδεμία γὰρ μόνιμος [5] ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων πολιτειῶν. τούτου δ᾽ αἴτιον ὅτι ἀδύνατον ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου καὶ τοῦ ἐν ἀρχῇ ἡμαρτημένου μὴ ἀπαντᾶν εἰς τὸ τέλος κακόν τι. διὸ δεῖ τὰ μὲν ἀριθμητικῇ ἰσότητι χρῆσθαι, τὰ δὲ τῇ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν.
ὅμως δὲ ἀσφαλεστέρα καὶ ἀστασίαστος μᾶλλον ἡ δημοκρατία τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας. ἐν μὲν [10] γὰρ ταῖς ὀλιγαρχίαις ἐγγίνονται δύο, ἥ τε πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσις καὶ ἔτι ἡ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ἐν δὲ ταῖς δημοκρατίαις ἡ πρὸς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν μόνον, αὐτῷ δὲ πρὸς αὑτόν, ὅ τι καὶ ἄξιον εἰπεῖν, οὐκ ἐγγίνεται τῷ δήμῳ στάσις: ἔτι δὲ ἡ ἐκ τῶν μέσων πολιτεία ἐγγυτέρω τοῦ δήμου ἢ [ἡ] τῶν ὀλίγων: [15] ἥπερ ἐστὶν ἀσφαλεστάτη τῶν τοιούτων πολιτειῶν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ σκοποῦμεν ἐκ τίνων αἵ τε στάσεις γίνονται καὶ αἱ μεταβολαὶ περὶ τὰς πολιτείας, ληπτέον καθόλου πρῶτον τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς αἰτίας αὐτῶν. εἰσὶ δὴ σχεδὸν ὡς εἰπεῖν τρεῖς τὸν ἀριθμόν, ἃς διοριστέον καθ᾽ αὑτὰς τύπῳ [20] πρῶτον. δεῖ γὰρ λαβεῖν πῶς τε ἔχοντες στασιάζουσι καὶ τίνων ἕνεκεν, καὶ τρίτον τίνες ἀρχαὶ γίνονται τῶν πολιτικῶν ταραχῶν καὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσεων.
[1302a] [1] nowhere are there a hundred men nobly born and good, but there are rich men in many places. But for the constitution to be framed absolutely and entirely according to either kind of equality is bad. And this is proved by experience, for not one of the constitutions formed on such lines is permanent. And the cause of this is that it is impossible for some evil not to occur ultimately from the first and initial error that has been made. Hence the proper course is to employ numerical equality in some things and equality according to worth in others. But nevertheless democracy is safer and more free from civil strife than oligarchy; for in oligarchies two kinds of strife spring up, faction between different members of the oligarchy and also faction between the oligarchs and the people, whereas in democracies only strife between the people and the oligarchical party occurs, but party strife between different sections of the people itself does not occur to any degree worth mentioning. And again the government formed of the middle classes is nearer to the people than to the few, and it is the safest of the kinds of constitution mentioned.
And since we are considering what circumstances give rise to party factions and revolutions in constitutions, we must first ascertain their origins and causes generally. They are, speaking roughly, three in number, which we must first define in outline separately. [20] For we must ascertain what state of affairs gives rise to party strife, and for what objects it is waged, and thirdly what are the origins of political disorders and internal party struggles.
διόπερ ἀσφαλέστεραι αἱ τοιαῦται τῶν ἑτέρων εἰσίν: κρεῖττόν τε γὰρ τὸ πλεῖον
λύονται δὲ μάλιστα αἵ τε πολιτεῖαι καὶ αἱ ἀριστοκρατίαι διὰ τὴν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ πολιτείᾳ τοῦ δικαίου παρέκβασιν. ἀρχὴ γὰρ τὸ μὴ μεμεῖχθαι καλῶς ἐν μὲν τῇ πολιτείᾳ δημοκρατίαν καὶ ὀλιγαρχίαν, ἐν δὲ τῇ ἀριστοκρατίᾳ ταῦτά τε καὶ τὴν ἀρετήν, [10] μάλιστα δὲ τὰ δύο: λέγω δὲ τὰ δύο δῆμον καὶ ὀλιγαρχίαν. ταῦτα γὰρ αἱ πολιτεῖαί τε πειρῶνται μιγνύναι καὶ αἱ πολλαὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἀριστοκρατιῶν. διαφέρουσι γὰρ τῶν ὀνομαζομένων πολιτειῶν αἱ ἀριστοκρατίαι τούτῳ, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εἰσὶν αἱ μὲν ἧττον αἱ δὲ μᾶλλον μόνιμοι αὐτῶν: [15] τὰς γὰρ ἀποκλινούσας μᾶλλον πρὸς τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν ἀριστοκρατίας καλοῦσιν, τὰς δὲ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος πολιτείας: διόπερ ἀσφαλέστεραι αἱ τοιαῦται τῶν ἑτέρων εἰσίν: κρεῖττόν τε γὰρ τὸ πλεῖον, καὶ μᾶλλον ἀγαπῶσιν ἴσον ἔχοντες, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς εὐπορίαις, ἂν ἡ πολιτεία διδῷ τὴν ὑπεροχήν, [20] ὑβρίζειν ζητοῦσι καὶ πλεονεκτεῖν. ὅλως δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὁπότερον ἂν ἐγκλίνῃ ἡ πολιτεία, ἐπὶ τοῦτο μεθίσταται ἑκατέρων τὸ σφέτερον αὐξανόντων, οἷον ἡ μὲν πολιτεία εἰς δῆμον, ἀριστοκρατία δ᾽ εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν: ἢ εἰς τἀναντία, οἷον ἡ μὲν ἀριστοκρατία εἰς δῆμον （ὡς ἀδικούμενοι γὰρ περισπῶσιν εἰς [25] τοὐναντίον οἱ ἀπορώτεροι）, αἱ δὲ πολιτεῖαι εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν （μόνον γὰρ μόνιμον τὸ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν ἴσον καὶ τὸ ἔχειν τὰ αὑτῶν）: συνέβη δὲ τὸ εἰρημένον ἐν Θουρίοις. διὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ ἀπὸ πλείονος τιμήματος εἶναι τὰς ἀρχὰς εἰς ἔλαττον μετέβη καὶ εἰς ἀρχεῖα πλείω, διὰ δὲ τὸ τὴν χώραν ὅλην [30] τοὺς γνωρίμους συγκτήσασθαι παρὰ τὸν νόμον （ἡ γὰρ πολιτεία ὀλιγαρχικωτέρα ἦν, ὥστε ἐδύναντο πλεονεκτεῖν） ... ὁ δὲ δῆμος γυμνασθεὶς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν φρουρῶν ἐγένετο κρείττων, ἕως ἀφεῖσαν τῆς χώρας ὅσοι πλείω ἦσαν ἔχοντες.
But the actual overthrow of both constitutional governments and aristocracies is mostly due to a departure from justice in the actual framework of the constitution. For what starts it in the case of a constitutional government is that it does not contain a good blend of democracy and oligarchy; and in the case of an aristocracy it is the lack of a good blend of those two elements and of virtue, but chiefly of the two elements （I mean popular government and oligarchy）, for both constitutional governments and most of the constitutions that are called aristocracies aim at blending these. For this is the point of distinction between aristocracies and what are called constitutional governments, and it is owing to this that some of them are less and others more stable; for the constitutions inclining more towards oligarchy men call aristocracies and those inclining more to the side of the multitude constitutional governments, owing to which those of the latter sort are more secure than the others, for the greater number is the stronger, and also men are more content when they have an equal amount, whereas the owners of wealthy properties, if the constitution gives them the superior position, [20] seek to behave insolently and to gain money. And speaking broadly, to whichever side the constitution leans, that is the side to which it shifts as either of the two parties increases its own side—a constitutional government shifts to democracy and an aristocracy to oligarchy, or to the opposite extremes, that is, aristocracy to democracy （for the poorer people feeling they are unjustly treated pull it round to the opposite） and constitutional governments to oligarchy （for the only lasting thing is equality in accordance with desert and the possession of what is their own）. And the change mentioned came about at Thurii, for because the property-qualification for honors was too high, the constitution was altered to a lower property-qualification and to a larger number of official posts, but because the notables illegally bought up the whole of the land （for the constitution was too oligarchical, so that they were able to grasp at wealth） . . . And the people having been trained in the war overpowered the guards, until those who were in the position of having too much land relinquished it.
οὐ μόνον ἀριστοκρατίαι ἀλλὰ καὶ ὀλιγαρχίαι οὐ διὰ τὸ ἀσφαλεῖς εἶναι τὰς πολιτείας
μίαν μὲν οὖν φυλακὴν ταύτην πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν [40] δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι: ἔπειτα μὴ πιστεύειν τοῖς σοφίσματος χάριν πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος συγκειμένοις,
[1308α] ἐξελέγχεται γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ἔργων （ποῖα δὲ λέγομεν τῶν πολιτειῶν σοφίσματα, πρότερον εἴρηται）. ἔτι δ᾽ ὁρᾶν ὅτι ἔνιαι μένουσιν οὐ μόνον ἀριστοκρατίαι ἀλλὰ καὶ ὀλιγαρχίαι οὐ διὰ τὸ ἀσφαλεῖς εἶναι [5] τὰς πολιτείας, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ εὖ χρῆσθαι τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς γινομένους καὶ τοῖς ἔξω τῆς πολιτείας καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῷ πολιτεύματι, τοὺς μὲν μὴ μετέχοντας τῷ μὴ ἀδικεῖν καὶ τῷ τοὺς ἡγεμονικοὺς αὐτῶν εἰσάγειν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς μὲν φιλοτίμους μὴ ἀδικεῖν εἰς ἀτιμίαν τοὺς δὲ πολλοὺς [10] εἰς κέρδος, πρὸς αὑτοὺς δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετέχοντας τῷ χρῆσθαι ἀλλήλοις δημοτικῶς. ὃ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦ πλήθους ζητοῦσιν οἱ δημοτικοί, τὸ ἴσον, τοῦτ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν ὁμοίων οὐ μόνον δίκαιον ἀλλὰ καὶ συμφέρον ἐστίν. διὸ ἐὰν πλείους ὦσιν ἐν τῷ πολιτεύματι, πολλὰ συμφέρει τῶν δημοτικῶν νομοθετημάτων, [15] οἷον τὸ ἑξαμήνους τὰς ἀρχὰς εἶναι, ἵνα πάντες οἱ ὅμοιοι μετέχωσιν: ἔστι γὰρ ὥσπερ δῆμος ἤδη οἱ ὅμοιοι （διὸ καὶ ἐν τούτοις ἐγγίγνονται δημαγωγοὶ πολλάκις, ὥσπερ εἴρηται πρότερον）, ἔπειθ᾽ ἧττον εἰς δυναστείας ἐμπίπτουσιν αἱ ὀλιγαρχίαι καὶ ἀριστοκρατίαι （οὐ γὰρ ὁμοίως ῥᾴδιον κακουργῆσαι [20] ὀλίγον χρόνον ἄρχοντας καὶ πολύν, ἐπεὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ταῖς ὀλιγαρχίαις καὶ δημοκρατίαις γίγνονται τυραννίδες: ἢ γὰρ οἱ μέγιστοι ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ ἐπιτίθενται τυραννίδι, ἔνθα μὲν οἱ δημαγωγοὶ ἔνθα δ᾽ οἱ δυνάσται, ἢ οἱ τὰς μεγίστας ἔχοντες ἀρχάς, ὅταν πολὺν χρόνον ἄρχωσιν.
One thing therefore that we must guard against is this beginning; and the next point is that we must not put faith in the arguments strung together for the sake of tricking the multitude,
[1308a] [1] for they are refuted by the facts （and what sort of constitutional sophistries we refer to has been said before）. And again we must observe that not only some aristocracies but also some oligarchies endure not because the constitutions are secure but because those who get in the offices treat both those outside the constitution and those in the government well, on the one hand by not treating those who are not members of it unjustly and by bringing their leading men into the constitution and not wronging the ambitious ones in the matter of dishonor or the multitude in the matter of gain, and on the other hand, in relation to themselves and those who are members, by treating one another in a democratic spirit. For that equality which men of democratic spirit seek for in the case of the multitude is not only just but also expedient in the case of their compeers. Hence if there are a greater number in the governing class, many of the legislative enactments of a democratic nature are advantageous, for example for the offices to be tenable for six months, to enable all the compeers to participate in them; for the compeers in this case are as it were the people （owing to which demagogues often arise even among them, as has been said already）, and also oligarchies and aristocracies fall into dynasties less （for it is not so easy to do wrongs [20] when in office for a short time as when in for a long time, since it is long tenure of office that causes tyrannies to spring up in oligarchies and democracies; for either those who are the greatest men in either sort of state aim at tyranny, in the one sort the demagogues and in the other the dynasts, or those who hold the greatest offices, when they are in office for along time.
ἐκ τούτων πειρᾶσθαι κατασκευάζειν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν / διὸ δεῖ πρὸς ταῦτα ἀντιπράττειν τοὺς κηδομένους τῆς πολιτείας...
ἔστι δὲ [ἔργον] τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ τῶν βουλομένων συνιστάναι τινὰ τοιαύτην πολιτείαν οὐ τὸ καταστῆσαι μέγιστον [35] ἔργον οὐδὲ μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως σῴζηται μᾶλλον: μίαν γὰρ ἢ δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἡμέρας οὐ χαλεπὸν μεῖναι πολιτευομένους ὁπωσοῦν. διὸ δεῖ, περὶ ὧν τεθεώρηται πρότερον, τίνες σωτηρίαι καὶ φθοραὶ τῶν πολιτειῶν, ἐκ τούτων πειρᾶσθαι κατασκευάζειν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, εὐλαβουμένους μὲν τὰ φθείροντα, [40] τιθεμένους δὲ τοιούτους νόμους, καὶ τοὺς ἀγράφους καὶ τοὺς γεγραμμένους,
[1320α] οἳ περιλήψονται μάλιστα τὰ σῴζοντα τὰς πολιτείας, καὶ μὴ νομίζειν τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι δημοτικὸν μηδ᾽ ὀλιγαρχικὸν ὃ ποιήσει τὴν πόλιν ὅτι μάλιστα δημοκρατεῖσθαι ἢ ὀλιγαρχεῖσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὃ πλεῖστον χρόνον. οἱ δὲ νῦν δημαγωγοὶ [5] χαριζόμενοι τοῖς δήμοις πολλὰ δημεύουσι διὰ τῶν δικαστηρίων. διὸ δεῖ πρὸς ταῦτα ἀντιπράττειν τοὺς κηδομένους τῆς πολιτείας, νομοθετοῦντας μηδὲν εἶναι δημόσιον τῶν καταδικαζομένων καὶ φερόμενον πρὸς τὸ κοινόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἱερόν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀδικοῦντες οὐθὲν ἧττον εὐλαβεῖς ἔσονται [10] （ζημιώσονται γὰρ ὁμοίως）, ὁ δ᾽ ὄχλος ἧττον καταψηφιεῖται τῶν κρινομένων, λήψεσθαι μηδὲν μέλλων.
But it is not the greatest or only task of the legislator or of those who desire to construct a constitution of this kind (1) merely to set it up, but rather to ensure its preservation; for it is not difficult for any form of constitution to last for one or two or three days. We must therefore employ the results obtained in the inquiries that we have made already into the causes of the preservation and the destruction of constitutions, and attempt in the light of those results to establish the safety of the state, carefully avoiding the things that cause destruction, and enacting such laws both written and unwritten
[1320a] [1] as shall best compass the results preservative of constitutions, and not think that a measure is democratic or oligarchic which will cause the state to be democratically or oligarchically governed in the greatest degree, but which will cause it to be so governed for the longest time. But the demagogues of today to court the favor of the peoples often use the law-courts to bring about confiscations of property. Hence those who are caring for the safety of the constitution must counteract this by enacting that nothing belonging to persons condemned at law shall be confiscated and liable to be carried to the public treasury, but that their property shall be consecrated to the service of religion; for male-factors will be no less on their guard, as they will be punished just the same, while the mob will less often vote guilty against men on trial when it is not going to get anything out of it.
1 d.h., eine, bei der alte soziale Bindungen aufgebrochen werden, durch Verleihung von Bürgerrechten und durch Neuorganisierung der Bürgerschaft (wie bei Kleisthenes) - vgl. vorangehende Zeilen...
τοὺς δὲ μοχθηροὺς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ποιεῖν κυρίους
τὸ μὲν οὖν τοὺς αὐτοὺς εἶναι τοὺς καταδικάσαντας καὶ πραττομένους ἀπέχθειαν ἔχει διπλῆν, τὸ δὲ περὶ πάντων τοὺς αὐτοὺς πολεμίους πᾶσιν ποιεῖ. πολλαχοῦ δὲ δὴ διῄρηται καὶ ἡ φυλάττουσα πρὸς τὴν [20] πραττομένην, οἷον Ἀθήνησιν ἡ τῶν Ἕνδεκα καλουμένων. διὸ βέλτιον καὶ ταύτην χωρίζειν, καὶ τὸ σόφισμα ζητεῖν καὶ περὶ ταύτην. ἀναγκαία μὲν γάρ ἐστιν οὐχ ἧττον τῆς εἰρημένης, συμβαίνει δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐπιεικεῖς φεύγειν μάλιστα ταύτην τὴν ἀρχήν, τοὺς δὲ μοχθηροὺς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ποιεῖν κυρίους: αὐτοὶ [25] γὰρ δέονται φυλακῆς μᾶλλον ἄλλων ἢ φυλάττειν ἄλλους δύνανται. διὸ δεῖ μὴ μίαν ἀποτεταγμένην ἀρχὴν εἶναι πρὸς αὐτούς, μηδὲ συνεχῶς τὴν αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ τῶν τε νέων, ὅπου τις ἐφήβων ἢ φρουρῶν ἔστι τάξις, καὶ τῶν ἀρχῶν δεῖ κατὰ μέρη ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἑτέρους.
ταύτας μὲν οὖν τὰς [30] ἀρχὰς ὡς ἀναγκαιοτάτας θετέον εἶναι πρώτας, μετὰ δὲ ταύτας τὰς ἀναγκαίας μὲν οὐθὲν ἧττον, ἐν σχήματι δὲ μείζονι τεταγμένας: καὶ γὰρ ἐμπειρίας καὶ πίστεως δέονται πολλῆς. τοιαῦται δ᾽ εἶεν ἂν αἵ τε περὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ὅσαι τάττονται πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας.
so for the same magistrates to have imposed the sentence and to execute it involves a twofold odium, and for the same ones to execute it in all cases makes them the enemies of everybody. And in many places also the office of keeping custody of prisoners, for example at Athens the office of the magistrates known as the Eleven, [20] is separate from the magistracy that executes sentences. It is better therefore to keep this also separate, and to attempt the same device with regard to this as well. For though it is no less necessary than the office of which I spoke, yet in practice respectable people avoid it most of all offices, while it is not safe to put it into the hands of the base, for they themselves need others to guard them instead of being able to keep guard over others. Hence there must not be one magistracy specially assigned to the custody of prisoners nor must the same magistracy perform this duty continuously, but it should be performed by the young, in places where there is a regiment of cadets or guards, and by the magistrates, in successive sections.
These magistracies therefore must be counted first as supremely necessary, and next to them must be put those that are not less necessary but are ranked on a higher grade of dignity, because they require much experience and trustworthiness; in this class would come the magistracies concerned with guarding the city and those assigned to military requirements.
βέλτιον καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πρὸς εὐπορίαν τῶν ἀναγκαίων μετέχειν τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν τῆς θαλάττης
περὶ δὲ τῆς πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν κοινωνίας, πότερον ὠφέλιμος ταῖς εὐνομουμέναις πόλεσιν ἢ βλαβερά, πολλὰ τυγχάνουσιν ἀμφισβητοῦντες: τό τε γὰρ ἐπιξενοῦσθαί τινας ἐν ἄλλοις τεθραμμένους νόμοις ἀσύμφορον εἶναί φασι πρὸς [15] τὴν εὐνομίαν, καὶ τὴν πολυανθρωπίαν: γίνεσθαι μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ χρῆσθαι τῇ θαλάττῃ διαπέμποντας καὶ δεχομένους ἐμπόρων πλῆθος, ὑπεναντίαν δ᾽ εἶναι πρὸς τὸ πολιτεύεσθαι καλῶς. ὅτι μὲν οὖν, εἰ ταῦτα μὴ συμβαίνει, βέλτιον καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πρὸς εὐπορίαν τῶν ἀναγκαίων μετέχειν [20] τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν τῆς θαλάττης, οὐκ ἄδηλον. καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τὸ ῥᾷον φέρειν τοὺς πολέμους εὐβοηθήτους εἶναι δεῖ κατ᾽ ἀμφότερα τοὺς σωθησομένους, καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν, καὶ πρὸς τὸ βλάψαι τοὺς ἐπιτιθεμένους, εἰ μὴ κατ᾽ ἄμφω δυνατόν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ θάτερον ὑπάρξει [25] μᾶλλον ἀμφοτέρων μετέχουσιν. ὅσα τ᾽ ἂν μὴ τυγχάνῃ παρ᾽ αὑτοῖς ὄντα, δέξασθαι ταῦτα, καὶ τὰ πλεονάζοντα τῶν γιγνομένων ἐκπέμψασθαι τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐστίν. αὑτῇ γὰρ ἐμπορικήν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τοῖς ἄλλοις, δεῖ εἶναι τὴν πόλιν: οἱ δὲ παρέχοντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς πᾶσιν ἀγορὰν προσόδου [30] χάριν ταῦτα πράττουσιν: ἣν δὲ μὴ δεῖ πόλιν τοιαύτης μετέχειν πλεονεξίας, οὐδ᾽ ἐμπόριον δεῖ κεκτῆσθαι τοιοῦτον. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ νῦν ὁρῶμεν πολλαῖς ὑπάρχοντα καὶ χώραις καὶ πόλεσιν ἐπίνεια καὶ λιμένας εὐφυῶς κείμενα πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, ὥστε μήτε τὸ αὐτὸ νέμειν ἄστυ μήτε πόρρω λίαν, [35] ἀλλὰ κρατεῖσθαι τείχεσι καὶ τοιούτοις ἄλλοις ἐρύμασι, φανερὸν ὡς εἰ μὲν ἀγαθόν τι συμβαίνει γίνεσθαι διὰ τῆς κοινωνίας αὐτῶν, ὑπάρξει τῇ πόλει τοῦτο τὸ ἀγαθόν, εἰ δέ τι βλαβερόν, φυλάξασθαι ῥᾴδιον τοῖς νόμοις φράζοντας καὶ διορίζοντας τίνας οὐ δεῖ καὶ τίνας ἐπιμίσγεσθαι δεῖ [40] πρὸς ἀλλήλους.
As to communication with the sea it is in fact much debated whether it is advantageous to well-ordered states or harmful. It is maintained that the visits of persons brought up under other institutions are detrimental to law and order, and so also is a swollen population, which grows out of sending out abroad and receiving in a number of traders, but is unfavorable to good government. Now it is not difficult to see that, if these consequences are avoided, it is advantageous in respect of both security and the supply of necessary commodities [20] that the city and the country should have access to the sea. With a view to enduring wars more easily people that are to be secure must be capable of defensive operations on both elements, land and sea, and with a view to striking at assailants, even if it be not possible on both elements, yet to do so on one or the other will be more in the power of people that have access to both. And the importation of commodities that they do not happen to have in their own country and the export of their surplus products are things indispensable; for the state ought to engage in commerce for its own interest, but not for the interest of the foreigner. People that throw open their market to the world do so for the sake of revenue, but a state that is not to take part in that sort of profit-making need not possess a great commercial port. But since even now we see many countries and cities possessing sea-ports and harbors conveniently situated with regard to the city, so as not to form part of the same town and yet not to be too far off, but commanded by walls and other defence-works of the kind, it is manifest that if any advantage does result through the communication of city with port the state will possess this advantage, and if there is any harmful result it is easy to guard against it by means of laws stating and regulating what persons are not and what persons are to have intercourse with one another.
οὕτω γὰρ ἂν πρός τε τὴν ἐργασίαν εἶεν χρήσιμοι καὶ πρὸς τὸ μηδὲν νεωτερίζειν ἀσφαλεῖς
τὴν μὲν οὖν χώραν ἀνάγκη διῃρῆσθαι τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον διὰ τὰς προειρημένας [25] αἰτίας: τοὺς δὲ γεωργήσοντας μάλιστα μέν, εἰ δεῖ κατ᾽ εὐχήν, δούλους εἶναι, μήτε ὁμοφύλων πάντων μήτε θυμοειδῶν （οὕτω γὰρ ἂν πρός τε τὴν ἐργασίαν εἶεν χρήσιμοι καὶ πρὸς τὸ μηδὲν νεωτερίζειν ἀσφαλεῖς）, δεύτερον δὲ βαρβάρους περιοίκους παραπλησίους τοῖς εἰρημένοις τὴν φύσιν, [30] τούτων δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις εἶναι [ἰδίους] τῶν κεκτημένων τὰς οὐσίας, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ κοινῇ γῇ κοινούς. τίνα δὲ δεῖ τρόπον χρῆσθαι δούλοις, καὶ διότι βέλτιον πᾶσι τοῖς δούλοις ἆθλον προκεῖσθαι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ὕστερον ἐροῦμεν.
The land must therefore be divided up in this manner because of the reasons aforesaid.
Those who are to cultivate the soil should best of all, if the ideal system is to be stated, be slaves, not drawn from people all of one tribe nor of a spirited character （for thus they would be both serviceable for their work and safe to abstain from insurrection）, but as a second best they should be alien serfs of a similar nature. Of these laborers those in private employment must be among the private possessions of the owners of the estates, and those working on the common land common property. How slaves should be employed, and why it is advantageous that all slaves should have their freedom set before them as a reward, we will say later.(1)
1 This promise is not fulfilled.
Z. 25: πρὸς δὲ τὰς πολεμικὰς ἀσφαλείας τοὐναντίον ὡς εἶχον κατὰ τὸν ἀρχαῖον χρόνον / Z. 31: οὕτω γὰρ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πρὸς κόσμον ἕξει καλῶς
περὶ δὲ τόπων ἐρυμνῶν οὐ πάσαις ὁμοίως ἔχει τὸ συμφέρον ταῖς πολιτείαις: οἷον ἀκρόπολις ὀλιγαρχικὸν καὶ μοναρχικόν, [20] δημοκρατικὸν δ᾽ ὁμαλότης, ἀριστοκρατικὸν δὲ οὐδέτερον, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἰσχυροὶ τόποι πλείους. ἡ δὲ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκήσεων διάθεσις ἡδίων μὲν νομίζεται καὶ χρησιμωτέρα πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας πράξεις, ἂν εὔτομος ᾖ καὶ κατὰ τὸν νεώτερον καὶ τὸν Ἱπποδάμειον τρόπον, πρὸς δὲ τὰς πολεμικὰς [25] ἀσφαλείας τοὐναντίον ὡς εἶχον κατὰ τὸν ἀρχαῖον χρόνον: δυσείσοδος γὰρ ἐκείνη τοῖς ξενικοῖς καὶ δυσεξερεύνητος τοῖς ἐπιτιθεμένοις. διὸ δεῖ τούτων ἀμφοτέρων μετέχειν （ἐνδέχεται γάρ, ἄν τις οὕτως κατασκευάζῃ καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς γεωργοῖς ἃς καλοῦσί τινες τῶν ἀμπέλων συστάδας）, καὶ τὴν μὲν [30] ὅλην μὴ ποιεῖν πόλιν εὔτομον, κατὰ μέρη δὲ καὶ τόπους: οὕτω γὰρ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πρὸς κόσμον ἕξει καλῶς.
As to fortified positions, what is expedient is not the same for all forms of constitution alike; for example, a citadel-hill is suitable for oligarchy and monarchy, [20] and a level site for democracy; neither is favorable to an aristocracy, but rather several strong positions. The arrangement of the private dwellings is thought to be more agreeable and more convenient for general purposes if they are laid out in straight streets, after the modern fashion, that is, the one introduced by Hippodamus; but it is more suitable for security in war if it is on the contrary plan, as cities used to be in ancient times; for that arrangement is difficult for foreign troops (1) to enter and to find their way about in when attacking. Hence it is well to combine the advantages of both plans （for this is possible if the houses are laid out in the way which among the farmers some people call ‘on the slant’ (2) in the case of vines）, and not to lay out the whole city in straight streets, but only certain parts and districts, for in this way it will combine security with beauty.
1 i.e. an enemy's mercenaries; but the MSS. give ‘difficult for foreign troops to make sorties from [i.e. presumably to find their way out when once they have got in, cf. Thuc. 2.4.2] and for attackers to find their way about in.’
2 The Roman quincunx, each plant of one row being in line with the gap between two plants of the next row
τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην ἐρυμνότητα τῶν τειχῶν οἰητέον εἶναι πολεμικωτάτην
περὶ δὲ τειχῶν, οἱ μὴ φάσκοντες δεῖν ἔχειν τὰς τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀντιποιουμένας πόλεις λίαν ἀρχαίως ὑπολαμβάνουσιν, καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶντες ἐλεγχομένας ἔργῳ τὰς ἐκείνως καλλωπισαμένας. [35] ἔστι δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ὁμοίους καὶ μὴ πολὺ τῷ πλήθει διαφέροντας οὐ καλὸν τὸ πειρᾶσθαι σῴζεσθαι διὰ τῆς τῶν τειχῶν ἐρυμνότητος: ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ συμβαίνειν ἐνδέχεται πλείω τὴν ὑπεροχὴν γίγνεσθαι τῶν ἐπιόντων τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὀλίγοις ἀρετῆς, εἰ δεῖ σῴζεσθαι [40] καὶ μὴ πάσχειν κακῶς μηδὲ ὑβρίζεσθαι, τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην ἐρυμνότητα τῶν τειχῶν οἰητέον εἶναι πολεμικωτάτην,
[1331α] ἄλλως τε καὶ νῦν εὑρημένων τῶν περὶ τὰ βέλη καὶ τὰς μηχανὰς εἰς ἀκρίβειαν πρὸς τὰς πολιορκίας. ὅμοιον γὰρ τὸ τείχη μὴ περιβάλλειν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀξιοῦν καὶ τὸ τὴν χώραν εὐέμβολον ζητεῖν καὶ περιαιρεῖν τοὺς [5] ὀρεινοὺς τόπους, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ταῖς οἰκήσεσι ταῖς ἰδίαις μὴ περιβάλλειν τοίχους ὡς ἀνάνδρων ἐσομένων τῶν κατοικούντων. ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ τοῦτό γε δεῖ λανθάνειν, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν περιβεβλημένοις τείχη περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔξεστιν ἀμφοτέρως χρῆσθαι ταῖς πόλεσιν, καὶ ὡς ἐχούσαις τείχη καὶ ὡς μὴ [10] ἐχούσαις, τοῖς δὲ μὴ κεκτημένοις οὐκ ἔξεστιν. εἰ δὴ τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον, οὐχ ὅτι τείχη μόνον περιβλητέον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων ἐπιμελητέον, ὅπως καὶ πρὸς κόσμον ἔχῃ τῇ πόλει πρεπόντως καὶ πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας, τάς τε ἄλλας καὶ τὰς νῦν ἐπεξευρημένας. ὥσπερ γὰρ τοῖς ἐπιτιθεμένοις [15] ἐπιμελές ἐστι δι᾽ ὧν τρόπων πλεονεκτήσουσιν, οὕτω τὰ μὲν εὕρηται τὰ δὲ δεῖ ζητεῖν καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν καὶ τοὺς φυλαττομένους: ἀρχὴν γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ἐπιχειροῦσιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοῖς εὖ παρεσκευασμένοις.
As regards walls, those who aver that cities which pretend to valor should not have them hold too old-fashioned a view—and that though they see that the cities that indulge in that form of vanity are refuted by experience. It is true that against an evenly matched foe and one little superior in numbers it is not honorable to try to secure oneself by the strength of one's fortifications; but as it does and may happen that the superior numbers of the attackers may be too much for the human valor of a small force, if the city is to survive and not to suffer disaster or insult, the securest fortification of walls must be deemed to be the most warlike,
[1331a] [1] particularly in view of the inventions that have now been made in the direction of precision with missiles and artillery for sieges. To claim not to encompass cities with walls is like desiring the country to be easy to invade and stripping it of hilly regions, and similarly not surrounding even private dwellings with house-walls on the ground that the inhabitants will be cowardly. Another point moreover that must not be forgotten is that those who have walls round the city can use their cities in both ways, both as walled cities and as open ones, whereas cities not possessing walls cannot be used in both ways. If then this is so, not only must walls be put round a city, but also attention must be paid to them in order that they may be suitable both in regard to the adornment of the city and in respect of military requirements, especially the new devices recently invented. For just as the attackers of a city are concerned to study the means by which they can gain the advantage, so also for the defenders some devices have already been invented and others they must discover and think out; for people do not even start attempting to attack those who are well prepared.
εἰς δ᾽ ἀσφάλειαν ἅπαντα μὲν ταῦτα ἀναγκαῖον δύνασθαι θεωρεῖν, οὐκ ἐλάχιστον δὲ περὶ νομοθεσίας ἐπαΐειν: ἐν γὰρ τοῖς νόμοις ἐστὶν ἡ σωτηρία τῆς πόλεως
ἔτι δὲ περὶ τροφῆς, πόση δαπάνη ἱκανὴ τῇ πόλει καὶ ποία, ἡ αὐτοῦ τε γιγνομένη καὶ ἡ εἰσαγώγιμος, καὶ τίνων τ᾽ ἐξαγωγῆς δέονται καὶ τίνων καὶ παρὰ τίνων εἰσαγωγῆς, ἵνα
πρὸς τούτους καὶ συνθῆκαι καὶ συμβολαὶ γίγνωνται: πρὸς δύο γὰρ διαφυλάττειν ἀναγκαῖον ἀνεγκλήτους τοὺς πολίτας, πρός τε τοὺς κρείττους καὶ πρὸς τοὺς εἰς ταῦτα χρησίμους.
[12] εἰς δ᾽ ἀσφάλειαν ἅπαντα μὲν ταῦτα ἀναγκαῖον δύνασθαι θεωρεῖν, οὐκ ἐλάχιστον δὲ περὶ νομοθεσίας ἐπαΐειν: ἐν γὰρ τοῖς νόμοις ἐστὶν ἡ σωτηρία τῆς πόλεως, ὥστ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον εἰδέναι πόσα τέ ἐστι πολιτειῶν εἴδη, καὶ ποῖα συμφέρει ἑκάστῃ, καὶ ὑπὸ τίνων φθείρεσθαι πέφυκεν καὶ οἰκείων τῆς πολιτείας καὶ ἐναντίων. λέγω δὲ τὸ ὑπὸ οἰκείων φθείρεσθαι, ὅτι ἔξω τῆς βελτίστης πολιτείας αἱ ἄλλαι πᾶσαι καὶ ἀνιέμεναι καὶ
ἐπιτεινόμεναι φθείρονται, οἷον δημοκρατία οὐ μόνον ἀνιεμένη ἀσθενεστέρα γίγνεται ὥστε τέλος ἥξει εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπιτεινομένη σφόδρα: ὥσπερ καὶ ἡ γρυπότης καὶ ἡ σιμότης οὐ μόνον ἀνιέμενα ἔρχεται εἰς τὸ μέσον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σφόδρα γρυπὰ γινόμενα ἢ σιμὰ οὕτως διατίθεται ὥστε μηδὲ
μυκτῆρα δοκεῖν εἶναι. [13] χρήσιμον δὲ πρὸς τὰς νομοθεσίας τὸ μὴ μόνον ἐπαΐειν τίς πολιτεία συμφέρει, ἐκ τῶν παρεληλυθότων θεωροῦντα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις εἰδέναι, αἱ ποῖαι τοῖς ποίοις ἁρμόττουσιν: ὥστε δῆλον ὅτι πρὸς μὲν τὴν νομοθεσίαν αἱ τῆς γῆς περίοδοι χρήσιμοι （ἐντεῦθεν
γὰρ λαβεῖν ἔστιν τοὺς τῶν ἐθνῶν νόμους）, πρὸς δὲ τὰς πολιτικὰς συμβουλὰς αἱ τῶν περὶ τὰς πράξεις γραφόντων ἱστορίαι: ἅπαντα δὲ ταῦτα πολιτικῆς ἀλλ᾽ οὐ ῥητορικῆς ἔργον ἐστίν.
[11] Again, in regard to food, he should know what amount of expenditure is sufficient to support the State; what kind of food is produced at home or can be imported; and what exports and imports are necessary, in order that contracts and agreements may be made with those who can furnish them; for it is necessary to keep the citizens free from reproach in their relations with two classes of people—those who are stronger and those who are useful for commercial purposes.
[12] With a view to the safety of the State, it is necessary that the orator should be able to judge of all these questions, but an understanding of legislation is of special importance, for it is on the laws that the safety of the State is based. Wherefore he must know how many forms of government there are; what is expedient for each; and the natural causes of its downfall, whether they are peculiar to the particular form of government or opposed to it. By being ruined by causes peculiar to itself, I mean that, with the exception of the perfect form of government, all the rest are ruined by being relaxed or strained to excess. Thus democracy, not only when relaxed, but also when strained to excess, becomes weaker and will end in an oligarchy; similarly, not only does an aquiline or snub nose reach the mean, when one of these defects is relaxed, but when it becomes aquiline or snub to excess, it is altered to such an extent that even the likeness of a nose is lost. [13] Moreover, with reference to acts of legislation, it is useful not only to understand what form of government is expedient by judging in the light of the past, but also to become acquainted with those in existence in other nations, and to learn what kinds of government are suitable to what kinds of people. It is clear, therefore, that for legislation books of travel are useful, since they help us to understand the laws of other nations, and for political debates historical works. All these things, however, belong to Politics and not to Rhetoric.
ἔστω δὴ εὐδαιμονία εὐπραξία μετ᾽ ἀρετῆς, ἢ αὐτάρκεια ζωῆς, ἢ ὁ βίος ὁ μετὰ ἀσφαλείας ἥδιστος
[3] ἔστω δὴ εὐδαιμονία εὐπραξία μετ᾽ ἀρετῆς, ἢ αὐτάρκεια
ζωῆς, ἢ ὁ βίος ὁ μετὰ ἀσφαλείας ἥδιστος, ἢ εὐθενία κτημάτων καὶ σωμάτων μετὰ δυνάμεως φυλακτικῆς τε καὶ πρακτικῆς τούτων: σχεδὸν γὰρ τούτων ἓν ἢ πλείω τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ὁμολογοῦσιν εἶναι ἅπαντες.
[3] Let us then define happiness as well-being combined with virtue, or independence of life, or the life that is most agreeable combined with security, or abundance of possessions and slaves,(1) combined with power to protect and make use of them; for nearly all men admit that one or more of these things constitutes happiness.
(1) This is the usual rendering, although it is hardly satisfactory. Jebb translates “a flourishing state . . . oOf body.
προσήκειν οἰόμεθα δυνάμεις ὑπάρχειν καὶ τύχην: οὕτω γὰρ ἀσφαλέστατος ὁ βίος
[4] εἰ δή ἐστιν ἡ εὐδαιμονία τοιοῦτον, ἀνάγκη αὐτῆς εἶναι μέρη
εὐγένειαν, πολυφιλίαν, χρηστοφιλίαν, πλοῦτον, εὐτεκνίαν, πολυτεκνίαν, εὐγηρίαν: ἔτι τὰς τοῦ σώματος ἀρετάς (οἷον ὑγίειαν, κάλλος, ἰσχύν, μέγεθος, δύναμιν ἀγωνιστικήν), δόξαν, τιμήν, εὐτυχίαν, ἀρετήν ἢ καὶ τὰ μέρη αὐτῆς φρόνησιν, ἀνδρείαν, δικαιοσύνην, σωφροσύνην: οὕτω γὰρ ἂν αὐταρκέστατός τις εἴη, εἰ ὑπάρχοι αὐτῷ τά τ᾽ ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ ἐκτὸς ἀγαθά: οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἄλλα παρὰ ταῦτα. ἔστι δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῷ μὲν τὰ περὶ ψυχὴν καὶ τὰ ἐν σώματι, ἔξω δὲ εὐγένεια καὶ φίλοι καὶ χρήματα καὶ τιμή, ἔτι δὲ προσήκειν οἰόμεθα δυνάμεις ὑπάρχειν καὶ τύχην: οὕτω γὰρ ἀσφαλέστατος ὁ βίος. λάβωμεν τοίνυν ὁμοίως καὶ τούτων ἕκαστον τί ἐστιν.
[4] If, then, such is the nature of happiness, its component parts must necessarily be: noble birth, numerous friends, good friends, wealth, good children, numerous children, a good old age; further, bodily excellences, such as health, beauty, strength, stature, fitness for athletic contests, a good reputation, honor, good luck, virtue. For a man would be entirely independent, provided he possessed all internal and external goods; for there are no others. Internal goods are those of mind and body; external goods are noble birth, friends, wealth, honor. To these we think should be added certain capacities (3) and good luck; for on these conditions life will be perfectly secure. Let us now in the same way define each of these in detail.
(3) i.e. of mind and body; or δυνάμεις may mean “positions of authority and influence.”
ταῦτα δὲ πάντα <οἰκεῖα> καὶ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ ἐλευθέρια καὶ χρήσιμα" (Z. 15) / ὅρος δὲ ἀσφαλείας μὲν τὸ ἐνταῦθα καὶ οὕτω κεκτῆσθαι ὥστ᾽ ἐφ᾽ αὑτῷ εἶναι τὴν χρῆσιν αὐτῶν (Z. 19f.)
[7] πλούτου δὲ μέρη νομίσματος πλῆθος <καὶ> γῆς, χωρίων κτῆσις πλήθει καὶ μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει διαφερόντων, ἔτι δὲ ἐπίπλων κτῆσις καὶ ἀνδραπόδων καὶ βοσκημάτων πλήθει καὶ κάλλει διαφερόντων, ταῦτα δὲ πάντα <οἰκεῖα> καὶ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ ἐλευθέρια καὶ χρήσιμα. ἔστιν δὲ χρήσιμα μὲν μᾶλλον τὰ κάρπιμα, ἐλευθέρια δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἀπόλαυσιν (κάρπιμα δὲ λέγω ἀφ᾽ ὧν αἱ πρόσοδοι, ἀπολαυστικὰ δὲ ἀφ᾽ ὧν μηδὲν παρὰ τὴν χρῆσιν γίγνεται ὅ τι καὶ ἄξιον). ὅρος δὲ ἀσφαλείας μὲν τὸ ἐνταῦθα καὶ οὕτω κεκτῆσθαι ὥστ᾽ ἐφ᾽ αὑτῷ εἶναι τὴν χρῆσιν αὐτῶν, τοῦ δὲ οἰκεῖα εἶναι ἢ μὴ ὅταν ἐφ᾽ αὑτῷ ᾖ ἀπαλλοτριῶσαι: λέγω δὲ ἀπαλλοτρίωσιν δόσιν καὶ πρᾶσιν. ὅλως δὲ τὸ πλουτεῖν ἐστιν ἐν τῷ χρῆσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν τῷ κεκτῆσθαι: καὶ γὰρ ἡ ἐνέργειά ἐστι τῶν τοιούτων καὶ ἡ χρῆσις πλοῦτος.
[7] Wealth consists in abundance of money, ownership of land and properties, and further of movables, cattle, and slaves, remarkable for number, size, and beauty, if they are all secure, liberal, and useful. Property that is productive is more useful, but that which has enjoyment for its object is more liberal. By productive I mean that which is a source of income, by enjoyable (Anm.: wtl. liberal!) that which offers no advantage beyond the use of it—at least, none worth mentioning. Security may be defined as possession of property in such places and on such conditions that the use of it is in our own hands; and ownership as the right of alienation or not (3), by which I mean giving the property away or selling it. In a word, being wealthy consists rather in use than in possession; for the actualization (4) and use of such things is wealth.
3 ἢ μή: in the MS. readings these words follow τοῦ οἰκεῖα εἶναι: “ownership or non-ownership.” The alteration is Spengel's.
4 ἐνέργεια: realization in action or fact.
οἷς Ποσειδῶν ἀσφάλειός ἐστιν ἡ βακτηρία·
Χορός
οἱ γέροντες οἱ παλαιοὶ μεμφόμεσθα τῇ πόλει:
οὐ γὰρ ἀξίως ἐκείνων ὧν ἐναυμαχήσαμεν
γηροβοσκούμεσθ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν, ἀλλὰ δεινὰ πάσχομεν,
οἵτινες γέροντας ἄνδρας ἐμβαλόντες ἐς γραφὰς
680 ὑπὸ νεανίσκων ἐᾶτε καταγελᾶσθαι ῥητόρων,
οὐδὲν ὄντας, ἀλλὰ κωφοὺς καὶ παρεξηυλημένους,
οἷς Ποσειδῶν ἀσφάλειός ἐστιν ἡ βακτηρία:
τονθορύζοντες δὲ γήρᾳ τῷ λίθῳ προσέσταμεν,
οὐχ ὁρῶντες οὐδὲν εἰ μὴ τῆς δίκης τὴν ἠλύγην.
685 ὁ δέ, νεανίας ἑαυτῷ σπουδάσας ξυνηγορεῖν,
ἐς τάχος παίει ξυνάπτων στρογγύλοις τοῖς ῥήμασιν:
κᾆτ᾽ ἀνελκύσας ἐρωτᾷ σκανδάληθρ᾽ ἱστὰς ἐπῶν
ἄνδρα Τιθωνὸν σπαράττων καὶ ταράττων καὶ κυκῶν.
ὁ δ᾽ ὑπὸ γήρως μασταρύζει, κᾆτ᾽ ὀφλὼν ἀπέρχεται,
690 εἶτα λύζει καὶ δακρύει καὶ λέγει πρὸς τοὺς φίλους,
‘οὗ μ᾽ ἐχρῆν σορὸν πρίασθαι τοῦτ᾽ ὀφλὼν ἀπέρχομαι.’
CHORUS
We others, now old men and heavy with years, we reproach the city; so many are the victories we have gained for the Athenian fleets that we well deserve to be cared for in our declining life; yet far from this, we are ill-used, harassed with law-suits, delivered over to the scorn of stripling orators. Our minds and bodies being ravaged with age, Poseidon should protect us, yet we have no other support than a staff. When standing before the judge, we can scarcely stammer forth the fewest words, and of justice we see but its barest shadow, whereas the accuser, desirous of conciliating the younger men, overwhelms us with his ready rhetoric; he drags us before the judge, presses us with questions, lays traps for us; the onslaught troubles, upsets and ruins poor old Tithonus, who, crushed with age, stands tongue-tied; sentenced to a fine,1 he weeps, he sobs and says to his friend, “This fine robs me of the last trifle that was to have bought my coffin.”
τηνικαῦτα δ’ οὐκέτ’ ἦν ἀσφαλὲς ξυντυγχάνειν.
Χορός
ἔστι δ᾽ αὗ χώρα πρὸς αὐτῷ
τῷ σκότῳ πόρρω τις ἐν
τῇ λύχνων ἐρημίᾳ,
1485 ἔνθα τοῖς ἥρωσιν ἄνθρωποι
ξυναριστῶσι καὶ ξύν-
εισι πλὴν τῆς ἑσπέρας.
τηνικαῦτα δ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ἦν
ἀσφαλὲς ξυντυγχάνειν.
1490 εἰ γὰρ ἐντύχοι τις ἥρῳ
τῶν βροτῶν νύκτωρ Ὀρέστῃ,
γυμνὸς ἦν πληγεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
πάντα τἀπιδέξια.
Chorus
Far away in the regions of darkness, where no ray of light ever enters, there is a country, [1485] where men sit at the table of the heroes and dwell with them always —except in the evening. [1490] Should any mortal meet the hero Orestes at night, he would soon be stripped and covered with blows from head to foot.
ὥσπερ οἱ Κᾶρες μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ λόφων οἰκοῦσιν, ὦγάθ’, ἀσφαλείας οὕνεκα.
Ὄρνις Τις
τοροτὶξ τοροτίξ.
Πισθέταιρος
ὦγάθ᾽ ἀλλ᾽ εἶς οὑτοσὶ καὶ δή τις ὄρνις ἔρχεται.
Ἐυελπίδης
νὴ Δί᾽ ὄρνις δῆτα. τίς ποτ᾽ ἐστίν; οὐ δήπου ταὧς;
Πισθέταιρος
270 οὗτος αὐτὸς νῷν φράσει: τίς ἐστιν ὄρνις οὑτοσί;
Ἔποψ
οὗτος οὐ τῶν ἠθάδων τῶνδ᾽ ὧν ὁρᾶθ᾽ ὑμεῖς ἀεί,
ἀλλὰ λιμναῖος.
Ἐυελπίδης
βαβαὶ καλός γε καὶ φοινικιοῦς.
Ἔποψ
εἰκότως γε: καὶ γὰρ ὄνομ᾽ αὐτῷ 'στὶ φοινικόπτερος.
Ἐυελπίδης
οὗτος ὦ σέ τοι.
Πισθέταιρος
τί βωστρεῖς;
Ἐυελπίδης
ἕτερος ὄρνις οὑτοσί.
Πισθέταιρος
275 νὴ Δί᾽ ἕτερος δῆτα χοὖτος ἔξεδρον χρόαν ἔχων.
τίς ποτ᾽ ἔσθ᾽ ὁ μουσόμαντις ἄτοπος ὄρνις ὀρειβάτης;
Ἔποψ
ὄνομα τούτῳ Μῆδός ἐστο.
Πισθέταιρος
Μῆδος; ὦναξ Ἡράκλεις:
εἶτα πῶς ἄνευ καμήλου Μῆδος ὤν εἰσέπτετο;
Ἐυελπίδης
ἕτερος αὖ λόφον κατειληφώς τις ὄρνις οὑτοσί.
Πισθέταιρος
τί τὸ τέρας τουτί ποτ᾽ ἐστίν; οὐ σὺ μόνος ἄρ᾽ ἦσθ᾽ ἔποψ,
280 ἀλλὰ χοὖτος ἕτερος;
Ἔποψ
οὑτοσὶ μέν ἐστι Φιλοκλέους
ἐξ ἔποπος, ἐγὼ δὲ τούτου πάππος, ὥσπερ εἰ λέγοις
Ἱππόνικος Καλλίου κἀξ Ἱππονίκου Καλλίας.
Πισθέταιρος
Καλλίας ἄρ᾽ οὗτος οὕρνις ἐστίν: ὡς πτερορρυεῖ.
Ἐυελπίδης
285 ἅτε γὰρ ὢν γενναῖος ὑπό τε συκοφαντῶν τίλλεται,
αἵ τε θήλειαι προσεκτίλλουσιν αὐτοῦ τὰ πτερά.
Πισθέταιρος
ὦ Πόσειδον ἕτερος αὖ τις βαπτὸς ὄρνις οὑτοσί.
τίς ὀνομάξεταί ποθ᾽ οὗτος;
Ἔποψ
οὑτοσὶ κατωφαγᾶς.
Πισθέταιρος
ἔστι γὰρ κατωφαγᾶς τις ἄλλος ἢ Κλεώνυμος;
Ἐυελπίδης
290 πῶς ἂν οὖν Κλεώνυμός γ᾽ ὢν οὐκ ἀπέβαλε τὸν λόφον;
Πισθέταιρος
ἀλλὰ μέντοι τίς ποθ᾽ ἡ λόφωσις ἡ τῶν ὀρνέων;
ἦ 'πὶ τὸν δίαυλον ἦλθον;
Ἔποψ
ὥσπερ οἱ Κᾶρες μὲν οὖν
ἐπὶ λόφων οἰκοῦσιν ὦγάθ᾽ ἀσφαλείας οὔνεκα.
Πισθέταιρος
ὦ Πόσειδον οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὅσον συνείλεκται κακὸν
295 ὀρνέων;
Ἐυελπίδης
ὦναξ Ἄπολλον τοῦ νέφους. ἰοὺ ἰού,
οὐδ᾽ ἰδεῖν ἔτ᾽ ἔσθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν πετομένων τὴν εἴσοδον.
Ἔποψ
οὑτοσὶ πέρδιξ, ἐκεινοσί γε νὴ Δί᾽ ἀτταγᾶς,
οὑτοσὶ δὲ πηνέλοψ, ἐκεινηὶ δέ γ᾽ ἀλκυών.
Πισθέταιρος
τίς γάρ ἐσθ᾽ οὕπισθεν αὐτῆς;
Ἔποψ
ὅστις ἐστί; κειρύλος.
Πισθέταιρος
300 κειρύλος γάρ ἐστιν ὄρνις;
Ἔποψ
οὐ γάρ ἐστι Σποργίλος;
χαὐτηί γε γλαῦξ.
Ἐυελπίδης
τί φῄς; τίς γλαῦκ᾽ Ἀθήναζ᾽ ἤγαγεν;
Ἔποψ
κίττα τρυγὼν κορυδὸς ἐλεᾶς ὑποθυμὶς περιστερὰ
νέρτος ἱέραξ φάττα κόκκυξ ἐρυθρόπους κεβλήπυρις
πορφυρὶς κερχνῂς κολυμβὶς ἀμπελὶς φήην δρύοψ.
Πισθέταιρος
305 ἰοὺ ἰοὺ τῶν ὀρνέων, ἰοὺ ἰοὺ τῶν κοψίχων:
οἶα πιππίζουσι καὶ τρέχουσι διακεκραγότες.
ἆρ᾽ ἀπειλοῦσίν γε νῷν; οἴμοι, κεχήνασίν γέ τοι
καὶ βλέπουσιν ἐς σὲ κἀμέ.
Ἐυελπίδης
τοῦτο μὲν κἀμοὶ δοκεῖ.
A Bird
Entering.
Torotix, torotix.
Pisthetaerus
Wait, friend, there's a bird.
Euelpides
By Zeus, it is a bird, but what kind? Isn't it a peacock?
Pisthetaerus
As Epops comes out of the thicket.
[270] Epops will tell us. What is this bird?
Epops
It's not one of those you are used to seeing; it's a bird from the marshes.
Euelpides
Oh! oh! but he is very handsome with his wings as crimson as flame.
Epops
Undoubtedly; indeed he is called flamingo.
Euelpides
Excitedly.
Hi! I say! You!
Pisthetaerus
What are you shouting for?
Euelpides
Why, here's another bird.
Pisthetaerus
[275] Aye, indeed; this one's a foreign bird too. To Epops. What is this bird from beyond the mountains with a look as solemn as it is stupid?
Epops
He is called the Mede.
Euelpides
The Mede! But, by Heracles, how, if a Mede, has he flown here without a camel?
Pisthetaerus
Here's another bird with a crest.
From here on, the numerous birds that make up the Chorus keep rushing in.
Euelpides
Ah! that's curious. I say, Epops, [280] you are not the only one of your kind then?
Epops
This bird is the son of Philocles, who is the son of Epops; so that, you see, I am his grandfather; just as one might say, Hipponicus, the son of Callias, who is the son of Hipponicus.
Euelpides
Then this bird is Callias! Why, what a lot of his feathers he has lost!
Epops
[285] That's because he is honest; so the informers set upon him and the women too pluck out his feathers.
Euelpides
By Poseidon, do you see that many-coloured bird? What is his name?
Epops
This one? That's the glutton.
Euelpides
Is there another glutton besides Cleonymus? [290] But why, if he is Cleonymus, has he not thrown away his crest? But what is the meaning of all these crests? Have these birds come to contend for the double stadium prize?
Epops
They are like the Carians, who cling to the crests of their mountains for greater safety.
Pisthetaerus
Oh, Poseidon! look what awful swarms of birds are gathering here!
Euelpides
[295] By Phoebus! what a cloud! The entrance to the stage is no longer visible so closely do they fly together.
Pisthetaerus
Here is the partridge.
Euelpides
Why, there is the francolin.
Pisthetaerus
There is the poachard.
Euelpides
Here is the kingfisher. To Epops. What's that bird behind the kingfisher?
Epops
That's the barber.
Euelpides
[300] What? a bird a barber?
Pisthetaerus
Why, Sporgilus is one.
Epops
Here comes the owl.
Euelpides
And who is it brings an owl to Athens?
Epops
Pointing to the various species.
Here is the magpie, the turtle-dove, the swallow, the horned-owl, the buzzard, the pigeon, the falcon, the ring-dove, the cuckoo, the red-foot, the red-cap, the purple-cap, the kestrel, the diver, the ousel, the osprey, the woodpecker . . .
Pisthetaerus
[305] Oh! what a lot of birds! Oh! what a lot of blackbirds! How they scold, how they come rushing up! What a noise! what a noise! Can they be bearing us ill-will? Oh! there! there! they are opening their beaks and staring at us.
Euelpides
Why, so they are.
κοινόν, ἀσφαλῆ, δίκαιον, ἡδύν, ὠφελήσιμον.
Χορός
310 ποποποποποποποποποποῖ ποῦ μ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ὃς
ἐκάλεσε; τίνα τόπον ἄρα ποτὲ νέμεται;
Ἔποψ
οὑτοσὶ πάλαι πάρειμι κοὐκ ἀποστατῶ φίλων.
Χορός
τί τί τί τί τί τί τί τί: τίνα λόγον ἄρα ποτὲ
315 πρὸς ἐμὲ φίλον ἔχων;
Ἔποψ
κοινὸν ἀσφαλῆ δίκαιον ἡδὺν ὠφελήσιμον.
ἄνδρε γὰρ λεπτὼ λογιστὰ δεῦρ᾽ ἀφῖχθον ὡς ἐμέ.
Χορός
ποῦ; πᾷ; πῶς φῄς;
Ἔποψ
320 φήμ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἀφῖχθαι δεῦρο πρεσβύτα δύο:
ἥκετον δ᾽ ἔχοντε πρέμνον πράγματος πελωρίου.
Χορός
ὦ μέγιστον ἐξαμαρτὼν ἐξ ὅτου 'τράφην ἐγώ,
πῶς λέγεις;
Ἔποψ
μήπω φοβηθῇς τὸν λόγον.
Χορός
τί μ᾽ ἠργάσω;
Ἔποψ
ἄνδρ᾽ ἐδεξάμην ἐραστὰ τῆσδε τῆς ξυνουσίας.
Χορός
325 καὶ δέδρακας τοῦτο τοὔργον;
Ἔποψ
καὶ δεδρακώς γ᾽ ἥδομαι.
Χορός
κἀστὸν ἤδη που παρ᾽ ἡμῖν;
Ἔποψ
εἰ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν εἴμ᾽ ἐγώ.
Leader of the Chorus
[310] Popopopopopo. Where is he who called me? Where am I to find him?
Epops
I have been waiting for you a long while! I never fail in my word to my friends.
Leader of the Chorus
Tititititititi. What good news [315] have you for me?
Epops
Something that concerns our common safety, and that is just as pleasant as it is to the point. Two men, who are subtle reasoners, have come here to seek me.
Leader of the Chorus
Where? How? What are you saying?
Epops
[320] I say, two old men have come from the abode of humans to propose a vast and splendid scheme to us.
Leader of the Chorus
Oh! it's a horrible, unheard-of crime! What are you saying?
Epops
Never let my words scare you.
Leader of the Chorus
What have you done to me?
Epops
I have welcomed two men, who wish to live with us.
Leader of the Chorus
[325] And you have dared to do that!
Epops
Yes, and I am delighted at having done so.
Leader of the Chorus
And are they already with us?
Epops
Just as much as I am.
ἐκπονεῖν θ᾽ ὑψηλὰ τείχη ναῦς τε κεκτῆσθαι μακράς: τὸ δὲ μάθημα τοῦτο σῴζει παῖδας οἶκον χρήματα.
Ἐυελπίδης
τοῦτ᾽ ἐκεῖνο: ποῖφύγω δύστηνος;
Πισθέταιρος
οὗτος οὐ μενεῖς;
Ἐυελπίδης
355 ἵν᾽ ὑπὸ τούτων διαφορηθῶ;
Πισθέταιρος
πῶς γὰρ ἂν τούτους δοκεῖς
ἐκφυγεῖν;
Ἐυελπίδης
οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως ἄν.
Πισθέταιρος
ἀλλ᾽ ἐγώ τοί σοι λέγω,
ὅτι μένοντε δεῖ μάχεσθαι λαμβάνειν τε τῶν χυτρῶν.
Ἐυελπίδης
τί δὲ χύτρα νώ γ᾽ ὠφελήσει;
Πισθέταιρος
γλαῦξ μὲν οὐ πρόσεισι νῷν.
Ἐυελπίδης
τοῖς δὲ γαμψώνυξι τοισδί;
Πισθέταιρος
τὸν ὀβελίσκον ἁρπάσας
360 εἶτα κατάπηξον πρὸ σαυτοῦ.
Ἐυελπίδης
τοῖσι δ᾽ ὀφθαλμοῖσι τί;
Πισθέταιρος
ὀξύβαφον ἐντευθενὶ προσδοῦ λαβὼν ἢ τρύβλιον.
Ἐυελπίδης
ὦ σοφώτατ᾽, εὖ γ᾽ ἀνηῦρες αὐτὸ καὶ στρατηγικῶς:
ὑπερακοντίζεις σύ γ᾽ ἤδη Νικίαν ταῖς μηχαναῖς.
Χορός
ἐλελελεῦ χώρει κάθες τὸ ῥύγχος: οὐ μέλλειν ἐχρῆν.
365 ἕλκε τίλλε παῖε δεῖρε, κόπτε πρώτην τὴν χύτραν.
Ἔποψ
εἰπέ μοι τί μέλλετ᾽ ὦ πάντων κάκιστα θηρίων
ἀπολέσαι παθόντες οὐδὲν ἄνδρε καὶ διασπάσαι
τῆς ἐμῆς γυναικὸς ὄντε ξυγγενεῖ καὶ φυλέτα;
Χορός
φεισόμεσθα γάρ τι τῶνδε μᾶλλον ἡμεῖς ἢ λύκων;
370 ἢ τίνας τεισαίμεθ᾽ ἄλλους τῶνδ᾽ ἂν ἐχθίους ἔτι;
Ἔποψ
εἰ δὲ τὴν φύσιν μὲν ἐχθροὶ τὸν δὲ νοῦν εἰσιν φίλοι,
καὶ διδάξοντές τι δεῦρ᾽ ἥκουσιν ὑμᾶς χρήσιμον;
Χορός
πῶς δ᾽ ἂν οἵδ᾽ ἡμᾶς τι χρήσιμον διδάξειάν ποτε
ἢ φράσειαν, ὄντες ἐχθροὶ τοῖσι πάπποις τοῖς ἐμοῖς;
Ἔποψ
375 ἀλλ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἐχθρῶν δῆτα πολλὰ μανθάνουσιν οἱ σοφοί.
ἡ γὰρ εὐλάβεια σῴζει πάντα. παρὰ μὲν οὖν φίλου
οὐ μάθοις ἂν τοῦθ᾽, ὁ δ᾽ ἐχθρὸς εὐθὺς ἐξηνάγκασεν.
αὐτίχ᾽ αἱ πόλεις παρ᾽ ἀνδρῶν γ᾽ ἔμαθον ἐχθρῶν κοὐ φίλων
ἐκπονεῖν θ᾽ ὑψηλὰ τείχη ναῦς τε κεκτῆσθαι μακράς:
380 τὸ δὲ μάθημα τοῦτο σῴζει παῖδας οἶκον χρήματα.
Χορός
ἔστι μὲν λόγων ἀκοῦσαι πρῶτον, ὡς ἡμῖν δοκεῖ,
χρήσιμον: μάθοι γὰρ ἄν τις κἀπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν σοφόν.
Πισθέταιρος
οἵδε τῆς ὀργῆς χαλᾶν εἴξασιν. ἄναγ᾽ ἐπὶ σκέλος.
Ἔποψ
καὶ δίκαιόν γ᾽ ἐστὶ κἀμοὶ δεῖ νέμειν ὑμᾶς χάριν.
Χορός
385ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἄλλο σοί πω πρᾶγμ᾽ ἐνηντιώμεθα.
They rush at the two Athenians.
Euelpides
This is the fatal moment. Where shall I fly to, unfortunate wretch that I am?
Pisthetaerus
Wait! Stay here!
Euelpides
[355] That they may tear me to pieces?
Pisthetaerus
And how do you think to escape them?
Euelpides
I don't know at all.
Pisthetaerus
Come, I will tell you. We must stop and fight them. Let us arm ourselves with these stew-pots.
Euelpides
Why with the stew-pots?
Pisthetaerus
The owl will not attack us then.
Euelpides
But do you see all those hooked claws?
Pisthetaerus
Take the spit [360] and pierce the foe on your side.
Euelpides
And how about my eyes?
Pisthetaerus
Protect them with this dish or this vinegar-pot.
Euelpides
Oh! what cleverness! what inventive genius! You are a great general, even greater than Nicias, where stratagem is concerned.
Leader of the Chorus
Forward, forward, charge with your beaks! Come, no delay. [365] Tear, pluck, strike, flay them, and first of all smash the stew-pot.
Epops
Stepping in front of the Chorus.
Oh, most cruel of all animals, why tear these two men to pieces, why kill them? What have they done to you? They belong to the same tribe, to the same family as my wife.
Leader of the Chorus
Are wolves to be spared? Are they not our most mortal foes? [370] So let us punish them.
Epops
If they are your foes by nature, they are your friends in heart, and they come here to give you useful advice.
Leader of the Chorus
Advice or a useful word from their lips, from them, the enemies of my forebears?
Epops
[375] The wise can often profit by the lessons of a foe, for caution is the mother of safety. It is just such a thing as one will not learn from a friend and which an enemy compels you to know. To begin with, it's the foe and not the friend that taught cities to build high walls, to equip long vessels of war; [380] and it's this knowledge that protects our children, our slaves and our wealth.
Leader of the Chorus
Well then, I agree, let us first hear them, for that is best; one can even learn something in an enemy's school.
Pisthetaerus
To Euelpides.
Their wrath seems to cool. Draw back a little.
Epops
It's only justice, and you will thank me later.
Leader of the Chorus
[385] Never have we opposed your advice up to now.
διδόναι Νεφελοκοκκυγιεῦσιν ὑγιείαν καὶ σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖσι καὶ Χίοισι
Πισθέταιρος
παῦσαι σὺ φυσῶν. Ἡράκλεις τουτὶ τί ἦν;
860 τουτὶ μὰ Δί᾽ ἐγὼ πολλὰ δὴ καὶ δείν᾽ ἰδὼν
οὔπω κόρακ᾽ εἶδον ἐμπεφορβειωμένον.
ἱερεῦ σὸν ἔργον, θῦε τοῖς καινοῖς θεοῖς.
Ἱερεύς
δράσω τάδ᾽. ἀλλὰ ποῦ 'στιν ὁ τὸ κανοῦν ἔχων;
εὔχεσθε τῇ Ἑστίᾳ τῇ ὀρνιθείῳ καὶ τῷ ἰκτίνῳ τῷ ἑστιούχῳ καὶ ὄρνισιν Ὀλυμπίοις καὶ Ὀλυμπίῃσι πᾶσι καὶ πάσῃσιν —
Πισθέταιρος
ὦ Σουνιέρακε χαῖρ᾽ ἄναξ Πελαργικέ.
Ἱερεύς
καὶ κύκνῳ Πυθίῳ καὶ Δηλίῳ καὶ Λητοῖ Ὀρτυγομήτρᾳ καὶ Ἀρτέμιδι Ἀκαλανθίδι —
Πισθέταιρος
οὐκέτι Κολαινὶς ἀλλ᾽ Ἀκαλανθὶς Ἄρτεμις.
Ἱερεύς
καὶ φρυγίλῳ Σαβαζίῳ καὶ στρούθῳ μεγάλῃ μητρὶ θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων —
Πισθέταιρος
δέσποινα Κυβέλη, στροῦθε, μῆτερ Κλεοκρίτου.
Ἱερεύς
διδόναι Νεφελοκοκκυγιεῦσιν ὑγιείαν καὶ σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖσι καὶ Χίοισι —
Πισθέταιρος
880Χίοισιν ἥσθην πανταχοῦ προσκειμένοις.
Ἱερεύς
καὶ ἥρωσιν ὄρνισι καὶ ἡρώων παισί, πορφυρίωνι καὶ πελεκᾶντι καὶ πελεκίνῳ καὶ φλέξιδι καὶ τέτρακι καὶ ταὧνι καὶ ἐλεᾷ καὶ βασκᾷ καὶ ἐλασᾷ καὶ ἐρωδιῷ καὶ καταρράκτῃ καὶ μελαγκορύφῳ καὶ αἰγιθάλλῳ —
Πισθέταιρος
παῦ᾽ ἐς κόρακας, παῦσαι καλῶν. ἰοὺ ἰού,
890ἐπὶ ποῖον ὦ κακόδαιμον ἱερεῖον καλεῖς
ἁλιαιέτους καὶ γῦπας; οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὅτι
ἰκτῖνος εἷς ἂν τοῦτό γ᾽ οἴχοιθ᾽ ἁρπάσας;
ἄπελθ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ σὺ καὶ τὰ στέμματα:
ἐγὼ γὰρ αὐτὸς τουτογὶ θύσω μόνος.
Pisthetaerus
To the flute-player.
Enough! but, by Heracles! what is this? [860] Great gods! I have seen many prodigious things, but I never saw a muzzled raven.The Priest arrives. Priest! it's high time! Sacrifice to the new gods.
Priest
[864] I begin, but where is the man with the basket? Pray to the Hestia of the birds, to the kite, who presides over the hearth, and to all the god and goddess-birds who dwell in Olympus . . .
Pisthetaerus
Oh! Hawk, the sacred guardian of Sunium, oh, god of the storks!
Priest
. . . to the swan of Delos, to Leto the mother of the quails, and to Artemis, the goldfinch . . .
Pisthetaerus
It's no longer Artemis Colaenis, but Artemis the goldfinch.
Priest
. . . to Bacchus, the finch and Cybele, the ostrich and mother of the gods [876] and mankind. . .
Pisthetaerus
Oh! sovereign ostrich Cybele, mother of Cleocritus!
Priest
. . . to grant health and safety to the Nephelococcygians as well as [880] to the dwellers in Chios . . .
Pisthetaerus
The dwellers in Chios! Ah! I am delighted they should be thus mentioned on all occasions.
Priest
. . . to the heroes, the birds, to the sons of heroes, to the porphyrion, the pelican, the spoon-bill, the redbreast, the grouse, the peacock, the horned-owl, the teal, the bittern, the heron, the stormy petrel, the fig-pecker, the titmouse . . .
Pisthetaerus
Stop! stop! you drive me crazy with your endless list. Why, wretch, [890] to what sacred feast are you inviting the vultures and the sea-eagles? Don't you see that a single kite could easily carry off the lot at once? Begone, you and your fillets and all; I shall know how to complete the sacrifice by myself.
φύλαττε σαυτὴν ἀσφαλῶς, πολλοὶ γὰρ οἱ πανοῦργοι, μή πού τις ἐκ τοὔπισθεν ὢν τὸ σχῆμα παραφυλάξῃ.
Χορὸς
ἔμβα χώρει.
ἆρ᾽ ἔστι τῶν ἀνδρῶν τις ἡμῖν ὅστις ἐπακολουθεῖ;
480 στρέφου σκόπει,
φύλαττε σαυτὴν ἀσφαλῶς, πολλοὶ γὰρ οἱ πανοῦργοι,
μή πού τις ἐκ τοὔπισθεν ὢν τὸ σχῆμα καταφυλάξῃ.
ἀλλ᾽ ὡς μάλιστα τοῖν ποδοῖν ἐπικτυπῶν βάδιζε:
ἡμῖν δ᾽ ἂν αἰσχύνην φέροι
485 πάσαισι παρὰ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῦτ᾽ ἐλεγχθέν.
πρὸς ταῦτα συστέλλου σεαυτὴν
καὶ περισκοπουμένη
τἀνθένδε καὶ τἀκεῖσε καὶ
τἀκ δεξιᾶς, μὴ ξυμφορὰ γενήσεται τὸ πρᾶγμα.
ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκονῶμεν: τοῦ τόπου γὰρ ἐγγύς ἐσμεν ἤδη,
490 ὅθενπερ εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ὡρμώμεθ᾽ ἡνίκ᾽ ᾖμεν:
τὴν δ᾽ οἰκίαν ἔξεσθ᾽ ὁρᾶν, ὅθενπερ ἡ στρατηγὸς
ἔσθ᾽ ἡ τὸ πρᾶγμ᾽ εὑροῦσ᾽ ὃ νῦν ἔδοξε τοῖς πολίταις.
Chorus
Returning from the Assembly, still dressed like men; singing.
March along, go forward. Is there some man following us? [480] Turn round, examine everywhere and keep a good look-out; be on your guard against every trick, for they might spy on us from behind.
Let us make as much noise as possible as we tramp. It would be a disgrace for [485] all of us if we allowed ourselves to be caught in this deed by the men. Come, wrap yourselves up well, and search both right and left, so that no mischance may happen to us. Let us hasten our steps; here we are close to the meeting-place [490] whence we started for the Assembly, and here is the house of our leader, the author of this bold scheme, which is now decreed by all the citizens.
ὥστ’ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖσιν αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας ὄντας ἀσφαλῶς κινεῖν τε καὶ καθεύδειν.
Τρυγαῖος
οἶμαι. τί δῆθ᾽ ὅταν ξυνὼν τῶν τιτθίων ἔχωμαι;
Χορός
εὐδαιμονέστερος φανεῖ τῶν Καρκίνου στροβίλων.
Τρυγαῖος
865 οὔκουν δικαίως; ὅστις εἰς
ὄχημα κανθάρου 'πιβὰς
ἔσωσα τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὥστ᾽
ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖσιν αὐτοὺς
ἅπαντας ὄντας ἀσφαλῶς
βινεῖν τε καὶ καθεύδειν.
Οἰκέτης
ἡ παῖς λέλουται καὶ τὰ τῆς πυγῆς καλά:
ὁ πλακοῦς πέπεπται, σησαμῆ ξυμπλάττεται.
870 καὶ τἄλλ᾽ ἁπαξάπαντα: τοῦ πέους δὲ δεῖ.
Τρυγαῖος
ἴθι νυν ἀποδῶμεν τήνδε τὴν Θεωρίαν
ἀνύσαντε τῇ βουλῇ.
Οἰκέτης
τίς αὑτηί;
Τρυγαῖος
τί φῄς;
αὕτη Θεωρία 'στίν.
Trygaeus
And when I lie beside her and fondle her breasts?
Chorus
Oh! then you will be happier than those spinning-tops who call Carcinus their father.
Trygaeus
[865] And I well deserve it; have I not bestridden a beetle to save the Greeks, who now, thanks to me, can make love at their ease and sleep peacefully on their farms?
Servant
Returning from the house.
The girl has quitted the bath; she is charming from head to foot, belly and buttocks too; the cake is baked and they are kneading the sesame-biscuit; [870] nothing is lacking but the bridegroom's tool.
Trygaeus
Let us first hasten to lodge Theoria in the hands of the Senate.
Servant
Tell me, who is this woman?
Trygaeus
Why, it's the same Theoria.
Servant
The one we used to go to Brauron with, to get tipsy and frolic?
Trygaeus
[875] You know, I could scarcely get hold of her.
καὶ σῷζε τὸν σαυτῆς χορόν, καί μ’ ἀσφαλῶς πανήμερον παῖσαί τε καὶ χορεῦσαι·
Χορός
ἄγε νυν ἑτέραν ὕμνων ἰδέαν τὴν καρποφόρον βασίλειαν
Δήμητρα θεὰν ἐπικοσμοῦντες ζαθέαις μολπαῖς κελαδεῖτε.
Χορός
Δήμητερ ἁγνῶν ὀργίων
ἄνασσα συμπαραστάτει,
καὶ σῷζε τὸν σαυτῆς χορόν,
καί μ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς πανήμερον
390 παῖσαί τε καὶ χορεῦσαι:
καὶ πολλὰ μὲν γέλοιά μ᾽ εἰ-
πεῖν, πολλὰ δὲ σπουδαῖα, καὶ
τῆς σῆς ἑορτῆς ἀξίως
παίσαντα καὶ σκώψαντα νικήσαντα
395 ταινιοῦσθαι.
Chorus
Come now, sing a different strain of hymn to the harvest queen,
the goddess Demeter, gracing her with sacred airs.
Chorus
Demeter, mistress of our holy rites,
be present now
and preserve your song and dance.
And grant that I may sport and dance the livelong day in safety.
and that I may say much that is funny and much that is serious
and, as befits your festival,
may I play and joke and win the day, and wear the victor's crown.
ἔππασιν κὴ ἀσφ[άλιαν κὴ]
[— — ἔδοξε τοῖ δάμοι]
1 Γλα[υκ— — 11 — — Ἀν]-
τικυρεῖ̣α̣ [πρόξενον εἶ]-
μεν κὴ εὐεργέτ̣α̣[ν τᾶς πόλιο]-
ς Θειβήων κὴ αὐτὸν κὴ̣ [ἐκγόνως]
5 κὴ εἶμεν αὐτοῖς γᾶς κ[ὴ ϝοικίας]
ἔππασιν κὴ ἀσφ[άλιαν κὴ]
ἀσουλίαν κὴ ἀτ̣[έλιαν κὴ]
κατὰ γᾶν κὴ κ[ατὰ θάλατ]-
ταν κὴ πολέ[μω κὴ ἰράνας]
10 [ἐώ]σ̣ας κὴ τἆ̣[λλα πάντα κα]-
[θάπερ] κ̣ὴ̣ [τοῖς ἄλλοις προ]-
[ξένοις κὴ εὐεργέτης].
ἔππασιν κὴ ἀσφ[άλιαν κὴ]
[— — — — — — — — — — —]
〚․οι̣ο〛[․․․․․ πρόξενον εἶ]-
μεν 〚κὴ ε[ὐ]ε̣ργέ̣〛[ταν τᾶς πό]-
〚λιος Θε[ι]βήων κὴ〛 [εἶμεν]
5 〚αὐτοῖς γᾶς κὴ ϝ〛[οικίας]
ἔππασιν κὴ ἀσφ[άλιαν κὴ]
ἀσουλίαν κὴ ἀτ̣[έλιαν κὴ]
κατὰ γᾶν κὴ κ[ατὰ θάλατ]-
ταν κὴ πολέ[μω κὴ ἰράνας]
10 [ἐώ]σ̣ας κὴ τἆ̣[λλα πάντα κα]-
[θάπερ] κ̣ὴ̣ [τοῖς ἄλλοις προ]-
[ξένοις κὴ εὐεργέτης].
προδικίαν καὶ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ ἀσυλίαν ἀπὸ πάντων
ἐπὶ Δαμοσθένους ἄρχοντος, πυλαίας ὀπωρινῆς, ἱερομνημονούντων Αἰτωλῶν Νικάνορος, Φιλοξένου, Εὐρύα, Θεοδώρου, Π̣[εταλία],
Νικοφῶντος· Δελφῶν Ἁγνία, Δαμαρμένου· Φωκέων Βουθήρου, Εὐδαμίδα, Τιμώνδα· Βοιωτῶν Εὐσύτου, Ἱπποκρίτου· Ἀθηναίω[ν — —c.10— —]·
Ἱστιαιέων Κλεομέδοντος· γραμματεύοντος Λαμπρίωνος Αἰτωλοῦ· ἔδοξε τοῖς ἱερομνήμοσι· Ἀριστάρχωι Σιλην[οῦ — —c.10— —]
Καμαριναίωι εἶναι προδικίαν καὶ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ ἀσυλίαν ἀπὸ πάντων, αὐτῶι καὶ ἐκγόνοις, εὐνοίας ἕνεκα καὶ [φιλοτιμίας]
5 τῆς εἰς τὸ συνέδριον τῶν Ἀμφικτιόνων.
28
Βοιωτῶν. Ἔμμονος Ξεννέα ἔλεξεν· δεδό[χ]θαι τῶι δάμωι πρό-
ξένως ε[ἶ]μεν τῶ κοινῶ Βοιωτῶν Εὔδαμον Νίκωνος αὐτὸ[ν]
30
[κ]ὴ ἐκγόνω κ[εἶμε]ν αὐτοῖς γᾶς καὶ οἰκίας ἔμπασιν καὶ ἰσο-
[τ]έλειαν κὴ ἀσφάλειαν κὴ ἀσυλίαν ἐν πολέμωι κὴ ἐν εἰρά-
[ναι] κὴ 〚ι〛 κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν κ[ὴ] τἆλλα πάντα
[κα]θάπερ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις προξένοις.
[Βυ]ζαντίων. ἔδοξε τᾶι βουλᾶι καὶ τῶι δάμωι· ἐπ[ει]δὴ τοὶ
35
πρεσβευταὶ τοὶ ἀποσταλέντες π[οτὶ] τὸ[ν βασιλῆ]
Ἀντίοχον ἐπελθόντες ἐπὶ τὰν βουλὰν [ἔφα]ν Εὔδαμον
Νίκωνος Σελ[ε]υκ[ῆ] διατρίβοντα παρὰ [τῶι βα]σιλεῖ Ἀν-
τιόχωι κοινᾶι τε ποτὶ τὸν δᾶμον [οἰκείως ἔχειν καὶ]
ἰδίαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι τῶν πολιτῶν χρείας
40
παρέχεσθαι καὶ εἰς τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἐπαγγ[έλ]-
λεσθαι ἐπιμέλειαν ποιήσεσθα[ι τᾶς π]όλιος· δ[εδό]-
χθαι τῶι δήμωι ἐπαινέσαι μὲν ἐ[πὶ τούτ]οις Εὔδ[αμον]
καὶ εἶμεν αὐτὸν πρόξενον τᾶς πόλιος· δε[δόσ]-
[θ]αι δὲ αὐτῶι καὶ ἐκγόνοις καὶ εἴσπ[λουν κ]αὶ [ἔκπλουν]
45
καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰράνας 〚ας〛 ἀσυλεὶ [κ]αὶ ἀ[σπονδεὶ]
καὶ ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τὰν βουλὰν καὶ τὸν δᾶμ[ον πρώτοις]
μετὰ τὰ ἱερὰ· τοὺς δὲ πεντεκαίδεκ[α καὶ τοὺς συνα]-
[γόρο]υς τᾶς βουλᾶς ἀναθέμ[ε]ν α[ὐτοῦ τὸν τελαμῶ]-
[να εἰς τὸ] ἱ[ερὸν] τ[οῦ Ἀπόλλων]ο[ς.]
50
[Βυ]ζαντίων. ἔδοξε τᾶι βουλᾶι καὶ τῶι δάμωι· ἐ[πει]-
δὴ Φάεινος ἐπελθὼν ἐπὶ τὰν βουλὰν ἔφη Εὔδα[μον]
Νίκωνος Σελευκῆ πρότερόν τε διατελεῖν οἰκείως ἔ[χον]-
τα ποτὶ τὸν δᾶμον καὶ χρείας παρέχεσθαι τᾶι τε πόλει
κοινᾶι καὶ ἰδίαι τοῖς ἐντυνχάνουσι τῶν πολιτᾶν
55
καθάπερ αὐτὸν 〚ι〛 διαμαρτυροῦντι ταὶ πρεσβεῖαι ταὶ
ἀποσταλεῖσαι πρὸς τὸν βασιλῆ καὶ εἰς τὸν λοιπὸν
χρόνον ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι πρόθυμον ἑαυτὸν παρέ-
ξειν εἰς τὰ τᾶς πόλιος συμφέροντα· δεδόχθαι τῶι δ[ά]-
μωι ἐπαινέσαι μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις Εὔδαμον καὶ εἶμεν αὐ-
60
τὸν πολίταν κὰτ τὸν νόμον· ἐξεῖμεν δ’ αὐτῶι καὶ ποτ[ι]-
γράψασθαι ποτὶ τὰν ἑκατοστὸν ἅγ κε θέληι· τοὺς δὲ
πεντεκαίδεκα καὶ τοὺς συναγόρους τᾶς βουλ[ᾶς]
ἀναθέμεν αὐτο[ῦ] τὸν τελαμῶνα εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τ[οῦ]
Ἀπόλλωνος.
65
Καλχηδονίων. ἔδοξε τᾶι βουλᾶι καὶ τῶι δάμωι· ἐπ[ει]-
δὴ Εὔδαμος Νίκωνος Σελευκεὺς φίλος ἐὼν καὶ εὔ-
νους τῶι βασιλεῖ χρείας παρέχεται τᾶι πόλει· δεδόχθαι
τῶι δάμωι ἐπαινέσαι αὐτὸν καὶ στεφανῶσαι χρυσέωι
στεφάνωι εὐνοίας ἕνεκα τᾶς εἰς τὸν δᾶμον· τὸν δέ ἀ-
70
γωνοθέταν ἀναγγεῖλαι τὸν [σ]τέφανον τοῖς Διονυσί-
οις ἐν τῶι θεάτρω· δεδόσθαι δὲ αὐτῶι καὶ πολιτίαν κα[ὶ] ἰσο-
τέλειαν καὶ ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τὰν βουλὰν [κ]αὶ τὸν δᾶμον με-
τὰ τὰ ἱερὰ· ὅπως δὲ καὶ πρόξενος γένηται, τοὺς στρα-
ταγοὺς τοὺς τὰν δευτέραν τετράμηνον στρα[τα]γοῦν-
75
τας εἰσαγγεῖλαι εἰς τὰ[ν] βουλὰν κὰτ τὸν νόμον· τοὺς δὲ
πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς αἱ[ρημέν]ους διαλέγεσθαι αὐτῶι καὶ
π[αρ]ακαλεῖν χρείας παρέχεσθαι τῶι δήμωι π[ε]ρὶ ὧν πρεσ-
βεύοντι ποτὶ τὸν βασ[ι]λέ(α) Ἀντίοχον δηλοῦντας αὐτῶ[ι]
ὅτι τυχὼν τούτων ὁ δᾶμος χάριτας ἀποδώσει αὐ-
80
τῶι ἀξίας τῶν εὐερ[γετ]ημάτων.
ἡ ὑμετέρα ψῆφος πολλὴν ἀσφάλειαν τῇ (1) πόλει καταστήσει τὰ δίκαια ὑμῶν ἐθελόντων κρίνειν
[107] ἢ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις παράδειγμα ἐξοίσετε κοινὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι μισεῖτε τοὺς προδότας καὶ τοὺς χρημάτων ἕνεκα προϊεμένους τὰ τοῦ δήμου συμφέροντα; ταῦτα γὰρ ἅπαντ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν νῦν, καὶ πεντακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι ὄντες τὴν ἁπάσης τῆς πόλεως σωτηρίαν ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἔχετε, καὶ ἡ τήμερον ἡμέρα καὶ ἡ ὑμετέρα ψῆφος πολλὴν ἀσφάλειαν τῇ (1) πόλει καταστήσει τὰ δίκαια ὑμῶν ἐθελόντων κρίνειν, ἢ μοχθηρὰς ἐλπίδας ποιήσετε πάντας ἔχειν τοιαῦθ᾽ ὑμῶν ἔθη καθιστάντων.
1 τῇ Α: ἐν τῇ Ν.
[107] Or will you, for the city's sake, give a demonstration to all alike of the hatred you bear towards traitors and those who, through love of gain, betray the people's interests? All this now lies in your control, and the fifteen hundred of you hold the city's safety in your hands. Your verdict of today will either bring to Athens great security, if you are willing to make a just decision, or else, if you endorse such practices as this, drive all men to despondency.
τὴν δὲ αὑτῶν ἀσφάλειαν τηροῦντες καὶ πανταχόθεν (1) ἀργυριζόμενοι
[40] ἐκεῖνοι ἦσαν, ἐκεῖνοι, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἄξιοι σύμβουλοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες ὑμῶν καὶ τοῦ δήμου: μὰ Δί᾽ οὐ τὰ τοιαῦτα κινάδη, οἳ πεποιήκασι μὲν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ πράξουσιν ἀγαθὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, τὴν δὲ αὑτῶν ἀσφάλειαν τηροῦντες καὶ πανταχόθεν (1) ἀργυριζόμενοι καὶ πεποιηκότες τὴν πόλιν ἀδοξοτέραν ἑαυτῶν, καὶ νῦν εἰλημμένοι δῶρα καθ᾽ ὑμῶν εἰληφότες, παρακρούονται ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἀξιοῦσι τοιοῦτοι γεγενημένοι περὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν πλεονεξίας παραγγέλλειν. οὓς χρῆν (2) τεθνάναι πάλαι κατὰ τὸ ἑαυτῶν ψήφισμα,(3) τοιαῦτα διαπεπραγμένους.
1 πανταχόθεν Blass: πάντοθεν codd.
2 χρῆν Bekker: χρὴ codd.
3 πάλαι κατὰ τὸ ἑαυτῶν ψήφισμα Ν: κατὰ τὸ ἑαυτῶν ψήφισμα πάλαι Α.
[39] Others lent aid when your ancestors were persuaded to take the field by Cephalus, who proposed the decree and who, undaunted by the might of Sparta and regardless of the risks either of military or political action, moved that the Athenins should march out to help the exiles who had taken Thebes. Your fathers did march out and in a few days the commander of the Spartan garrison was expelled, the Thebans had been freed and your city had acted worthily of your ancestors.
[40] They were counsellors, Athenians, they were leaders such as yourselves and the state deserve. How different from rogues like this who neither have done nor will do the city any service but watch over their own safety and treat everything as a source of income. They have made the city more infamous than themselves, and now, convicted of taking bribes against you, they deceive you and presume, after conduct such as this, to talk to you about their own aggrandizement. They ought, by the terms of their own decree, to have been put to death long ago for doing such things.
τὸ μὲν δῶρα λαμβάνειν κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι πεποιηκότες
[67] τίνας δ᾽, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, — σκοπεῖτε γὰρ πρὸς ὑμᾶς αὐτούς —, τίνας τὰς ἐλπίδας ἕξομεν, ἐὰν κίνδυνός τις καταλάβῃ τὴν πόλιν, τὸ μὲν δῶρα λαμβάνειν κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι πεποιηκότες, τὸ δὲ τὴν φυλακὴν ἔχον συνέδριον τῆς πόλεως ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις κινδύνοις ἀδόκιμον καταστήσαντες;
[67] What hopes, Athenians,—picture for yourselves,—what hopes shall we have if some danger overtakes the city, when we have made it a safe thing to take bribes against one's country and have robbed of its status the body which kept watch over the city in such times of crisis?
καθ᾽ ὧν οὐδὲ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀσφαλές ἐστιν;
[7] ναί: κατέψευσται γὰρ ἡ βουλὴ Δημοσθένους: τουτὶ γάρ ἐστιν ὑπερβολὴ τοῦ πράγματος. σοῦ κατέψευσται καὶ Δημάδου; καθ᾽ ὧν οὐδὲ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀσφαλές ἐστιν; οἳ πολλὰ πρότερον τῶν κοινῶν ἐκείνῃ ζητεῖν προσετάξατε καὶ διὰ τὰς γενομένας ζητήσεις ἐπῃνέσατε; οὓς δ᾽ ἡ πόλις ἅπασα οὐ δύναται ἀναγκάσαι τὰ δίκαια ποιεῖν, κατὰ τούτων ἡ βουλὴ ψευδεῖς ἀποφάσεις πεποίηται;
[7] It will; for the council has told lies against Demosthenes. This is the crowning argument in his case. It has told lies, has it, against you and Demades: men against whom it is evidently not even safe to speak the truth; though you previously instructed the Areopagus to investigate many public matters and expressed approval of it for the inquiries which it had held? Are the indictments which the council has made against these men false when the whole city cannot compel them to do right?
76, Z. 9: μία γὰρ αὕτη σωτηρία καὶ πόλεως καὶ ἔθνους ἐστί, τὸ προστατῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ συμβούλων σπουδαίων τυχεῖν / 77, Z.4: μηδ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ τὰς ἐλπίδας τῆς σωτηρίας ἔχειν
[75] θεωρήσατε δὴ πάλιν καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας πόλεως, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐξετάσαντες. ἡ πόλις ἡμῶν ἦν μεγάλη καὶ ἔνδοξος παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ τῶν προγόνων ἀξία, μετά γε τὰς ἀρχαίας ἐκείνας πράξεις, ὅτε Κόνων, ὡς οἱ πρεσβύτεροι λέγουσιν, ἐνίκησε τὴν ἐν Κνίδῳ ναυμαχίαν, ὅτ᾽ Ἰφικράτης ἀνεῖλε τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων μόραν,(1) ὅτε Χαβρίας ἐν Νάξῳ κατεναυμάχησε τὰς Λακεδαιμονίων τριήρεις, ὅτε Τιμόθεος τὴν ἐν Κερκύρᾳ ναυμαχίαν ἐνίκησε.
[76] τότε, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, τότε οἱ μὲν πρότερον ὄντες λαμπροὶ διὰ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐκείνων ἤθεσι τραφέντες ταπεινοὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἧκον, δεόμενοι τῆς παρὰ τῶν προγόνων ἡμῶν σωτηρίας, ὁ δὲ καταλυθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων δῆμος διὰ τοὺς τότε γενομένους παρ᾽ ἡμῖν (2) συμβούλους πάλιν ἡγεμὼν ἦν τῶν Ἑλλήνων, δικαίως οἶμαι, στρατηγῶν μὲν τοιούτων τετυχηκὼς οἵων εἶπον ἀρτίως, συμβούλους δ᾽ ἔχων Ἀρχῖνον καὶ Κέφαλον τὸν Κολλυτέα. μία γὰρ αὕτη σωτηρία καὶ πόλεως καὶ ἔθνους ἐστί, τὸ προστατῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ συμβούλων σπουδαίων τυχεῖν.
[77] διόπερ, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, δεῖ ταῦθ᾽ ὑμᾶς ὁρῶντας καὶ λογιζομένους μὴ μὰ Δία τὸν πλείω χρόνον τῆς Δημοσθένους δωροδοκίας καὶ ἀτυχίας κοινωνεῖν, μηδ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ τὰς ἐλπίδας τῆς σωτηρίας ἔχειν, μηδ᾽ οἴεσθαι ἀπορήσειν ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ συμβούλων σπουδαίων, ἀλλὰ τὴν τῶν προγόνων λαβόντας ὀργὴν τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ κλέπτην εἰλημμένον καὶ προδότην, τὸν οὐκ ἀπεχόμενον τῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀφικνουμένων χρημάτων, τὸν εἰς τὰς δεινοτάτας ἀτυχίας ἐμβεβληκότα τὴν πόλιν, τὸν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀλιτήριον ἀποκτείναντας (3) ἐξόριστον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ποιῆσαι, καὶ μεταβαλέσθαι (4) τὴν τῆς πόλεως τύχην ἐᾶσαι, καὶ προσδοκῆσαι τούτων γενομένων βέλτιον πράξειν.
1 μόραν Scaliger: μοῖραν codd.
2 ἡμῖν Sauppe: ὑμῖν codd.
3 Post ἀποκτείναντας add. δεῖ N A pr., del. A corr. ras.
4 μεταβαλέσθαι A corr. (2): μεταβάλλεσθαι A pr. N.
[75] Think again, this time of Athens, with the same points in mind. Our city was great, renowned in Greece, and worthy of our forbears, apart from the well-known exploits of the past, at the time when Conon triumphed, as our elders tell us, in the naval battle at Cnidus; when Iphicrates destroyed the Spartan company, when Chabrias defeated the Spartan triremes at sea off Naxos, when Timotheus won the sea battle off Corcyra.
[76] That was the time, Athenians, when the Spartans, once famous through the leaders in whose ways they had been schooled, came humbly to our city and begged our ancestors to save them; and the democracy which they had overthrown was made by the counsellors, whom we then had, the first power in Greece again: deservedly, in my belief; for they had found generals of the type I have just mentioned and had as advisers Archinus and Cephalus of Collytus. For the only salvation of a city or a nation is to find brave men to lead it and wise counsellors.
[77] It follows then, Athenians, that if you fully recognize this fact you should not surely be parties in future to Demosthenes' corruption and ill-luck or rest your hopes of security on him; you need not think that you will lack brave men or wise advisers. Let the anger of your forefathers be yours. Put to death this robber taken in the act, this traitor who does not withhold his hands from the gold brought into Athens but has cast the city into the direst misfortunes, this arch-criminal of Greece. Have his body cast beyond the city's borders, give her fortunes a chance to mend, and then, with this accomplished, expect a happier lot.
τὸν ἀγῶνα αὑτῷ ἀσφαλῆ εἶναι νομίζων
[2] τούτῳ μέν γε καινὸν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ δεινόν, ἐὰν ἁλῶ, συμβήσεται: καὶ γὰρ θανάτου ἄξια πολλὰ πρότερον ἕτερα διαπέπρακται, καὶ ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ πλείω χρόνον ἢ ἔξω διατέτριφε, καὶ ὀφείλων τῷ δημοσίῳ κατὰ τῶν ἐπιτίμων γέγραφεν οὐκ ἐξὸν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἕτερα πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ πεποίηκε, περὶ ὧν ὑμεῖς ἀκριβέστερον (1) ἐμοῦ γιγνώσκετε: τῇ δὲ βουλῇ τὸ δόξαι ψευδῆ (2) κατ᾽ Ἀριστογείτονος ἀποφαίνειν καὶ τοῦτον ἐκείνης παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ὑποληφθῆναι δικαιότερα λέγειν τῶν αἰσχίστων καὶ δεινοτάτων ἐστίν.
[3] διόπερ, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, οὗτός μοι δοκεῖ, τὸν ἀγῶνα αὑτῷ ἀσφαλῆ εἶναι νομίζων, διαπειρασόμενος ἥκειν τῆς ὑμετέρας γνώμης. ἅπαντα γὰρ αὐτῷ πολλάκις τὰ δεινὰ συμβέβηκε, πλὴν τοῦ ἀποθανεῖν: τοῦτο δ᾽, ἂν θεὸς θέλῃ καὶ ὑμεῖς σωφρονῆτε, ἐν τῇ τήμερον ἡμέρᾳ συμβήσεται. οὐ γὰρ δὴ μὰ τὸν Ἡρακλέα βελτίω γενήσεσθαι αὐτὸν προσδοκᾶτε συγγνώμης νυνὶ τυγχάνοντα παρ᾽ ὑμῶν, οὐδὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀφέξεσθαι τοῦ λαμβάνειν χρήματα καθ᾽ ὑμῶν, ἐὰν νῦν ἀφῆτε αὐτόν. πονηρίαν γὰρ ἀρχομένην μὲν κωλῦσαι τάχ᾽ ἄν (2) τις κολάζων δυνηθείη, ἐγκαταγεγηρακυῖαν δὲ καὶ γεγευμένην (4) τῶν εἰθισμένων τιμωριῶν ἀδύνατον εἶναι λέγουσιν.
1 humeis akribesteron N: akribesteron humeis A.
2 pseudê A corr. ras.: ta pseudê, ut vid., A pr.: kai pseudê N.
3 τάχ᾽ ἄν Bekker: τάχα codd.
4 γεγευμένην B, Bekker: γεγενημένην ΝΑ.
[2] It will be no new or alarming experience for the defendant if he is convicted, for he has committed in the past many other crimes meriting the death penalty and has spent more time in prison than out of it. While he has been in debt to the state he has prosecuted men with citizen rights, though not entitled to do so, and has committed numerous other offences of which you have a more exact knowledge than I. It is a most shameful and monstrous thing for this council to be suspected of making a false report against Aristogiton and for him to be considered among you as having more justice on his side than it has.
[3] For this reason, Athenians, thinking that the trial holds no dangers for him, this man is coming forward, I believe, to test your attitude. He has often undergone all sorts of suffering short of death, which, if God so wills it and you are wise, he will undergo today. For you must assume, by Heracles, that there will be no improvement in him if he is pardoned by you now, and that in future he will not abstain from taking bribes against you if you now acquit him. For when wickedness is in its infancy perhaps it can be checked by punishment, but when it has grown old and has sampled the usual penalties, it is said to be incurable.
οὔτ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς οὔτε δίκαιον νομίζων εἶναι παρακαταθέσθαι τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ παῖδας
[15] ἀλλ᾽ ἔγωγε, νὴ τὸν Δία τὸν σωτῆρα, αἰσχύνομαι, εἰ προτραπέντας ὑμᾶς δεῖ (1) καὶ παροξυνθέντας ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν (2) ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ νῦν εἰσεληλυθότος (3) τὴν κρίσιν τιμωρίαν ἐλθεῖν. [καὶ] (4) οὐκ αὐτόπται ἐστὲ τῶν ὑπὸ τούτου γεγενημένων ἀδικημάτων; καὶ ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἅπας οὔτ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς οὔτε δίκαιον νομίζων εἶναι παρακαταθέσθαι τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ παῖδας ἀπεχειροτόνησεν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ἐφήβων ἐπιμελείας,
[16] ὑμεῖς δ᾽ οἱ τῆς δημοκρατίας καὶ τῶν νόμων φύλακες, οἷς (5) ἡ τύχη καὶ ὁ κλῆρος ... ὑπὲρ τοῦ (6) δήμου δικάσοντας ἐπέτρεψεν, φείσεσθε τοῦ τοιαῦτα διαπεπραγμένου, καὶ τὸ πέρας ἔχοντες τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἁπάντων δικαίων ἀτιμώρητον ἀφήσετε τὸν δωροδόκον καὶ πάντων τῶν γεγενημένων κακῶν αἴτιον, ὅς, ὅπερ καὶ μικρῷ πρότερον εἶπον, μόνος τῶν πονηρῶν πάντων τρὶς οὐχ ἅπαξ ἀποπέφανται, καὶ τρὶς ἤδη δικαίως [ἂν] (7) ἐζημιωμένος θανάτῳ κατὰ τὸ αὑτοῦ ψήφισμα.
1 δεῖ A corr. ras.: δεῖν A pr. N.
2 ἡμῶν A corr.: ὑμῶν A pr. N.
3 εἰσεληλυθότος Blass (iam εἰσεληλυθότος [τὴν κρίσιν] Maetzner': ἐκλελοιπότος ΝΑ.
4 καὶ del. Baiter.
5 οἷς Reiske: οὓς codd.: οἷς et δικάσαι infra pro δικάσοντας Sauppe; sed inter φύλακες et ἐπέτρεψεν nonnihil excidisse videtur: post δικάσοντας lacunam indicavit Blass, qui οὓς retinuit: sensum ita supplet Reiske: οἷς ἡ τύχη ... τὸ ὑπὲρ τοῦ δήμου ἀμύνεσθαι δικάσοντας ἐπέτρεψεν.
6 τοῦ add. A corr. (2)
7 ἂν add. Reiske.
[15] By Zeus the Savior, I am ashamed that you should need us to encourage you and goad you on before you proceed to punish the defendant now on trial. Are you not eyewitnesses of the crimes he has committed? The whole people considered that it was not safe or right to trust him with their children and so rejected him as Supervisor of the Ephebi.
[16] Will you, the guardians of democracy and law, spare a man who has behaved like this; you to whom the fortune of lot has entrusted <the protection> (1) of the people by means of the judgement you will give? You are the supreme court of justice in the city. Will you acquit a man guilty of taking bribes and every other crime, who, as I said just now, is unique among criminals in that he has been reported not once merely but three times and might already have been rightly made liable three times to the death penalty by his own decree.
1 Some such meaning seems called for as is presumed by Reiske, but the actual Greek words supplied by him make the future participle δικάσοντας rather awkward.
πρὸς τὴν κρίσιν ἔχοντες τὸ ἀσφαλὲς Δημοσθένους λέγουσιν εἷναι
ΣΑΤΥΡΊ ΠΡΟΣ ΧΑΡΙΔΗΜΟΝ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΗΣ ΑΠΟΛΟΓΙΑ
Σατύρῳ πρὸς Χαρίδημον ἐπιτροπῆς ἀπολογία° μὴ μεγάλου κινδύνου συμβεβηκότος. καὶ οὗτος ἐπὶ Νικομάχου εἴρηται.
(cf. Phot. Bibl. p. 491 b 29)
καὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ Σατύρου δὲ λόγον τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς πρὸς Χαρίδημου οἱ μὲν πρὸς τὴν κρίσιν ἔχοντες τὸ ἀσφαλὲς Δημοσθένους λέγουσιν εἷναι, ὁ δὲ Καλλίμαχος, οὐδ' ἱκανὸς ὢν κρίνειν, Δεινάρχου νομίζει. τινὲς δὲ αὐτὸν ὑπεβάλοντο Λυσίᾳ, καίτοι καὶ τὸν χρὸνον ἔχοντες αὑτοῖς διαχόμενον καὶ τὸν τύπον ἅπαντα τῆς ἐργασἱας καὶ τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν. μαρτυρία δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθενικὸν εἶναι τὸν λόγον καὶ...
(cf. Demosth. F. 14 Turr.)
τοὺς ὅρους τῆς χώρας περιβαλὼν οὐ λίθοις ἀλλὰ τῇ τῆς πόλεως ἀσφαλείᾳ
[2] ἐμπεσὼν δ᾽ αὐτὸς εἰς μέσην τὴν τῶν (1) ῥητόρων δυσμένειαν, ὥσπερ τῆς παρὰ θεῶν, οὕτω τῆς παρ᾽ ὑμῶν δέομαι τυχεῖν βοηθείας. διαβάλλουσι γάρ μου τὸν βίον, οἰόμενοι τὸν λόγον ἄπιστον καταστήσειν. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἀποθανὼν μὲν ἢ ζῶν οὐδέν εἰμι: τί γὰρ Ἀθηναίοις, εἰ (2) παρανάλωμα (3) Δημάδης; (4) δακρύσει δέ μου τὴν ἀπώλειαν οὐχ ὁ στρατιώτης (5) — πῶς γὰρ; ὃν αὔξει μὲν πόλεμος, εἰρήνη δ᾽ οὐ τρέφει — ἀλλ᾽ ὁ τὴν χώραν γεωργῶν καὶ ὁ τὴν θάλατταν πλέων καὶ πᾶς ὁ τὸν ἡσύχιον βίον ἠγαπηκώς, ᾧ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐτείχισα, τοὺς ὅρους τῆς χώρας περιβαλὼν οὐ λίθοις ἀλλὰ τῇ τῆς πόλεως ἀσφαλείᾳ.
1 μέσην τὴν τῶν Sauppe: τὴν τῶν E: μέσην τῶν cett./ 2 εἰ] ἢ Stephanus./ 3 παρανάλωμα] παραναλοῦμαι Blass./ 4 Post Δημάδης verba ἐμοῦ δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην συμβουλεύοντος add. e./ 5 στρατιώτης] στρατός e.
[3] δεινὸν δέ τι συμβαίνει πολλοῖς τῶν κρινόντων, ὦ ἄνδρες (1) δικασταί. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἡ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν νόσος τὴν ὅρασιν συγχέασα κωλύει τὰ ἐμποδὼν κείμενα θεωρεῖν, οὕτως ἄδικος παρεισδύνων λόγος εἰς τὰς τῶν δικαστῶν (2) γνώμας οὐκ ἐᾷ δι᾽ ὀργὴν συνορᾶν τὴν ἀλήθειαν. διὸ καὶ δεῖ συνορᾶν ὑμᾶς εὐλαβῶς ἐπὶ τῶν κινδυνευόντων μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν ἐγκαλούντων: οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτόθεν ἔχουσιν ἐκ τῆς πρωτολογίας ὁποῖον αὐτοὶ βούλονται τὸν δικαστήν, οἱ δ᾽ ἀναγκάζονται πρὸς ὠργισμένους κριτὰς τὴν διάνοιαν ἀντιτάσσεσθαι.
1 ὦ ἄνδρεςX corr.: ωδεX pr.: ὦN./ 2 δικαστῶν] δικαίωνe.
[2] Since I have myself become exposed to the full hatred of the orators, I am asking not only for divine assistance but for your help also. For they are casting aspersions on my personal history, thinking to undermine your confidence in my speech. I am of no consequence whether alive or dead; for what do the Athenians care if Demades is lost to them, too? No soldier will shed tears over my death—How could he, when war brings him advancement and peace destroys his livelihood?; but it will be lamented by the farmer, the sailor, and everyone who has enjoyed the peaceful life with which I fortified Attica, encircling its boundaries, not with stone, but with the safety of the city.
[3] In many cases, gentlemen of the jury, when men are serving as judges they are seriously misled. For, just as a complaint of the eyes, by confusing the vision, prevents a man from seeing what lies before him, so an unjust speech, insinuating itself into the minds of the jury, prevents them in their anger from perceiving the truth. You should therefore exercise more care in dealing with the accused than with the plaintiffs. For the latter, by virtue of speaking first, have the jury in the mood which suits them, while the former are compelled to plead their cause to judges already prejudiced by anger.
λύεται δὲ τὰ ἄπορα ἐρωτήματα ἢ κατὰ ἂντερώτησιν ἢ κατὰ ἀναβολὴν ἢ κατ' ἀσφάλειαν ἢ κατὰ αἰτιολογίαν ἢ κατὰ τὸ ἀνακόλουθον ἢ κατὰ λύπην τοῦ ἀντιδίκου΄ κατὰ ἀντερώτησιν, ὡς ὁ Δημάδης, ῤωτηθεὶς ´πῶς οὖν πολεμήσομεν;´ ἀπεκρίνατο ´πῶς οὖν τὴν εἰρήνην ἄξομεν;´.
οὐ μὴν οἶμαι δεῖν τὴν ἰδίαν ἀσφάλειαν
[16] τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐπιτιμᾶν ἴσως φήσαι τις ἂν ῥᾴδιον καὶ παντὸς εἶναι, τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων ὅ τι δεῖ πράττειν ἀποφαίνεσθαι, τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι συμβούλου. ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μέν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῦθ᾽ ὅτι πολλάκις ὑμεῖς οὐ τοὺς αἰτίους, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ὑστάτους περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων εἰπόντας ἐν ὀργῇ ποιεῖσθε, ἄν τι μὴ κατὰ γνώμην ἐκβῇ: οὐ μὴν οἶμαι δεῖν τὴν ἰδίαν ἀσφάλειαν σκοποῦνθ᾽ ὑποστείλασθαι περὶ ὧν ὑμῖν συμφέρειν ἡγοῦμαι.
[17] φημὶ δὴ διχῇ βοηθητέον εἶναι τοῖς πράγμασιν ὑμῖν, τῷ τε τὰς πόλεις τοῖς Ὀλυνθίοις σῴζειν καὶ τοὺς τοῦτο ποιήσοντας στρατιώτας ἐκπέμπειν, καὶ τῷ τὴν ἐκείνου χώραν κακῶς ποιεῖν καὶ τριήρεσι καὶ στρατιώταις ἑτέροις:
[16] Now someone may tell me that to find fault is easy and in any one's power, but that it needs a statesman to expound the policy demanded by our circumstances. But I am not unaware, men of Athens, that if anything goes wrong, you often vent your disappointment, not on the responsible agents, but on those who happen to have addressed you last. I shall not, however, consult my own safety by keeping back what I believe to be for your true interests.
[17] I suggest then that the case calls for two distinct expeditions; one military force must be dispatched to rescue their cities for the Olynthians, and a second force, both naval and military, to ravage Philip's territory. If you neglect either of them, I am afraid your campaign will prove abortive.
οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ μένειν ἀσφαλῶς ἐδύνατο
[12] καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάγκης τρόπον τινὰ νῦν γε δὴ ποιεῖ. λογίζεσθε γάρ. ἄρχειν βούλεται, τούτου δ᾽ ἀνταγωνιστὰς μόνους ὑπείληφεν ὑμᾶς. ἀδικεῖ πολὺν χρόνον ἤδη, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἄριστα σύνοιδεν αὑτῷ: οἷς γὰρ οὖσιν ὑμετέροις ἔχει [χρῆσθαι], τούτοις ἅπαντα τἄλλα βεβαίως κέκτηται: εἰ γὰρ Ἀμφίπολιν καὶ Ποτείδαιαν προεῖτο, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ μένειν ἀσφαλῶς ἐδύνατο.
[13] ἀμφότερ᾽ οὖν οἶδε, καὶ αὑτὸν ὑμῖν ἐπιβουλεύοντα καὶ ὑμᾶς αἰσθανομένους: εὖ φρονεῖν δ᾽ ὑμᾶς ὑπολαμβάνων μισεῖν αὑτὸν ἡγεῖται. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τοσούτοις οὖσιν οἶδεν ἀκριβῶς ὅτι, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἁπάντων τῶν ἄλλων γένηται κύριος, οὐδὲν ἔστ᾽ αὐτῷ βεβαίως ἔχειν, ἕως ἂν ὑμεῖς δημοκρατῆσθε, ἀλλ᾽ ἄν ποτε συμβῇ τι πταῖσμα （πολλὰ δ᾽ ἂν γένοιτ᾽ ἀνθρώπῳ）, ἥξει πάντα τὰ νῦν βεβιασμένα καὶ καταφεύξεται πρὸς ὑμᾶς.
[12] And it is in a way inevitable that he should now be acting thus. For observe! He wants to rule, and he has made up his mind that you, and you only, bar the way. He has long injured you; of nothing is he more conscious than of that. For it is by holding the cities that are really yours that he retains safe possession of all the rest; and if he gave up Amphipolis and Potidaea, even Macedonia would be no safe place for him.
[13] and if he gave up Amphipolis and Potidaea, even Macedonia would be no safe place for him. He knows, then, these two facts—that he is intriguing against you and that you are aware of it. Assuming that you are intelligent, he concludes that you hate him. Besides these weighty considerations, he knows for certain that even if he masters all else, his power will be precarious as long as you remain a democracy, but if ever he meets with some mischance （and there are many to which mankind is liable）, all the forces that are now under restraint will be attracted to your side.
ἀθάνατον δ᾽ ἕνεκ᾽ ἀσφαλείας
[44] ἀλλὰ ποῦ συντρίβεται τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ ποῦ δυσχεραίνεται; ὅταν τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν ἔθος ἐπὶ τὰ ἴδια μεταβιβάζοντας ὁρῶσί τινας, καὶ μέγαν μὲν ὄντα παρ᾽ ὑμῖν εὐθέως τὸν λέγοντα, ἀθάνατον δ᾽ ἕνεκ᾽ ἀσφαλείας, ἑτέραν δὲ τὴν κρύβδην ψῆφον τοῦ φανερῶς θορύβου.
[44] But where does our practice break down, and where lies the grievance? It is when the rich see certain persons transferring this usage from public moneys to private property; when the speaker is raised to instant greatness among you and even to immortality, as far as his privilege can secure it; and when your shouts of open approval are contradicted by your secret vote.
τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν νομίζοντας
[45] ταῦτ᾽ ἀπιστίαν, ταῦτ᾽ ὀργὴν ἔχει. δεῖ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, δικαίως ἀλλήλοις τῆς πολιτείας κοινωνεῖν, τοὺς μὲν εὐπόρους εἰς μὲν τὸν βίον τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν νομίζοντας καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων μὴ δεδοικότας, εἰς δὲ τοὺς κινδύνους κοινὰ ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας τὰ ὄντα τῇ πατρίδι παρέχοντας, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς τὰ μὲν κοινὰ κοινὰ νομίζοντας καὶ μετέχοντας τὸ μέρος, τὰ δ᾽ ἑκάστου ἴδια τοῦ κεκτημένου. οὕτω καὶ μικρὰ μεγάλη πόλις γίγνεται καὶ μεγάλη σῴζεται. ὡς μὲν οὖν εἴποι τις ἄν, ἃ παρ᾽ ἑκατέρων εἶναι δεῖ, ταῦτ᾽ ἴσως ἐστίν: ὡς δὲ καὶ γένοιτ᾽ ἄν, [ἐν] νόμῳ διορθώσασθαι δεῖ.
[45] All this breeds distrust and resentment. For we are bound, Athenians, to share equitably with one another the privileges of citizenship, the wealthy feeling secure to lead their own lives and haunted by no fears on that account, but in the face of dangers making over their property to the commonwealth for its defence; while the rest must realize that State-property is common property, duly receiving their share of it, but recognizing that private wealth belongs to the possessor. In this way a small state grows great, and a great one is kept great. This may pass for a verbal statement of the duties of each class; for the legal performance of those duties some organization is necessary.
εὐδαιμονίαν καὶ πολλὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἔχειν ᾤεσθε
[46] τῶν δὲ παρόντων πραγμάτων καὶ τῆς ταραχῆς πολλὰ πόρρωθέν ἐστι τὰ αἴτια: ἃ εἰ βουλομένοις ὑμῖν ἀκούειν ἐστίν, ἐθέλω λέγειν. ἐξέστητ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἐφ᾽ ἧς ὑμᾶς οἱ πρόγονοι κατέλιπον, καὶ τὸ μὲν προΐστασθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ δύναμιν συνεστηκυῖαν ἔχοντας πᾶσι τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις βοηθεῖν περίεργον ἐπείσθητ᾽ εἶναι καὶ μάταιον ἀνάλωμ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν ταῦτα πολιτευομένων, τὸ δ᾽ ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ διάγειν καὶ μηδὲν τῶν δεόντων πράττειν, ἀλλὰ προϊεμένους καθ᾽ ἓν ἕκαστον πάνθ᾽ ἑτέρους ἐᾶσαι λαβεῖν, θαυμαστὴν εὐδαιμονίαν καὶ πολλὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἔχειν ᾤεσθε.
[46] Of our present difficulties and of the existing confusion the causes are many and of long standing, but if you are willing to hear them, I am ready to speak. Men of Athens, you have deserted the post in which your ancestors left you; you have been persuaded by politicians of this sort that to be paramount in Greece, to possess a standing force, and to help all the oppressed, is a superfluous task and an idle expense; while you fondly imagined that to live in peace, to neglect all your duties, to abandon all your possessions and let others seize them one by one, ensured wonderful prosperity and complete security.
ασφαλως λεγειν: 5 Mal (67, Z. 1; Z. 4; Z. 7; 68, Z. 4)!!!
[66] τί ποτ᾽ οὖν ἐκείνως τοῖς ἄλλοις, καὶ ὑμῖν οὐ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον προσφέρεται; ὅτι ἐν μόνῃ τῶν πασῶν πόλεων τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ ἄδει᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν λέγειν δέδοται, καὶ λαβόντα χρήματ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀσφαλές ἐστι λέγειν παρ᾽ ὑμῖν, κἂν ἀφῃρημένοι τὰ ὑμέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν ἦτε.
[67] οὐκ ἦν ἀσφαλὲς λέγειν ἐν Ὀλύνθῳ τὰ Φιλίππου μὴ σὺν εὖ πεπονθότων τῶν πολλῶν Ὀλυνθίων τῷ Ποτείδαιαν καρποῦσθαι: οὐκ ἦν ἀσφαλὲς λέγειν ἐν Θετταλίᾳ μὴ σὺν εὖ πεπονθότος τοῦ πλήθους τοῦ Θετταλῶν τῷ τοὺς τυράννους ἐκβαλεῖν Φίλιππον αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν Πυλαίαν ἀποδοῦναι: οὐκ ἦν ἐν Θήβαις ἀσφαλές, πρὶν τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἀπέδωκε καὶ τοὺς Φωκέας ἀνεῖλεν.
[68] ἀλλ᾽ Ἀθήνησιν, οὐ μόνον Ἀμφίπολιν καὶ τὴν Καρδιανῶν χώραν ἀπεστερηκότος Φιλίππου, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατασκευάζοντος ὑμῖν ἐπιτείχισμα τὴν Εὔβοιαν καὶ νῦν ἐπὶ Βυζάντιον παριόντος, ἀσφαλές ἐστι λέγειν ὑπὲρ Φιλίππου. καὶ γάρ τοι τούτων μὲν ἐκ πτωχῶν ἔνιοι ταχὺ πλούσιοι γίγνονται, καὶ ἐξ ἀνωνύμων καὶ ἀδόξων ἔνδοξοι καὶ γνώριμοι, ὑμεῖς δὲ τοὐναντίον ἐκ μὲν ἐνδόξων ἄδοξοι, ἐκ δ᾽ εὐπόρων ἄποροι:
[66] Why then does he deal in that way with the other Greeks, but with you in this way? Because yours is the one city in the world where immunity is granted to plead on behalf of our enemies, and where a man who has been bribed can safely address you in person, even when you have been robbed of your own.
[67] It would not have been safe in Olynthus to plead Philip's cause, unless the Olynthian democracy had shared in the enjoyment of the revenues of Potidaea.It would not have been safe in Thessaly to plead Philip's cause, if the commoners of Thessaly had not shared in the advantages that Philip conferred, when he expelled their tyrants and restored to them their Amphictyonic privileges. It would not have been safe at Thebes, until he gave them back Boeotia and wiped out the Phocians.
[68] But at Athens, though Philip has not only robbed you of Amphipolis and the Cardian territory, but is also turning Euboea into a fortress to overawe us and is even now on his way to attack Byzantium, it is safe to speak on Philip's behalf. Indeed, of these politicians, some who were beggars are suddenly growing rich, some unknown to name and fame are now men of honour and distinction; while you, on the contrary, have passed from honour to dishonour, from affluence to destitution.
τῶν ἰδιωτῶν βίον ἀσφαλῆ καὶ ἀπράγμονα καὶ ἀκίνδυνον ὄντα
[70] οὐ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον περί θ᾽ ὑμῶν καὶ περὶ αὑτῶν ἐνίους τῶν λεγόντων ὁρῶ βουλευομένους: ὑμᾶς μὲν γὰρ ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν φασὶ δεῖν, κἄν τις ὑμᾶς ἀδικῇ, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οὐ δύνανται παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν οὐδενὸς αὐτοὺς ἀδικοῦντος. καίτοι λοιδορίας εἴ τις χωρὶς ἔροιτο ‘εἰπέ μοι, τί δὴ γιγνώσκων ἀκριβῶς, Ἀριστόμηδες, οὐδεὶς γὰρ τὰ τοιαῦτ᾽ ἀγνοεῖ τὸν μὲν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν βίον ἀσφαλῆ καὶ ἀπράγμονα καὶ ἀκίνδυνον ὄντα, τὸν δὲ τῶν πολιτευομένων φιλαίτιον καὶ σφαλερὸν καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἀγώνων καὶ κακῶν μεστόν, οὐ τὸν ἡσύχιον, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις αἱρεῖ;
[71] τί ἂν εἴποις; εἰ γὰρ ὃ βέλτιστον εἰπεῖν ἂν ἔχοις, τοῦτό σοι δοίημεν ἀληθὲς λέγειν, ὡς ὑπὲρ φιλοτιμίας καὶ δόξης ταῦτα πάντα ποιεῖς, θαυμάζω τί δήποτε σαυτῷ μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἅπαντα ποιητέον εἶναι νομίζεις καὶ πονητέον καὶ κινδυνευτέον, τῇ πόλει δὲ προέσθαι ταῦτα μετὰ ῥᾳθυμίας συμβουλεύεις. οὐ γὰρ ἐκεῖνό γ᾽ ἂν εἴποις, ὡς σὲ μὲν ἐν τῇ πόλει δεῖ τινὰ φαίνεσθαι, τὴν πόλιν δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι μηδενὸς ἀξίαν εἶναι.
[70] Yet I observe that some of our speakers do not urge the same policy for you as for themselves; for you, they say, ought to remain quiet even when you are wronged; themselves cannot remain quiet among you, though no one does them wrong. And yet, raillery apart, suppose someone should ask, “Tell me, Aristomedes, why, when you know perfectly well—for no one is ignorant of such matters—that a private station is secure and free from risk, but the life of a politician is precarious, open to attack, and full of trials and misfortunes every day, why do you not choose the quiet, sequestered life instead of the life of peril?”
[71] What would you reply? For if we should grant the truth of what would be your best possible answer, that you do all this for love of glory and renown, I wonder what earthly reason you have for thinking that you yourself ought for that object to make every exertion, facing toil and danger, whereas you advise the State to abandon such efforts in sheer indifference. For this you cannot say—that it is your duty to make a figure in the State, but that the State is of no importance in the Greek world.
τῇ μὲν πόλει ἀσφαλὲς τὸ τὰ αὑτῆς πράττειν, σοὶ δὲ κίνδυνος
[72] καὶ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνό γ᾽ ὁρῶ, ὡς τῇ μὲν πόλει ἀσφαλὲς τὸ τὰ αὑτῆς πράττειν, σοὶ δὲ κίνδυνος, εἰ μηδὲν τῶν ἄλλων πλέον περιεργάσει, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον σοὶ μὲν ἐξ ὧν ἐργάζει καὶ περιεργάζει τοὺς ἐσχάτους ὄντας κινδύνους, τῇ πόλει δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἡσυχίας.
[73] ἀλλὰ νὴ Δία παππῴα σοι καὶ πατρῴα δόξ᾽ ὑπάρχει, ἣν αἰσχρόν ἐστιν ἐν σοὶ καταλῦσαι: τῇ πόλει δ᾽ ὑπῆρξεν ἀνώνυμα καὶ φαῦλα τὰ τῶν προγόνων. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει: σοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἦν κλέπτης ὁ πατήρ, εἴπερ ἦν ὅμοιος σοί, τῇ πόλει δ᾽ ἡμῶν οὓς πάντες ἴσασιν οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων κινδύνων σεσωσμένοι.
[72] And there is another thing I do not see—that it is safe for the State to mind its own business, but dangerous for you if you do not go beyond your fellow-citizens in meddling with affairs.
[73] Nay, on the contrary, I do foresee the utmost danger, to you from your bustling and meddling, but to the State from its inactivity. But you may say that you have the honour of your grandfather and father to uphold, and it would be scandalous to subvert it in your person, but that the State has inherited only nameless and paltry exploits from our ancestors. But that too is untrue; for you had a thief for your father, if he was like you, but our fathers, as all the Greeks know, preserved them from the deadliest perils.
μετὰ τούτων ἀσφαλέστατ' ἂν ἡγούμενος σωθῆναι
[12] καὶ νῦν μὲν καλεῖτε πρὸς ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς τοὺς Ἕλληνας: ἂν δ᾽ ἃ κελεύουσιν οὗτοι μὴ ποιῆτε, οὐχ ἡδέως ἐνίων ὑμῖν ἐχόντων, πῶς χρὴ προσδοκᾶν τιν᾽ ὑπακούσεσθαι; ὅτι νὴ Δί᾽ ἀκούσονται παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ὡς ἐπιβουλεύει βασιλεὺς αὐτοῖς. αὐτοὺς δ᾽ οὐ προορᾶν, ὦ πρὸς τοῦ Διός, οἴεσθε τοῦτο; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οἶμαι. ἀλλ᾽ οὔπω μείζων ἔσθ᾽ ὁ φόβος τῶν πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐνίοις διαφορῶν. οὐδὲν οὖν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ῥαψῳδήσουσιν οἱ πρέσβεις περιιόντες.
[13] τότε δ', ἂν ἄρ' ἃ νῦν οἰόμεθ' ἡμεῖς πράττηται, οὐδεὶς δήπου τῶν πάντων Ἑλλήνων τηλικοῦτον ἐφ' αὑτῷ φρονεῖ, ὅστις ὁρῶν ὑμῖν χιλίους μὲν ἱππέας, ὁπλίτας δ' ὅσους ἂν ἐθέλῃ τις, ναῦς δὲ τριακοσίας, οὐχ ἥξει καὶ δεήσεται, μετὰ τούτων ἀσφαλέστατ' ἂν ἡγούμενος σωθῆναι. οὐκοῦν ἐκ μὲν τοῦ καλεῖν ἤδη τὸ δεῖσθαι κἂν μὴ τύχητ' ἀφαμαρτεῖν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ μετὰ τοῦ παρεσκευάσθαι τὰ ὑμέτερ' αὐτῶν ἐπισχεῖν δεομένους σῴζειν καὶ εὖ εἰδέναι πάντας ἥξοντάς ἐστιν.
[12] Moreover you are now calling on the Greeks to join you; but if you refuse to do their bidding—and your relations with some of them are not cordial—how can you expect any of them to answer your call? “Because,” you say, “we shall warn them that the King has designs on them.” But seriously, do you imagine that they cannot detect that for themselves? I am sure they can. But as yet their fear of Persia is subordinate to their feuds with you and, in some cases, with one another. Therefore your ambassadors will only go round repeating their heroics.
[13] But later on, if what we now deem probable comes to pass, surely no Greek community has such a good conceit of itself that when they see that you have a thousand cavalry and as many infantry as one could desire and three hundred ships, they will not come as our suitors, feeling that with such support their safety is assured. Therefore to invite them at once means that you are the suppliants and, if unsuccessful, have failed utterly, but to wait and at the same time complete your own preparations means saving them at their request, and being well assured that they will all join you.
πρὸς δ᾽ ὀλιγαρχουμένους οὐδὲ τὴν φιλίαν ἀσφαλῆ νομίζω
[18] ὥστ᾽ ἔγωγ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ὀκνήσαιμ᾽ εἰπεῖν μᾶλλον ἡγεῖσθαι συμφέρειν δημοκρατουμένους τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἅπαντας πολεμεῖν ὑμῖν ἢ ὀλιγαρχουμένους φίλους εἶναι. πρὸς μὲν γὰρ ἐλευθέρους ὄντας οὐ χαλεπῶς ἂν εἰρήνην ὑμᾶς ποιήσασθαι νομίζω, ὁπότε βουληθείητε, πρὸς δ᾽ ὀλιγαρχουμένους οὐδὲ τὴν φιλίαν ἀσφαλῆ νομίζω: οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως ὀλίγοι πολλοῖς καὶ ζητοῦντες ἄρχειν τοῖς μετ᾽ ἰσηγορίας ζῆν ᾑρημένοις εὖνοι γένοιντ᾽ ἄν.
[18] Therefore I should not hesitate to say that I think it a greater advantage that all the Greeks should be your enemies under democracy than your friends under oligarchy. For with free men I do not think that you would have any difficulty in making peace whenever you wished, but with an oligarchical state I do not believe that even friendly relations could be permanent, for the few can never be well disposed to the many, nor those who covet power to those who have chosen a life of equal privileges.
ῥᾷόν ἐστι καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον ἀεὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὑπηρετοῦντα μισθαρνεῖν
[138] μυρία τοίνυν ἕτερ᾽ εἰπεῖν ἔχων περὶ αὐτοῦ παραλείπω. καὶ γὰρ οὕτω πως ἔχει. πόλλ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἔτι τούτων ἔχοιμι δεῖξαι, ὧν οὗτος κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους τοῖς μὲν ἐχθροῖς ὑπηρετῶν, ἐμοὶ δ᾽ ἐπηρεάζων εὑρέθη. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τίθεται ταῦτα παρ᾽ ὑμῖν εἰς ἀκριβῆ μνήμην οὐδ᾽ ἣν προσῆκεν ὀργήν, ἀλλὰ δεδώκατ᾽ ἔθει τινὶ φαύλῳ πολλὴν ἐξουσίαν τῷ βουλομένῳ τὸν λέγοντά τι τῶν ὑμῖν συμφερόντων ὑποσκελίζειν καὶ συκοφαντεῖν, τῆς ἐπὶ ταῖς λοιδορίαις ἡδονῆς καὶ χάριτος τὸ τῆς πόλεως συμφέρον ἀνταλλαττόμενοι: διόπερ ῥᾷόν ἐστι καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον ἀεὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὑπηρετοῦντα μισθαρνεῖν ἢ τὴν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἑλόμενον τάξιν πολιτεύεσθαι.
[138] I omit thousands of stories that I could tell you about him. The fact is, I could cite many clear instances of his conduct at that time, helping the enemy and maligning me; only it is not your way to score up such offences for accurate remembrance and due resentment. You have a vicious habit of allowing too much indulgence to anyone who chooses by spiteful calumnies to trip up the heels of a man who gives you good advice. You give away a sound policy in exchange for the entertainment you derive from invective; and so it is easier and safer for a public man to serve your enemies and pocket their pay than to choose and maintain a patriotic attitude.
ἐπὶ τῷ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τούτων ἀσφαλέστερον
[167] “Ἀπόκρισις Θηβαίοις
[Βασιλεὺς Μακεδόνων Φίλιππος Θηβαίων τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐκομισάμην τὴν παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπιστολήν, δι᾽ ἧς μοι τὴν ὁμόνοιαν καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀνανεοῦσθε. πυνθάνομαι μέντοι διότι πᾶσαν ὑμῖν Ἀθηναῖοι προσφέρονται φιλοτιμίαν βουλόμενοι ὑμᾶς συγκαταίνους γενέσθαι τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν παρακαλουμένοις. πρότερον μὲν οὖν ὑμῶν κατεγίγνωσκον ἐπὶ τῷ μέλλειν πείθεσθαι ταῖς ἐκείνων ἐλπίσι καὶ ἐπακολουθεῖν αὐτῶν τῇ προαιρέσει. νῦν δ᾽ ἐπιγνοὺς ὑμᾶς τὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐζητηκότας ἔχειν εἰρήνην μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς ἑτέρων ἐπακολουθεῖν γνώμαις, ἥσθην καὶ μᾶλλον ὑμᾶς ἐπαινῶ κατὰ πολλά, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τούτων ἀσφαλέστερον καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἔχειν ἐν εὐνοίᾳ: ὅπερ οὐ μικρὰν ὑμῖν οἴσειν ἐλπίζω ῥοπήν, ἐάν περ ἐπὶ ταύτης μένητε τῆς προθέσεως. ἔρρωσθε.]”
[167] “Reply to the Thebans
[Philip, King of Macedonia, to the Council and People of Thebes, greeting.—I have received your letter, in which you renew goodwill and peace with me. I understand, however, that the Athenians are displaying the utmost eagerness in their desire to win your acceptance of their overtures. Now formerly I used to blame you for a tendency to put faith in their hopes and to adopt their policy; but now I am glad to learn that you have preferred to be at peace with me rather than to adopt the opinions of others. Especially do I commend you for forming a safer judgement on these matters and for retaining your goodwill toward us, which I expect will be of no small advantage to you, if you adhere to this purpose. Farewell.]”
ἀσφάλειαν ἄδοξον μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν καλῶν κίνδυνον ᾑρημένης
[200] νῦν μέν γ᾽ ἀποτυχεῖν δοκεῖ τῶν πραγμάτων, ὃ πᾶσι κοινόν ἐστιν ἀνθρώποις ὅταν τῷ θεῷ ταῦτα δοκῇ: τότε δ᾽ ἀξιοῦσα προεστάναι τῶν ἄλλων, εἶτ᾽ ἀποστᾶσα τούτου Φιλίππῳ, προδεδωκέναι πάντας ἂν ἔσχεν αἰτίαν. εἰ γὰρ ταῦτα προεῖτ᾽ ἀκονιτεί, περὶ ὧν οὐδένα κίνδυνον ὅντιν᾽ οὐχ ὑπέμειναν οἱ πρόγονοι, τίς οὐχὶ κατέπτυσεν ἂν σοῦ; μὴ γὰρ τῆς πόλεώς γε, μηδ᾽ ἐμοῦ.
[201] τίσι δ᾽ ὀφθαλμοῖς πρὸς Διὸς ἑωρῶμεν ἂν τοὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀνθρώπους ἀφικνουμένους, εἰ τὰ μὲν πράγματ᾽ εἰς ὅπερ νυνὶ περιέστη, ἡγεμὼν δὲ καὶ κύριος ᾑρέθη Φίλιππος ἁπάντων, τὸν δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ γενέσθαι ταῦτ᾽ ἀγῶνα ἕτεροι χωρὶς ἡμῶν ἦσαν πεποιημένοι, καὶ ταῦτα μηδεπώποτε τῆς πόλεως ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἀσφάλειαν ἄδοξον μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν καλῶν κίνδυνον ᾑρημένης.
[202] τίς γὰρ οὐκ οἶδεν Ἑλλήνων, τίς δὲ βαρβάρων, ὅτι καὶ παρὰ Θηβαίων καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἔτι τούτων πρότερον ἰσχυρῶν γενομένων Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως μετὰ πολλῆς χάριτος τοῦτ᾽ ἂν ἀσμένως ἐδόθη τῇ πόλει, ὅ τι βούλεται λαβούσῃ καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῆς ἐχούσῃ τὸ κελευόμενον ποιεῖν καὶ ἐᾶν ἕτερον τῶν Ἑλλήνων προεστάναι;
[200] All that can be said now is, that we have failed and that is the common lot of humanity, if God so wills. But then, if Athens, after claiming the primacy of the nations, had run away from her claims, she would have been held guilty of betraying Greece to Philip. If, without striking a blow, she had abandoned the cause for which our forefathers flinched from no peril, is there a man who would not have spat in your face? In your face, Aeschines: not at Athens, not at me!
[201] How could we have returned the gaze of visitors to our city, if the result had been what it is—Philip the chosen lord paramount of all Greece—and if other nations had fought gallantly to avert that calamity without our aid, although never before in the whole course of history had our city preferred inglorious security to the perils of a noble cause?
[202] There is no man living, whether Greek or barbarian, who does not know that the Thebans, or the Lacedaemonians, who held supremacy before them, or the king of Persia himself, would cheerfully and gratefully have given Athens liberty to keep what she had and to take what she chose, if only she would do their behest and surrender the primacy of Greece.
"μὴ δίκαια δὲ πράττουσι προσθεμένην ἀσφαλῶς δουλεύειν
[203] ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἦν ταῦθ᾽, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις πάτρια οὐδ᾽ ἀνεκτὰ οὐδ᾽ ἔμφυτα, οὐδ᾽ ἐδυνήθη πώποτε τὴν πόλιν οὐδεὶς ἐκ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου πεῖσαι τοῖς ἰσχύουσι μέν, μὴ δίκαια δὲ πράττουσι προσθεμένην ἀσφαλῶς δουλεύειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγωνιζομένη περὶ πρωτείων καὶ τιμῆς καὶ δόξης κινδυνεύουσα πάντα τὸν αἰῶνα διατετέλεκε.
[203] But to the Athenians of old, I suppose, such temporizing was forbidden by their heredity, by their pride, by their very nature. Since the world began, no man has ever prevailed upon Athens to attach herself in the security of servitude to the oppressors of mankind however formidable: in every generation she has striven without a pause in the perilous contention for primacy, and honor, and renown.
οὐδεμίαν τῆς ἰδίας ἀσφαλείας διδόναι
[220] τί οὖν; εἴποι τις ἄν, σὺ τοσοῦθ᾽ ὑπερῆρας ῥώμῃ καὶ τόλμῃ ὥστε πάντα ποιεῖν αὐτός; οὐ ταῦτα λέγω, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως ἐπεπείσμην μέγαν εἶναι τὸν κατειληφότα κίνδυνον τὴν πόλιν ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἐδόκει μοι χώραν οὐδὲ πρόνοιαν οὐδεμίαν τῆς ἰδίας ἀσφαλείας διδόναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγαπητὸν εἶναι, εἰ μηδὲν παραλιπών τις ἃ δεῖ πράξειεν.
[220] “What!” some one may say, “were you so much stronger and bolder than others that you could do everything by yourself?” That is not what I mean: but I was so firmly persuaded that the danger which overhung the city was very serious, that it did not seem to me to leave me any room for taking my personal safety into account; but a man, I thought, must be content, without neglecting anything, to do his duty.
πρῶτον μὲν περὶ σωτηρίας τῆς πόλεως τὰς ἐμὰς γνώμας ἐχειροτόνει
[248] ἃ μὲν τοίνυν ἐγὼ παρεσχόμην εἰς τὸ δικαίως τοιαῦτα γράφειν τοῦτον περὶ ἐμοῦ, πρὸς πολλοῖς ἑτέροις ταῦτα καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοις ἐστίν: ἃ δ᾽ οἱ πάντες ὑμεῖς, ταῦτ᾽ ἤδη λέξω. μετὰ γὰρ τὴν μάχην εὐθὺς ὁ δῆμος, εἰδὼς καὶ ἑορακὼς πάνθ᾽ ὅς᾽ ἔπραττον ἐγώ, ἐν αὐτοῖς τοῖς δεινοῖς καὶ φοβεροῖς ἐμβεβηκώς, ἡνίκ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀγνωμονῆσαί τι θαυμαστὸν ἦν τοὺς πολλοὺς πρὸς ἐμέ, πρῶτον μὲν περὶ σωτηρίας τῆς πόλεως τὰς ἐμὰς γνώμας ἐχειροτόνει, καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα τῆς φυλακῆς εἵνεκ᾽ ἐπράττετο, ἡ διάταξις τῶν φυλάκων, αἱ τάφροι, τὰ εἰς τὰ τείχη χρήματα, διὰ τῶν ἐμῶν ψηφισμάτων ἐγίγνετο: ἔπειθ᾽ αἱρούμενος σιτώνην ἐκ πάντων ἔμ᾽ ἐχειροτόνησεν ὁ δῆμος.
[248] These, and such as these, with many others are the grounds furnished by my conduct to justify the proposal of the defendant. I will now mention grounds furnished by all of you. Immediately after the battle, in the very midst of danger and alarm, at a time when it would not have been surprising if most of you had treated me unkindly, the people, with a full knowledge of all my doings, in the first place, adopted by vote my proposals for the safety of the city. All those measures of defence—the disposition of outposts, the entrenchments, the expenditure on the fortifications—were taken on resolutions moved by me. In the second place, they appointed me Food Controller, selecting me from the whole body of citizens.
οὐδὲ τῆς ἀσφαλείας τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει προσδοκίαν
[281] ὁ γὰρ οὕτως ἔχων τὴν ψυχήν, οὗτος ἐπ᾽ εὐνοίᾳ πάντ᾽ ἐρεῖ: ὁ δ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἡ πόλις προορᾶταί τινα κίνδυνον ἑαυτῇ, τούτους θεραπεύων οὐκ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ὁρμεῖ τοῖς πολλοῖς, οὔκουν οὐδὲ τῆς ἀσφαλείας τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει προσδοκίαν. ἀλλ᾽, ὁρᾷς; ἐγώ: ταὐτὰ γὰρ συμφέρονθ᾽ εἱλόμην τουτοισί, καὶ οὐδὲν ἐξαίρετον οὐδ᾽ ἴδιον πεποίημαι.
[281] With such a disposition, a man's speeches will always be patriotic: but the man who pays court to those from whom the state apprehends danger to herself, is not riding at the same anchor as the people, and therefore does not look to the same quarter for his security. I do; mark that! My purposes are my countrymen's purposes; I have no peculiar or personal end to serve.
μετὰ πάσης ἀδείας ἀσφαλῶς ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ τὰς ἑαυτῶν ᾤκουν πατρίδας
[304] εἰ δ᾽ οἷος ἐγὼ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν κατὰ τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ τάξιν, εἷς ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων ἀνὴρ ἐγένετο, μᾶλλον δ᾽ εἰ ἕν᾽ ἄνδρα μόνον Θετταλία καὶ ἕν᾽ ἄνδρ᾽ Ἀρκαδία ταὐτὰ φρονοῦντ᾽ ἔσχεν ἐμοί, οὐδένες οὔτε τῶν ἔξω Πυλῶν Ἑλλήνων οὔτε τῶν εἴσω τοῖς παροῦσι κακοῖς ἐκέχρηντ᾽ ἄν,
[305] ἀλλὰ πάντες ἂν ὄντες ἐλεύθεροι καὶ αὐτόνομοι μετὰ πάσης ἀδείας ἀσφαλῶς ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ τὰς ἑαυτῶν ᾤκουν πατρίδας, τῶν τοσούτων καὶ τοιούτων ἀγαθῶν ὑμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἀθηναίοις ἔχοντες χάριν δι᾽ ἐμέ.
[306] ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτα πράττειν, Αἰσχίνη, τὸν καλὸν κἀγαθὸν πολίτην ἔδει, ὧν κατορθουμένων μὲν μεγίστοις ἀναμφισβητήτως ὑπῆρχεν εἶναι καὶ τὸ δικαίως προσῆν, ὡς ἑτέρως δὲ συμβάντων τὸ γοῦν εὐδοκιμεῖν περίεστι καὶ τὸ μηδένα μέμφεσθαι τὴν πόλιν μηδὲ τὴν προαίρεσιν αὐτῆς, ἀλλὰ τὴν τύχην κακίζειν τὴν οὕτω τὰ πράγματα κρίνασαν:
[304] If in each of the cities of Greece there had been some one man such as I was in my appointed station in your midst, nay, if Thessaly had possessed one man and Arcadia one man holding the same sentiments that I held, no Hellenic people beyond or on this side of Thermopylae would have been exposed to their present distresses:
[305] they would still be dwelling prosperously in their own countries, in freedom and independence, securely and without fear, grateful to you and to all the Athenians for the great and manifold blessings they owed to me.
[306] It was the duty, Aeschines, of an upright and honor able citizen to take these or similar measures. If they had been successful, we should have been, beyond controversy, the greatest of nations and a nation that deserved its greatness: and, though they have failed, there remains the result that our reputation stands high, and that no man can find fault with Athens or her policy, but lays the blame on the fortune that so ordered the issue.
φόβων δότε καὶ σωτηρίαν ἀσφαλῆ
[324] μὴ δῆτ᾽, ὦ πάντες θεοί, μηδεὶς ταῦθ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπινεύσειεν, ἀλλὰ μάλιστα μὲν καὶ τούτοις βελτίω τινὰ νοῦν καὶ φρένας ἐνθείητε, εἰ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἔχουσιν ἀνιάτως, τούτους μὲν αὐτοὺς καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἐξώλεις καὶ προώλεις ἐν γῇ καὶ θαλάττῃ ποιήσατε, ἡμῖν δὲ τοῖς λοιποῖς τὴν ταχίστην ἀπαλλαγὴν τῶν ἐπηρτημένων φόβων δότε καὶ σωτηρίαν ἀσφαλῆ.
[324] Never, O ye Powers of Heaven, never vouchsafe to them the fulfillment of that desire. If it be possible, implant even in them a better purpose and a better spirit; but, if their malady is incurable, consign them, and them alone, to utter and untimely destruction by land and sea, and to us who remain grant speedy deliverance from the terrors that hang over our heads, and a salvation that shall never fail.
τῶν ἑτέρων κινδύνων τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλῶς σχήσειν ὅταν βούλωνται
[44] ὅτε γὰρ περιιὼν Φίλιππος Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ Τριβαλλούς, τινὰς δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων κατεστρέφετο, καὶ δυνάμεις πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ἐποιεῖθ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ, καί τινες τῶν ἐκ τῶν πόλεων ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς εἰρήνης ἐξουσίᾳ βαδίζοντες ἐκεῖσε διεφθείροντο, ὧν εἷς οὗτος ἦν, τότε πάντες ἐφ᾽ οὓς ταῦτα παρεσκευάζετ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἐπολεμοῦντο. εἰ δὲ μὴ ᾐσθάνοντο, ἕτερος λόγος οὗτος, οὐ πρὸς ἐμέ.
[45] ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ προὔλεγον καὶ διεμαρτυρόμην καὶ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀεὶ καὶ ὅποι πεμφθείην: αἱ δὲ πόλεις ἐνόσουν, τῶν μὲν ἐν τῷ πολιτεύεσθαι καὶ πράττειν δωροδοκούντων καὶ διαφθειρομένων ἐπὶ χρήμασι, τῶν δ᾽ ἰδιωτῶν καὶ πολλῶν τὰ μὲν οὐ προορωμένων, τὰ δὲ τῇ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ῥᾳστώνῃ καὶ σχολῇ δελεαζομένων, καὶ τοιουτονί τι πάθος πεπονθότων ἁπάντων, πλὴν οὐκ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἑκάστων οἰομένων τὸ δεινὸν ἥξειν καὶ διὰ τῶν ἑτέρων κινδύνων τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλῶς σχήσειν ὅταν βούλωνται.
[46] εἶτ᾽, οἶμαι, συμβέβηκε τοῖς μὲν πλήθεσιν ἀντὶ τῆς πολλῆς καὶ ἀκαίρου ῥᾳθυμίας τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀπολωλεκέναι, τοῖς δὲ προεστηκόσι καὶ τἄλλα πλὴν ἑαυτοὺς οἰομένοις πωλεῖν πρώτους ἑαυτοὺς πεπρακόσιν αἰσθέσθαι: ἀντὶ γὰρ φίλων καὶ ξένων ἃ τότ᾽ ὠνομάζοντο ἡνίκ᾽ ἐδωροδόκουν, νῦν κόλακες καὶ θεοῖς ἐχθροὶ καὶ τἄλλ᾽ ἃ προσήκει πάντ᾽ ἀκούουσιν.
[44] for when Philip was moving hither and thither, subduing Illyrians and Triballians, and some Greeks as well, when he was gradually getting control of large military resources, and when certain Greek citizens, including Aeschines, were availing themselves of the liberty of the peace to visit Macedonia and take bribes, all these movements were really acts of war upon the states against which Philip was making his preparations. That they failed to perceive it is another story, and does not concern me.
[45] My forebodings and expostulations were unceasing; I uttered them in the Assembly and in every city to which I was sent. But all the cities were demoralized. The active politicians were venal and corrupted by the hope of money: the unofficial classes and the people in general were either blind to the future or ensnared by the listlessness and indolence of their daily life; in all the malady had gone so far that they expected the danger to descend anywhere but upon themselves, and even hoped to derive their security at will from the perils of others.
[46] In the result, of course, the excessive and inopportune apathy of the common people has been punished by the loss of their independence, while their leaders, who fancied they were selling everything except themselves, discover too late that their own liberty was the first thing they sold. Instead of the name of trusty friend, in which they rejoiced when they were taking their bribes, they are dubbed toad-eaters and scoundrels, and other suitable epithets. What did they expect?
ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τὰ πράγμαθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἔσεσθαι
[151] ᾔδειν γὰρ ἀκριβῶς ὅτι πάνθ᾽ ὅς᾽ ἂν ἐκ πολέμου γιγνομένης εἰρήνης προεθῇ, ταῦτα τοῖς ἀμελήσασιν ἀπόλλυται: οὐδεὶς γὰρ πώποθ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων πεισθεὶς εἰρήνην ἄγειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐγκαταλειφθέντων ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἠθέλησεν πολεμεῖν, ἀλλὰ ταῦθ᾽ οἱ προλαβόντες ἔχουσιν. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων δυοῖν χρησίμοιν οὐ διαμαρτήσεσθαι τὴν πόλιν ἡγούμην πλευσάντων ἡμῶν: ἢ γὰρ παρόντων καὶ κατὰ τὸ ψήφισμ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξορκωσάντων, ἃ μὲν εἰλήφει τῆς πόλεως, ἀποδώσειν, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν ἀφέξεσθαι,
[152] ἢ μὴ ποιοῦντος ταῦτα ἀπαγγελεῖν ἡμᾶς εὐθέως δεῦρο, ὥστ᾽ ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς πόρρω καὶ ἐλάττοσι τὴν πλεονεξίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπιστίαν ἰδόντας ὑμᾶς περὶ τῶνδε τῶν ἐγγὺς καὶ μειζόνων, λέγω δὲ Φωκέων καὶ Πυλῶν, οὐ προήσεσθαι: μὴ προλαβόντος δ᾽ ἐκείνου ταῦτα μηδ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐξαπατηθέντων ἅπαντ᾽ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τὰ πράγμαθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἔσεσθαι, καὶ παρ᾽ ἑκόντος ὑπάρξειν αὐτοῦ τὰ δίκαια.
[153] καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰκότως οὕτως ὑπελάμβανον ἕξειν. εἰ γὰρ ἦσαν, ὡς ἦσαν τότε, Φωκεῖς σῷοι καὶ Πύλας εἶχον, ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν ὑμῖν εἶχ᾽ ἀνατείνασθαι φοβερόν, δι᾽ ὃ τῶν δικαίων ἄν τι παρείδετε: οὔτε γὰρ κατὰ γῆν παρελθὼν οὔτε ναυσὶ κρατήσας εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἥξειν ἔμελλεν: ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἐκείνου παραχρῆμα, εἰ μὴ τὰ δίκαια ποιοίη, κλείσειν τὰ ἐμπόρια, καὶ χρημάτων τ᾽ ἐν σπάνει καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐν πολιορκίᾳ πάλιν αὐτὸν καταστήσειν, ὥστ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ὁ δουλεύσων ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς εἰρήνης λυσιτελοῦσιν, οὐχ ὑμεῖς.
[151] for well I knew that indolent people lose for ever anything that they let slip in the transition from war to peace. No one, who has been induced by general considerations to sheathe the sword, is ever inclined to begin war over again for the recovery of his losses; and so the appropriator retains possession. Apart from these considerations, I conceived that, if we sailed at once, the city would gain one of two advantages. For when we were on the spot and had accepted his oath according to the decree, either he would restore the places he had taken from Athens and keep his hands off the rest,
[152] or, if he refused, we could promptly report his refusal. In that case you, observing his grasping spirit and perfidy in those distant and comparatively unimportant places, would no longer be negligent of the more important concerns that lay nearer home—I mean the Phocians and Thermopylae. If he had not seized the positions, and if there had been no deception of you, all your interests were safe enough, and you would get fair treatment from him without compulsion.
[153] This was a reasonable expectation; for so long as the Phocians were safe, as they were at the time, and in possession of Thermopylae, there was no menace which Philip could have brandished in your face to make you disregard any of your just claims. He could not reach Attica either by a march across country or by getting command of the seas. If he refused justice, you could forthwith close his ports, stop his supply of money, and otherwise reduce him to a state of blockade; and so he, and not you, would be wholly dependent on the contingent benefits of the peace.
ἅπασα δ᾽ ἀσφάλει᾽ ἰέναι
[163] ὅτι τοίνυν οὐδ᾽ ἄρνησίς ἐστιν αὐτοῖς τὸ μὴ ταῦθ᾽ ὑπὲρ Φιλίππου πράττειν, ἀκούσατέ μου. ὅτε γὰρ τὴν προτέραν ἀπῄρομεν πρεσβείαν τὴν περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης, κήρυχ᾽ ὑμεῖς προαπεστείλαθ᾽ ὅστις ἡμῖν σπείσεται. τότε μὲν τοίνυν, ὡς τάχιστ᾽ εἰς Ὠρεὸν ἦλθον, οὐκ ἀνέμειναν τὸν κήρυκα οὐδ᾽ ἐνεποίησαν χρόνον οὐδένα, Ἅλου δὲ πολιορκουμένου διέπλευσαν εἰς τοῦτον, καὶ πάλιν ἐντεῦθεν πρὸς Παρμενίωνα τὸν πολιορκοῦντ᾽ ἐξελθόντες ἀπῆραν διὰ τοῦ πολεμίου στρατεύματος εἰς Παγασάς, καὶ προϊόντες ἀπήντων ἐν Λαρίσῃ τῷ κήρυκι: τοσαύτῃ σπουδῇ καὶ προθυμίᾳ τότ᾽ ἐχώρουν.
[164] ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ εἰρήνη μὲν ἦν, ἅπασα δ᾽ ἀσφάλει᾽ ἰέναι καὶ πρόσταγμα παρ᾽ ὑμῶν σπεύδειν, τηνικαῦτ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἐπείγεσθαι βαδίζουσιν οὔτε πλεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐπῄει. τί δήποτε; ὅτι τότε μὲν τὸ τὴν εἰρήνην ὡς τάχιστα γενέσθαι, τοῦτ᾽ ἦν ὑπὲρ Φιλίππου, νῦν δὲ τὸ ὡς πλεῖστον τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον διατριφθῆναι τοῦ τοὺς ὅρκους ἀπολαβεῖν.
[165] ἀλλὰ μὴν ὅτι καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀληθῆ λέγω, λαβέ μοι καὶ ταύτην τὴν μαρτυρίαν.“Μαρτυρία”
ἔστιν οὖν ὅπως ἂν μᾶλλον ἄνθρωποι πάνθ᾽ ὑπὲρ Φιλίππου πράττοντες ἐξελεγχθεῖεν, ἢ τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἡνίκα μὲν σπεύδειν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἔδει καθήμενοι, ὅτε δ᾽ οὐδὲ βαδίζειν προσῆκε πρὶν ἐλθεῖν τὸν κήρυκα ἐπειγόμενοι;
[163] Let me show you that there is no way of denying that they were acting in the interest of Philip. When we were setting out on the former embassy for peace, you sent forward a herald to arrange our safe-conduct. On that occasion, as soon as they reached Oreus, they wasted no time there waiting for the herald. Although Halus was beleaguered, they crossed the sea thither; then left the town and went to Parmenio, who was conducting the siege; set off through the enemies' positions for Pagasae, and continued their journey till they met the herald at Larissa. Such was the energy and goodwill with which they travelled then;
[164] but now, in time of peace, with complete security for travelling, and with your injunctions of haste, it never occurred to them to hasten their journey by land or to travel by sea. Why so? Because then it was to Philip's advantage that peace should be concluded with all speed, but now that as much time as possible should be wasted before the administration of the oaths.
[165] To prove that this statement also is true, take and read this deposition.“Deposition”
Now could men be more clearly convicted of acting throughout in the interest of Philip? It was the same journey: they loitered when they should have bestirred themselves in your service; they hurried when they ought not to have moved a step until the arrival of the herald.
ἀσφάλειαν οὖν ἔσεσθαι τοῖς ἰδίᾳ πεπρακόσιν αὑτούς
[167] ἵνα μηδὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἀγνοῆτε, ἐκεῖνος ἡμᾶς διεκωδώνιζεν ἅπαντας: τίνα τρόπον; ἑκάστῳ προσπέμπων ἰδίᾳ καὶ πολύ γ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, διδοὺς χρυσίον. ὡς δ᾽ ἀπετύγχαν᾽ ὁτουδήποτε οὐ γὰρ ἐμέ γ᾽ εἰπεῖν ἐμαυτὸν δεῖ, ἀλλὰ τἄργα καὶ τὰ πεπραγμέν᾽ αὐτὰ δηλώσει, τὰ κοινῇ δοθέντα πάντας ἡγεῖτ᾽ εὐήθως λήψεσθαι: ἀσφάλειαν οὖν ἔσεσθαι τοῖς ἰδίᾳ πεπρακόσιν αὑτούς, εἰ καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν τοῦ λαβεῖν κοινῇ πάντες μετάσχοιμεν. διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἐδίδοτο, ξένια δὴ πρόφασιν.
[168] ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἐκώλυς᾽ ἐγώ, πάλιν προσδιενείμαντο τοῦθ᾽ οὗτοι. τῷ Φιλίππῳ δ᾽, ἐπειδὴ ταῦτ᾽ εἰς τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἠξίουν αὐτὸν ἀναλίσκειν ἐγώ, οὔτε κατειπεῖν τούτων εἶχε καλῶς οὐδ᾽ εἰπεῖν ὅτι ‘ἀλλ᾽ ἔχουσιν ὁ δεῖνα καὶ ὁ δεῖνα,’ οὔτε φυγεῖν τἀνάλωμα: ὡμολόγησε μὲν δή, διεκρούσατο δ᾽ εἰς τὰ Παναθήναια φήσας ἀποπέμψειν. λέγε τὴν μαρτυρίαν τὴν Ἀπολλοφάνους, εἶτα τὴν τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παρόντων.“Μαρτυρία”
[169] φέρε δὴ καὶ ὅσους αὐτὸς ἐλυσάμην τῶν αἰχμαλώτων εἴπω πρὸς ὑμᾶς. ἐν ὅσῳ γὰρ οὐχὶ παρόντος πω Φιλίππου διετρίβομεν ἐν Πέλλῃ, ἔνιοι τῶν ἑαλωκότων, ὅσοιπερ ἦσαν ἐξηγγυημένοι, ἀπιστοῦντες, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, μὴ δυνήσεσθαί με ταῦτα πεῖσαι τὸν Φίλιππον, ἑαυτοὺς ἔφασαν βούλεσθαι λύσεσθαι καὶ μηδεμίαν τούτου χάριν ἔχειν τῷ Φιλίππῳ, καὶ ἐδανείζοντο ὁ μὲν τρεῖς μνᾶς, ὁ δὲ πέντε, ὁ δ᾽ ὅπως συνέβαινεν ἑκάστῳ τὰ λύτρα.
[167] You must know that Philip was already sounding us all in this way: he sent private messages to each of us in turn, with the offer, men of Athens, of a really large sum in gold. Having failed in some case or other,—in what case let the result disclose; it is not for me to name myself,—he conceived that a collective present might be accepted by all of us without misgiving; and that there would be security for those who had individually sold themselves, if we all shared even to a trifling extent in the general acceptance. Accordingly it was offered,—nominally, as a form of hospitality.
[168] I stopped that manoeuvre; and then these men divided that money also among themselves. When I asked Philip to spend it on the captives, he could not with decency either inform against them by replying, “It is in so-and-so's pockets,” or escape the outlay; so he made me the promise, but evaded performance by saying that he would send the men home in time for the Panathenaic Festival. Read the deposition of Apollophanes, and then those of the other persons who were there.“Deposition”
[169] Let me now tell you how many of the captives I ransomed myself. For while we were staying at Pella, before Philip's arrival, some of the prisoners,—all in fact who were out on bail,—having, I suppose, no confidence that they would afterwards be able to induce Philip to move, told me that they were willing to provide for their own ransom without putting themselves under obligation to Philip, and offered to borrow their ransom-money, three minas, five minas, or as the case might be.
οὐ πάνυ καλὸν οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς ἦν ἐκεῖσε πλανᾶσθαι
[170] ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν ὡμολόγης᾽ ὁ Φίλιππος τοὺς λοιποὺς λύσεσθαι, συγκαλέσας ἐγὼ τούτους οἷς αὐτὸς ἔχρησα τἀργύριον, καὶ τὰ πεπραγμέν᾽ ὑπομνήσας, ἵνα μὴ δοκοῖεν ἔλαττον ἔχειν ἐπειχθέντες μηδ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων λελυτρῶσθαι πένητες ἄνθρωποι, τῶν ἄλλων ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου προσδοκωμένων ἀφεθήσεσθαι, ἔδωκα δωρειὰν τὰ λύτρα. Καὶ ὅτι ταῦτ᾽ ἀληθῆ λέγω, λέγε ταύτας τὰς μαρτυρίας.“Μαρτυρίαι”
[171] ὅσα μὲν τοίνυν ἀφῆκα χρήματα καὶ δωρειὰν ἔδωκα τοῖς ἀτυχήσασι τῶν πολιτῶν, ταῦτ᾽ ἔστιν. ὅταν δ᾽ οὗτος αὐτίκα δὴ λέγῃ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ‘τί δήποθ᾽, ὡς φῄς, ὦ Δημόσθενες, ἀπὸ τοῦ συνειπεῖν ἐμὲ Φιλοκράτει γνοὺς οὐδὲν ἡμᾶς ὑγιὲς πράττοντας, τὴν μετὰ ταῦτα πρεσβείαν τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὅρκους συνεπρέσβευσας πάλιν καὶ οὐκ ἐξωμόσω;’ ταῦτα μέμνησθε, ὅτι τούτοις ὡμολογήκειν οὓς ἐλυσάμην καὶ κομιεῖν λύτρα καὶ σώσειν εἰς δύναμιν.
[172] δεινὸν οὖν ψεύσασθαι καὶ προέσθαι δυστυχοῦντας ἀνθρώπους πολίτας: ἰδίᾳ δ᾽, ἐξομοσάμενον, οὐ πάνυ καλὸν οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς ἦν ἐκεῖσε πλανᾶσθαι: ἐπεὶ εἰ μὴ διὰ τὸ τούτους βούλεσθαι σῶσαι, ἐξώλης ἀπολοίμην καὶ προώλης, εἰ προσλαβών γ᾽ ἂν ἀργύριον πάνυ πολὺ μετὰ τούτων ἐπρέσβευσα. σημεῖον δέ: ἐπὶ γὰρ τὴν τρίτην πρεσβείαν δίς με χειροτονησάντων ὑμῶν δὶς ἐξωμοσάμην. καὶ παρὰ ταύτην τὴν ἀποδημίαν πάντα τἀναντί᾽ ἔπραττον.
[170] So when Philip agreed to get the release of the rest, I called together these men, to whom I had lent the money as a friendly loan, reminded them of the transaction, and made them a free gift of their ransom-money, lest they should seem to have been put into a worse position by their impetuosity, or to have been ransomed, though poor men, at their own expense, while the rest were expecting deliverance from Philip. To prove the truth of my statement, read these depositions also.“Depositions”
[171] Well, these sums of money I gave away as a free gift to my fellow-citizens in distress. If Aeschines in addressing you should say presently: “Demosthenes, if you really inferred from my speech in support of Philocrates that our conduct was thoroughly corrupt, why did you join us on the subsequent embassy to receive the oaths, instead of excusing yourself?” you must remember that I had promised the prisoners whom I delivered that I would bring the ransom-money and do my utmost for their rescue.
[172] It would therefore have been too bad to break my word and abandon fellow-creatures and fellow-citizens in misfortune. Had I declined on oath, a private excursion to Macedonia would have been neither decent nor safe. Except for my strong desire to liberate those men, may I die miserably before my time if any reward would have induced me to accept an embassy with these men as my colleagues. I proved that by twice excusing myself when you twice appointed me to the third embassy, and also by my constant opposition to them on this journey.
πῶς ἀσφαλῶς ἔστι πολιτεύεσθαι;
[184] οὐδὲν γὰρ ἔσθ᾽ ὅ τι μεῖζον ἂν ὑμᾶς ἀδικήσειέ τις ἢ ψευδῆ λέγων. οἷς γάρ ἐστ᾽ ἐν λόγοις ἡ πολιτεία, πῶς, ἂν οὗτοι μὴ ἀληθεῖς ὦσιν, ἀσφαλῶς ἔστι πολιτεύεσθαι; ἂν δὲ δὴ καὶ πρὸς ἃ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς συμφέρει δῶρά τις λαμβάνων λέγῃ, πῶς οὐχὶ καὶ κινδυνεύσετε; οὐδέ γε τοὺς χρόνους ἴσον ἔστ᾽ ἀδίκημ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίας ἢ τυράννου παρελέσθαι καὶ ὑμῶν: οὐδ᾽ ὀλίγου δεῖ.
[184] A man can do no greater wrong than by telling lies to a popular assembly; for, where the political system is based upon speeches, how can it be safely administered if the speeches are false? If he actually takes bribes and speaks in the interest of our enemies, will not you be imperilled? Again, to filch your opportunities is not an offence equivalent to filching those of an oligarchy or a monarchy, but far greater.
οὐδέ γ᾽ ἀσφαλές
[221] ἔτι τοίνυν κἀκεῖνο σκοπεῖτ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, τίνος εἵνεκ᾽ ἐγὼ μηδὲν ἠδικηκότων τούτων κατηγορεῖν ἂν προειλόμην. οὐ γὰρ εὑρήσετε. ἡδὺ πολλοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἔχειν; οὐδέ γ᾽ ἀσφαλές. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπῆρχέ μοι πρὸς τοῦτον ἀπέχθειά τις; οὐδεμία. τί οὖν; ‘ἐφοβοῦ περὶ σαυτοῦ, καὶ διὰ δειλίαν ταύτην ἡγήσω σωτηρίαν:’ καὶ γὰρ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκήκο᾽ αὐτὸν λέγειν. καίτοι μηδενός γ᾽ ὄντος, Αἰσχίνη, δεινοῦ μηδ᾽ ἀδικήματος, ὡς σὺ φῄς, εἰ γὰρ αὖ ταῦτ᾽ ἐρεῖ, σκοπεῖτ᾽, ἄνδρες δικασταί, εἰ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ μηδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀδικῶν ἐφοβούμην ἐγὼ μὴ διὰ τούτους ἀπόλωμαι, τί τούτους προσήκει παθεῖν τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἠδικηκότας; ἀλλ᾽ οὐ διὰ ταῦτα.
[221] You should further ask yourselves, gentlemen of the jury, why, if they were not guilty, I should have gone out of my way to accuse them. You will find no reason. Is it agreeable to have many enemies? It is hardly safe. Perhaps I had an old standing feud with Aeschines? That is not so. “Well, but you were frightened on your own account, and were coward enough to seek this as a way of escape;” for that, I hear, is one of his suggestions. But, by your own account, Aeschines, there is no crime, and therefore no jeopardy. If he repeats the insinuation, do you, gentlemen, consider this: in a case where I, who did no wrong whatever, was yet afraid lest these men's conduct should ruin me, what punishment ought they to suffer who were themselves the guilty parties? However, that was not my reason.
οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς ὑμῖν δεδωροδοκηκότα τοῦτον ἀθῷον ἐᾶσαι
[258] ἀλλὰ καὶ διακρουόμενος πάντα τὸν ἔμπροσθεν χρόνον εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τοιοῦτον ὑπῆκται καιρὸν ἐν ᾧ τῶν ἐπιόντων ἕνεκα, εἰ μηδενὸς ἄλλου, οὐχ οἷόν τ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς ὑμῖν δεδωροδοκηκότα τοῦτον ἀθῷον ἐᾶσαι: ἀεὶ μὲν γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, προσήκει μισεῖν καὶ κολάζειν τοὺς προδότας καὶ δωροδόκους, μάλιστα δὲ νῦν ἐπὶ καιροῦ τοῦτο γένοιτ᾽ ἂν καὶ πάντας ὠφελήσειεν ἀνθρώπους κοινῇ.
[258] Again, thanks to his continual evasions, he has at last been brought to trial at the very moment when, for the sake of the future if for no other reason, you cannot possibly, or consistently with your own security, allow a man so steeped in corruption to go scot-free; for, while it is always your duty, men of Athens, to abhor and to chastise traitors and bribe-mongers, a conviction at this crisis will be peculiarly seasonable and profitable to all mankind.
ἕως οὖν ἔτ᾽ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ
[262] ταὐτὰ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ Ἀργεῖοι. ταῦτα νὴ τὴν Δήμητρα, εἰ δεῖ μὴ ληρεῖν, εὐλαβείας οὐ μικρᾶς δεῖται, ὡς βαδίζον γε κύκλῳ καὶ δεῦρ᾽ ἐλήλυθεν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τὸ νόσημα τοῦτο. ἕως οὖν ἔτ᾽ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ, φυλάξασθε καὶ τοὺς πρώτους εἰσαγαγόντας ἀτιμώσατε: εἰ δὲ μή, σκοπεῖθ᾽ ὅπως μὴ τηνικαῦτ᾽ εὖ λέγεσθαι δόξει τὰ νῦν εἰρημένα, ὅτ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν ἕξετε.
[262] The Argives have followed their example. Holy Mother Earth! if I am to speak as a sane man, we stand in need of the utmost vigilance, when this infection, moving in its circuit, has invaded our own city. Therefore take your precautions now, while we are still secure. Let the men who have brought it here be punished with infamy. If not, beware lest you discern the wisdom of my words too late, when you have lost the power of doing what you ought.
οὔτε γὰρ πρὸς δόξαν οὔτε πρὸς εὐσέβειαν οὔτε πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν οὔτε πρὸς ἄλλ᾽ οὐδὲν ὑμῖν συμφέρει τοῦτον ἀφεῖναι
[343] τίνα δ᾽ οὐ πάντων τῶν ἄλλων χείρω πολίτην ὑπάρξειν, ὁρῶντα τοῖς μὲν ἅπαντα πεπρακόσι χρήματα, δόξαν, ἀφορμὴν τὴν Φιλίππου ξενίαν περιοῦσαν, τοῖς δὲ δικαίους τε παρέχουσιν ἑαυτοὺς καὶ προσανηλωκόσι χρήματα πράγματα, ἀπεχθείας, φθόνον περιόντα παρ᾽ ἐνίων; μηδαμῶς: οὔτε γὰρ πρὸς δόξαν οὔτε πρὸς εὐσέβειαν οὔτε πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν οὔτε πρὸς ἄλλ᾽ οὐδὲν ὑμῖν συμφέρει τοῦτον ἀφεῖναι, ἀλλὰ τιμωρησαμένους παράδειγμα ποιῆσαι πᾶσι, καὶ τοῖς πολίταις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησιν.
[343] Every other man will be a worse citizen, when he sees that men who have made traffic of the common interests emerge with wealth and reputation, and with all the advantages of Philip's friendship, while the lot of those who approved themselves honest men and spent their money in your service is vexation and ill-will, and the enmity of those whom I need not name. Let it not be so! For the sake of your honor, of your religion, of your security, of everything you value, you must not acquit this man. Visit him with exemplary punishment, and let his fate be a warning not to our own citizens alone but to every man who lives in the Hellenic world.
ἀσφαλῆ μένειν τῇ πόλει
[7] ἀλλὰ μὴν ὑπέρ γε τοῦ προῖκ᾽ ἢ μή, τὸ μὲν ἐκ τούτων λαμβάνειν, ἐξ ὧν ἡ πόλις βλάπτεται, πάντες οἶδ᾽ ὅτι φήσαιτ᾽ ἂν εἶναι δεινὸν καὶ πολλῆς ὀργῆς ἄξιον: ὁ μέντοι τὸν νόμον τιθεὶς οὐ διώρισεν τοῦτο, ἀλλ᾽ ἁπλῶς εἶπε μηδαμῶς δῶρα λαμβάνειν, ἡγούμενος, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τὸν ἅπαξ λαβόντα καὶ διαφθαρένθ᾽ ὑπὸ χρημάτων οὐδὲ κριτὴν ἔτι τῶν συμφερόντων ἀσφαλῆ μένειν τῇ πόλει.
[8] ἂν μὲν τοίνυν ἐξελέγξω καὶ δείξω σαφῶς Αἰσχίνην τουτονὶ καὶ μηδὲν ἀληθὲς ἀπηγγελκότα καὶ κεκωλυκότ᾽ ἐμοῦ τὸν δῆμον ἀκοῦσαι τἀληθῆ, καὶ πάντα τἀναντία τῶν συμφερόντων συμβεβουλευκότα, καὶ μηδὲν ὧν προσετάξατ᾽ ἐν τῇ πρεσβείᾳ πεποιηκότα, καὶ ἀνηλωκότα τοὺς χρόνους ἐν οἷς πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων πραγμάτων καιροὶ προεῖνται τῇ πόλει, καὶ πάντων τούτων δῶρα καὶ μισθοὺς εἰληφότα μετὰ Φιλοκράτους, καταψηφίσασθ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ δίκην ἀξίαν τῶν ἀδικημάτων λάβετε: ἂν δὲ μὴ δείξω ταῦτα, ἢ μὴ πάντα, ἐμὲ μὲν φαῦλον ἡγεῖσθε τοῦτον δ᾽ ἄφετε.
[7] Next, as for the question of bribery or no bribery, of course you are agreed that it is a scandalous and abominable offence to accept money for acts injurious to the commonwealth. The author of the statute, however, made no such distinction; he forbade the acceptance of rewards absolutely, holding, as I suppose, that the man who takes them and is thereby corrupted can no longer be trusted by the state as a judge of sound policy.
[8] If, then, I can establish by clear proofs that the reports of the defendant, Aeschines, were entirely untruthful, and that he prevented the Assembly from hearing the truth from me; that his counsels were totally opposed to your true interests; that he disobeyed all your instructions when on embassy; that by his waste of time many important opportunities were lost to the city; and finally that for all these delinquencies he, as well as Philocrates, accepted presents and rewards; pronounce him guilty and exact a penalty adequate to his crimes. But if I fail to prove all these five charges, or any one of them, then call me an impostor, and acquit him.
τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῶν ἀσφάλειαν ὑπάρχουσαν
[82] μὴ δὴ ταῦτα λέγειν αὐτὸν ἐᾶτε, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς οὐκ ἀπολώλασι Φωκεῖς δεικνύναι, ἢ ὡς οὐχ ὑπέσχετο σώσειν αὐτοὺς Φίλιππον. τοῦτο γάρ εἰσι πρεσβείας εὔθυναι, τί πέπρακται; τί ἀπήγγειλας; εἰ μὲν ἀληθῆ, σῴζου: εἰ δὲ ψευδῆ, δίκην δός. εἰ δὲ μὴ πάρεισι Φωκεῖς, τί τοῦτο; οὕτω γὰρ διέθηκας αὐτούς, οἶμαι, τὸ μέρος σύ, ὥστε μήτε τοῖς φίλοις βοηθεῖν μήτε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἀμύνεσθαι δύνασθαι.
[83] καὶ μὴν ὅτι χωρὶς τῆς ἄλλης αἰσχύνης καὶ ἀδοξίας, ἣν τὰ πεπραγμέν᾽ ἔχει, καὶ μεγάλοι κίνδυνοι περιεστᾶσιν ἐκ τούτων τὴν πόλιν, ῥᾴδιον δεῖξαι. τίς γὰρ οὐκ οἶδεν ὑμῶν ὅτι τῷ Φωκέων πολέμῳ καὶ τῷ κυρίους εἶναι Πυλῶν Φωκέας ἥ τ᾽ ἀπὸ Θηβαίων ἄδει᾽ ὑπῆρχεν ἡμῖν, καὶ τὸ μηδέποτ᾽ ἐλθεῖν ἂν εἰς Πελοπόννησον μηδ᾽ εἰς Εὔβοιαν μηδ᾽ εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν Φίλιππον [μηδὲ Θηβαίους];
[84] ταύτην μέντοι τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῶν ἀσφάλειαν ὑπάρχουσαν τῇ πόλει ταῖς τούτων ἀπάταις καὶ ψευδολογίαις πεισθέντες προήκασθ᾽ ὑμεῖς, καὶ τετειχισμένην ὅπλοις καὶ πολέμῳ συνεχεῖ καὶ πόλεσιν μεγάλαις συμμάχων ἀνδρῶν καὶ χώρᾳ πολλῇ περιείδετ᾽ ἀνασταθεῖσαν. καὶ ματαία μὲν ἡ πρότερον βοήθει᾽ εἰς Πύλας ὑμῖν γέγονεν, ἣν μετὰ πλειόνων ἢ διακοσίων ταλάντων ἐποιήσασθε, ἂν λογίσησθε τὰς ἰδίας δαπάνας τὰς τῶν στρατευσαμένων, μάταιαι δὲ καὶ αἱ κατὰ Θηβαίων ἐλπίδες.
[82] Do not allow this plea. No, Aeschines must prove either that the Phocians are not ruined, or that he did not promise that Philip would protect them. These are the questions for a scrutiny of an embassy: What has been accomplished? What did you report? If the truth,—go in peace; if falsehood,—take your punishment. What matter if the Phocians are not in court? You have played your part in reducing them to such straits that they can neither help their friends nor repel their enemies.
[83] Moreover, apart from the discredit and infamy attached to these transactions, it is easy to show that they have involved the commonwealth in very serious perils. You all know that the prowess of the Phocians, and their control of the pass of Thermopylae, gave us security against the Thebans, and ensured that neither Philip nor the Thebans would invade either the Peloponnesus, or Euboea, or Attica.
[84] But, overborne by the impostures and falsehoods of these men, you have flung away the security of position and circumstances which the city enjoyed. That security was fortified by arms and an unbroken front, by strongholds of our allies and a broad territory; and you have acquiesced in its devastation. Your former expedition to Thermopylae, made at a cost of more than two hundred talents, if you include the private expenses of the troops, has gone to waste; and so have all your hopes respecting the Thebans.
τὸ γὰρ ἀσφαλὲς αὐτῆς καὶ τὸ βέβαιον οὗτοι προὔδοσαν
[95] εἶτ᾽ ἐπειδὴ δεῖ λόγον καὶ δίκην ὑπέχειν τῶν πεπραγμένων, ὤν, οἶμαι, πανοῦργος οὗτος καὶ θεοῖς ἐχθρὸς καὶ γραμματεύς, ὡς ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης κρινόμενος ἀπολογήσεται, οὐχ ἵνα πλειόνων ἢ κατηγορεῖ τις αὐτοῦ δῷ λόγον: μανία γὰρ τοῦτό γε: ἀλλ᾽ ὁρᾷ τοῦθ᾽ ὅτι ἐν μὲν τοῖς ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῦ πεπραγμένοις ἀγαθὸν μὲν οὐδέν ἐστιν, ἅπαντα δὲ τἀδικήματα, ἡ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης ἀπολογία, καὶ εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο, τοὔνομα γοῦν ἔχει φιλάνθρωπον.
[96] ἣν δέδοικα μέν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, δέδοικα, μὴ λελήθαμεν ὥσπερ οἱ δανειζόμενοι ἐπὶ πολλῷ ἄγοντες: τὸ γὰρ ἀσφαλὲς αὐτῆς καὶ τὸ βέβαιον οὗτοι προὔδοσαν, Φωκέας καὶ Πύλας: οὐ μὴν διὰ τοῦτόν γ᾽ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐποιησάμεθα, ἀλλ᾽ ἄτοπον μέν ἐστιν ὃ μέλλω λέγειν, ἀληθὲς δὲ πάνυ: εἰ γάρ τις ὡς ἀληθῶς χαίρει τῇ εἰρήνῃ, τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, ὧν κατηγοροῦσιν ἅπαντες, χάριν αὐτῆς ἐχέτω: εἰ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι ὡς ὑμεῖς ἐβούλεσθ᾽ ἐπολέμουν, οὐδ᾽ ὄνομ᾽ εἰρήνης ἂν ὑμεῖς ἠνέσχεσθε.
[97] εἰρήνη μὲν οὖν δι᾽ ἐκείνους, ἐπικίνδυνος δὲ καὶ σφαλερὰ καὶ ἄπιστος διὰ τούτους γέγονεν δωροδοκήσαντας. εἴργετ᾽ οὖν, εἴργετ᾽ αὐτὸν τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης λόγων, εἰς δὲ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐμβιβάζετε. οὐ γὰρ Αἰσχίνης ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης κρίνεται, οὔ, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ εἰρήνη δι᾽ Αἰσχίνην διαβέβληται. σημεῖον δέ: εἰ γὰρ ἡ μὲν εἰρήνη ἐγεγόνει, μηδὲν δ᾽ ὕστερον ἐξηπάτησθ᾽ ὑμεῖς μηδ᾽ ἀπωλώλει τῶν συμμάχων μηδείς, τίν᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἐλύπησεν ἂν ἡ εἰρήνη, ἔξω τοῦ ἄδοξος γεγενῆσθαι; καίτοι καὶ τούτου συναίτιος οὗτος συνειπὼν Φιλοκράτει. ἀλλ᾽ ἀνήκεστόν γ᾽ οὐδὲν ἂν ἦν γεγονός. νῦν δ᾽, οἶμαι, πόλλ᾽, ὧν αἴτιος οὗτος.
[95] And now that he is answerable for his misdeeds, and must stand his trial, being as he is a knave, a scoundrel, and—a government clerk, he will conduct his defence as if he were on trial for the peace, not to make his justification broader than his indictment—that would be folly—but because he can see in his own acts nothing that is good, nothing that is not criminal, while a defence of the peace, if it has no other merit, will enable him to pose as a Friend of Humanity.
[96] Speaking of the peace, I fear, men of Athens, I sadly fear that we are unconsciously enjoying it like men who borrow money at a high rate of interest. For these men have betrayed the security and guarantee of the peace—the Phocians and Thermopylae. Anyhow, we have not to thank the defendant for peace. What I am going to say is strange, but quite true. If any man is really pleased with the peace, let him be grateful to those generals whom everyone denounces. For, had they fought to your satisfaction, you would have scorned the very name of peace.
[97] Peace, then, we owe to the generals; a perilous, insecure, and precarious peace to these men and their venality. Put a stop, then, to his eloquence about the peace. Make him address himself to his own performances. Aeschines is not on trial for the peace; the peace is discredited through Aeschines. That is easily proved. Suppose that the peace had been concluded, and that you had not thereafter been deluded, and none of your allies destroyed—what human being would the peace have aggrieved? I mean, apart from the consideration that it was not a glorious peace. For that fault Aeschines is indeed partly to blame, as he supported Philocrates. However, in the case supposed, no incurable mischief would have been done. As the case stands, he is answerable for a great deal.
δόξαν ἀντὶ τοῦ ζῆν ἀσφαλῶς ᾑρημένος
[15] καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ἅπασι τούτοις, οἷς ἄν τις μέγαν αὐτὸν ἡγήσαιτο, τοῖς πολέμοις καὶ ταῖς στρατείαις, ἔτ᾽ ἐπισφαλεστέραν ἢ ὑπῆρχε φύσει κατεσκεύακεν αὑτῷ. μὴ γὰρ οἴεσθ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῖς αὐτοῖς Φίλιππόν τε χαίρειν καὶ τοὺς ἀρχομένους, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν δόξης ἐπιθυμεῖ καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐζήλωκε, καὶ προῄρηται πράττων καὶ κινδυνεύων, ἂν συμβῇ τι, παθεῖν, τὴν τοῦ διαπράξασθαι ταῦθ᾽ ἃ μηδεὶς πώποτ᾽ ἄλλος Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς δόξαν ἀντὶ τοῦ ζῆν ἀσφαλῶς ᾑρημένος:
[16] τοῖς δὲ τῆς μὲν φιλοτιμίας τῆς ἀπὸ τούτων οὐ μέτεστι, κοπτόμενοι δ᾽ ἀεὶ ταῖς στρατείαις ταύταις ταῖς ἄνω κάτω λυποῦνται καὶ συνεχῶς ταλαιπωροῦσιν, οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔργοις οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς αὑτῶν ἰδίοις ἐώμενοι διατρίβειν, οὔθ᾽ ὅς᾽ ἂν ποιήσωσιν οὕτως ὅπως ἂν δύνωνται, ταῦτ᾽ ἔχοντες διαθέσθαι κεκλειμένων τῶν ἐμπορίων τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ διὰ τὸν πόλεμον.
[15] For indeed Philip by all that might be deemed to constitute his greatness, by his wars and his campaigns, has only reduced his country below its natural level of insecurity. You must not imagine, men of Athens, that his subjects share his tastes. No: glory is his sole object and ambition; in action and in danger he has elected to suffer whatever may befall him putting before a life of safety the distinction of achieving what no other king of Macedonia ever achieved.
[16] But his subjects have no share in the glory that results. They are perpetually buffeted and wearied and distressed by these expeditions north and south, never suffered to give their time to their business or their private affairs, never able to dispose of such produce as they can raise, because the war has closed all the markets in their land.
τὰς ἀσφαλῶς οἰκεῖν οἰομένας πόλεις
[49] εἰ τοίνυν τις ὑμῶν ἐκεῖνο πέπεισται, πολὺ τοῦ δεηθῆναί τινος τοιούτου νῦν ἀπέχειν τὴν πόλιν, ταῦτα μὲν εὐχέσθω τοῖς θεοῖς, κἀγὼ συνεύχομαι, λογιζέσθω δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι περὶ νόμου μέλλει φέρειν τὴν ψῆφον ᾧ μὴ λυθέντι δεήσει χρῆσθαι, δεύτερον δ᾽ ὅτι βλάπτουσιν οἱ πονηροὶ νόμοι καὶ τὰς ἀσφαλῶς οἰκεῖν οἰομένας πόλεις. οὐ γὰρ ἂν μετέπιπτε τὰ πράγματ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα, εἰ μὴ τοὺς μὲν ἐν κινδύνῳ καθεστηκότας καὶ πράξεις χρησταὶ καὶ νόμοι καὶ ἄνδρες χρηστοὶ καὶ πάντ᾽ ἐξητασμέν᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον προῆγε, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ἁπάσῃ καθεστάναι δοκοῦντας εὐδαιμονίᾳ πάντα ταῦτ᾽ ἀμελούμεν᾽ ὑπέρρει κατὰ μικρόν.
[49] Now if any of you is persuaded that our city is far from needing such a benefactor today, let him pray Heaven it may be so, and I will join in that prayer; but let him also reflect, first, that he is going to give his vote on a law under which, if unrepealed, he will have to live, and secondly, that bad laws can injure even communities which fancy they are dwelling in security. For there would have been no changes for better or for worse in the fortunes of states, had it not been that a nation in peril is guided to safety by good policy, good laws, and good citizens and by the observance of order in all things, but in the case of a nation that seems established in perfect prosperity, all these things, being neglected, slip away from it little by little.
ὢν ἀσφαλέστατος στρατηγὸς ἁπάντων
[82] καὶ μὴν καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽ ἀνάξι᾽ ἂν εἴη πεπονθὼς ὁ παῖς εἴ <τι> τῆς δωρειᾶς ἀφαιρεθείη, καθ᾽ ὃ πολλάκις ὑμῶν στρατηγήσαντος Χαβρίου οὐδενὸς πώποθ᾽ υἱὸς ὀρφανὸς δι᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐγένετο, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐν ὀρφανίᾳ τέθραπται διὰ τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς φιλοτιμίαν τοῦ πατρός. οὕτω γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἔμοιγε φαίνεται βεβαίως πως ἐκεῖνος φιλόπολις, ὥστε δοκῶν καὶ ὢν ἀσφαλέστατος στρατηγὸς ἁπάντων, ὑπὲρ μὲν ὑμῶν, ὁπόθ᾽ ἡγοῖτο, ἐχρῆτο τούτῳ, ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ δέ, ἐπειδὴ τὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἐτάχθη κινδυνεύειν, παρεῖδε, καὶ μᾶλλον εἵλετο μὴ ζῆν ἢ καταισχῦναι τὰς παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ὑπαρχούσας αὐτῷ τιμάς.
[82] Moreover, should the son be robbed of part of his reward, his treatment would be undeserved in view of the fact that no man's child was ever orphaned through the fault of Chabrias, though he frequently led you in war, but the boy himself has grown up an orphan, just because of his father's devotion to your cause. For to me he seems truly to have been such a staunch patriot, that though reputed to be the most cautious of commanders, as indeed he was, it was for your sake that he displayed that quality whenever he led you, but for his own sake, when he found himself assigned to the post of danger, he forgot all his caution and preferred to lay down his life rather than tarnish the honors that you had bestowed.
μὴ τοίνυν μηδ᾽ οὗτοι τὴν ἄδειαν, ἣν ἡμῖν κοινὴν οὐσίαν οἱ νόμοι παρέχουσι
[210] μὴ τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τούτοις τοῖς οὕτω χρησαμένοις ἂν ὑμῖν ἄλλως πως ἔχεθ᾽ ὑμεῖς, μηδὲ τὸν πλοῦτον μηδὲ τὴν δόξαν τὴν τούτων θαυμάζετε, ἀλλ᾽ ὑμᾶς αὐτούς. πολλὰ τούτοις ἀγάθ᾽ ἐστίν, ἃ τούτους οὐδεὶς κωλύει κεκτῆσθαι: μὴ τοίνυν μηδ᾽ οὗτοι τὴν ἄδειαν, ἣν ἡμῖν κοινὴν οὐσίαν οἱ νόμοι παρέχουσι, κωλυόντων κεκτῆσθαι.
[211] οὐδὲν δεινὸν οὐδ᾽ ἐλεινὸν Μειδίας πείσεται, ἂν ἴσα κτήσηται τοῖς πολλοῖς ὑμῶν, οὓς νῦν ὑβρίζει καὶ πτωχοὺς ἀποκαλεῖ, ἃ δὲ νῦν περιόντ᾽ αὐτὸν ὑβρίζειν ἐπαίρει, περιαιρεθῇ. οὐδ᾽ οὗτοι δήπου ταῦθ᾽ ὑμῶν εἰσι δίκαιοι δεῖσθαι, ‘μὴ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους δικάσητ᾽, ἄνδρες δικασταί: μὴ βοηθήσητε τῷ πεπονθότι δεινά: μὴ εὐορκεῖτε: ἡμῖν δότε τὴν χάριν ταύτην.’ ταῦτα γάρ, ἄν τι δέωνται περὶ τούτου, δεήσονται, κἂν μὴ ταῦτα λέγωσι τὰ ῥήματα.
[210] Do not therefore, men of Athens, treat them otherwise than as they would treat you. Keep your respect, not for their wealth or their reputation, but for yourselves. They have many advantages, which no one hinders them from enjoying; then they in their turn must not hinder us from enjoying the security which the laws provide as our common birthright.
[211] Meidias will suffer no distressing hardship if he shall come to possess just as much as the majority of you, whom he now insults and calls beggars, and if he is stripped of the superfluous wealth that incites him to such insolence. Surely such men have no right to ask of you, “Do not try the case by the laws, gentlemen of the jury; do not help the man who has suffered serious wrongs; do not observe your oaths; grant us your verdict as a favour.” If they plead for Meidias, that is what their plea will come to, though these may not be their actual words.
μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὶ τὸ λοιπὸν διάγειν
[227] ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἐξελήλεγκται, καὶ προκατέγνωκεν ὁ δῆμος τούτου εἰς ἱερὸν καθεζόμενος, καὶ τἄλλα προσεξήτασται τὰ πεπραγμένα τῷ μιαρῷ τούτῳ, καὶ δικάσοντες εἰλήχατε, καὶ πάντ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐν ὑμῖν μιᾷ ψήφῳ διαπράξασθαι, νῦν ὀκνήσετ᾽ ἐμοὶ βοηθῆσαι, τῷ δήμῳ χαρίσασθαι, τοὺς ἄλλους σωφρονίσαι, μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὶ τὸ λοιπὸν διάγειν, παράδειγμα ποιήσαντες τοῦτον τοῖς ἄλλοις;
πάντων οὖν εἵνεκα τῶν εἰρημένων, καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ θεοῦ χάριν περὶ οὗ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀσεβῶν οὗτος ἑάλωκεν, τὴν ὁσίαν καὶ δικαίαν θέμενοι ψῆφον τιμωρήσασθε τοῦτον.
[227] And yet now, when his guilt has been established, when the people, sitting in a sacred building, have anticipated his condemnation, when all the other crimes of this miscreant have been sifted, when it has fallen to your lot to be his judges and it lies in your power to conclude the whole affair by a single vote—now, I say, will you hesitate to succor me, to gratify the people, to give all a lesson in sobriety, and to enjoy perfect safety for the rest of your lives, by making an example of the defendant for the instruction of others?
Therefore for all the reasons that I have urged, and above all for the honor of the god whose festival he has been convicted of profaning, punish this man by casting the vote which piety and justice alike demand.
ὡς ἔοικεν, ἔστ᾽ ἀσφαλές
[87] ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἦλθε, πείσας τὸν πρυτανεύοντα δοῦναι τὴν ψῆφον παρὰ πάντας τοὺς νόμους, κλητῆρ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὁντινοῦν ἐπιγραψάμενος, κατηγορῶν ἔρημον, οὐδενὸς παρόντος, ἐκβάλλει καὶ ἀτιμοῖ τὸν διαιτητήν: καὶ νῦν εἷς Ἀθηναίων, ὅτι Μειδίας ἔρημον ὦφλε δίκην, ἁπάντων ἀπεστέρηται τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ καθάπαξ ἄτιμος γέγονεν: καὶ οὔτε λαχεῖν ἀδικηθέντα οὔτε διαιτητὴν γενέσθαι Μειδίᾳ οὔθ᾽ ὅλως τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν βαδίζειν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἔστ᾽ ἀσφαλές.
[88] δεῖ δὴ τοῦτο τὸ πρᾶγμ᾽ ὑμᾶς οὑτωσὶ σκέψασθαι, καὶ λογίσασθαι τί ποτ᾽ ἔσθ᾽ ὃ παθὼν Μειδίας οὕτως ὠμὸν τηλικαύτην ἐπεβούλευσε λαβεῖν τῶν πεπραγμένων παρ᾽ ἀνδρὸς πολίτου δίκην, κἂν μὲν ᾖ τι δεινὸν ὡς ἀληθῶς καὶ ὑπερφυές, συγγνώμην ἔχειν, ἐὰν δὲ μηδέν, θεάσασθε τὴν ἀσέλγειαν καὶ τὴν ὠμότητα, ᾗ καθ᾽ ἁπάντων χρῆται τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων. τί οὖν ἔσθ᾽ ὃ πέπονθεν; μεγάλην νὴ Δί᾽ ὦφλε δίκην καὶ τοσαύτην ὥστ᾽ ἀποστερεῖσθαι τῶν ὄντων. ἀλλὰ χιλίων ἡ δίκη μόνον ἦν δραχμῶν.
[87] he induced the presiding arbitrator to put it to the vote contrary to all the laws, because Meidias had not appended the name of a single witness to the summons; he denounces Strato in his absence and in the absence of witnesses, and gets him struck off the roll of arbitrators and disfranchised. And so a citizen of Athens, because Meidias lost his suit by default, has been deprived of all his civic rights, and has been irrevocably disfranchised; and it is unsafe for him to bring an action against Meidias when wronged, or to act as arbitrator for him, or even, it seems, to walk the same street with him.
[88] [Now you must consider the transaction from this point of view. Estimate what loss Meidias must have suffered before he could plan such a dire revenge against a fellow-citizen; and if it was something really terrible and overwhelming, he may be forgiven, but if it was nothing of the sort, mark the insolent brutality with which he treats all whom he comes across. Well, what loss has he suffered? He was cast, you reply, in a big lawsuit, so big that he has lost all his property.
οὔκουν ἐνόμιζεν ἀσφαλές, εἴ ποτε συμβήσεται γενέσθαι συχνοὺς ἀνθρώπους
[30] ἄξιον τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ τὸν θέντα τὸν νόμον ἐξετάσαι Σόλωνα, καὶ θεάσασθαι ὅσην πρόνοιαν ἐποιεῖτο ἐν ἅπασιν οἷς ἐτίθει νόμοις τῆς πολιτείας, καὶ ὅσῳ περὶ τούτου μᾶλλον ἐσπούδαζεν ἢ περὶ τοῦ πράγματος οὗ τιθείη τὸν νόμον. πολλαχόθεν μὲν οὖν ἄν τις ἴδοι τοῦτο, οὐχ ἥκιστα δ᾽ ἐκ τούτου τοῦ νόμου, μήτε λέγειν μήτε γράφειν ἐξεῖναι τοῖς ἡταιρηκόσιν. ἑώρα γὰρ ἐκεῖνο, ὅτι τοῖς πολλοῖς ὑμῶν ἐξὸν λέγειν οὐ λέγετε, ὥστε τοῦτ᾽ οὐδὲν ἡγεῖτο βαρύ, καὶ πόλλ᾽ ἂν εἶχεν, εἴ γε κολάζειν ἐβούλετο τούτους, χαλεπώτερα θεῖναι.
[31] ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τοῦτ᾽ ἐσπούδασεν, ἀλλὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀπεῖπεν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν καὶ τῆς πολιτείας. ᾔδει γάρ, ᾔδει τοῖς αἰσχρῶς βεβιωκόσιν ἁπασῶν οὖσαν ἐναντιωτάτην πολιτείαν ἐν ᾗ πᾶσιν ἔξεστι λέγειν τἀκείνων ὀνείδη. ἔστι δ᾽ αὕτη τίς; δημοκρατία. οὔκουν ἐνόμιζεν ἀσφαλές, εἴ ποτε συμβήσεται γενέσθαι συχνοὺς ἀνθρώπους κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους εἰπεῖν μὲν δεινοὺς καὶ θρασεῖς, τοιούτων δ᾽ ὀνειδῶν καὶ κακῶν μεστούς:
[32] πολλὰ γὰρ ἂν τὸν δῆμον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑπαχθέντ᾽ ἐξαμαρτεῖν, κἀκείνους ἤτοι καταλῦσαί γ᾽ ἂν πειρᾶσθαι τὸ παράπαν τὸν δῆμον （ἐν γὰρ ταῖς ὀλιγαρχίαις, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὦσιν ἔτ᾽ Ἀνδροτίωνός τινες αἴσχιον βεβιωκότες, οὐκ ἔστι λέγειν κακῶς τοὺς ἄρχοντας）, ἢ προάγειν ἂν ὡς πονηροτάτους εἶναι, ἵν᾽ ὡς ὁμοιότατοι σφίσιν ὦσι. τὴν οὖν ἀρχὴν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἀπεῖπε μὴ μετέχειν τοῦ συμβουλεύειν, ἵνα μὴ φενακισθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἐξαμάρτοι μηδέν. ὧν ὀλιγωρήσας ὁ καλὸς κἀγαθὸς οὗτος οὐ μόνον ᾤετο δεῖν λέγειν καὶ γράφειν οὐκ ἐξόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τοὺς νόμους ταῦτα ποιεῖν.
[30] Now it is worth your while, men of Athens, to study too the character of Solon, who framed this law, and to observe what care he took of the constitution in all the laws, how much more zealous indeed he was for the constitution than for the matter on which he was legislating. This may be seen in many ways, but especially from this law, which forbids persons guilty of prostitution to make speeches or to propose measures. For he saw that the majority of you do not avail yourselves of your right to speak, so that the prohibition seemed no great hardship, and he could have laid down many harsher penalties, if his object had been the chastisement of these offenders.
[31] But that was not his aim; he imposed this disability in the interests of you and of the State, for he knew—I say, he knew that of all states the most antagonistic men of infamous habits is that in which every man is at liberty to publish their shame. And what state is that? A democracy. He thought it would be dangerous if there ever happened to coexist a considerable number of men who were bold and clever speakers, but tainted with such disgraceful wickedness.
[32] For the people may be led astray by them to make many mistakes, and such men may attempt either to overthrow the democracy completely,—for in an oligarchy, even if there are viler livers than Androtion, no one may speak evil of dignities—or to debauch the people, so that they may be as nearly as possible like themselves. He therefore absolutely forbade such men to take any share in the counsels of the State, lest the people should be deluded into some error. Disregarding all this, our honorable gentleman here thought fit not only to make speeches and proposals, though not entitled to do so, but even ventured to make illegal ones.
ὑπὲρ τοῦ Χερρόνησον ἔχειν ὑμᾶς ἀσφαλῶς
μηδεὶς ὑμῶν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, νομίσῃ μήτ᾽ ἰδίας ἔχθρας ἐμὲ μηδεμιᾶς ἕνεχ᾽ ἥκειν Ἀριστοκράτους κατηγορήσοντα τουτουί, μήτε μικρὸν ὁρῶντά τι καὶ φαῦλον ἁμάρτημ᾽ ἑτοίμως οὕτως ἐπὶ τούτῳ προάγειν ἐμαυτὸν εἰς ἀπέχθειαν, ἀλλ᾽ εἴπερ ἄρ᾽ ὀρθῶς ἐγὼ λογίζομαι καὶ σκοπῶ, ὑπὲρ τοῦ Χερρόνησον ἔχειν ὑμᾶς ἀσφαλῶς καὶ μὴ παρακρουσθέντας ἀποστερηθῆναι πάλιν αὐτῆς, περὶ τούτου μοί ἐστιν ἅπας᾽ ἡ σπουδή.
Men of Athens, I beg that none of you will imagine that I have come here to arraign the defendant Aristocrates from any motive of private malice, or that I am thrusting myself so eagerly into a quarrel because I have detected some small and trivial blunder, but if my judgement and my views are at all right, the purpose of all my exertions in this case is that you may hold the Chersonese securely, and may not for the second time be cheated out of the possession of that country.
Z.1: ἡμῖν ὑπάρχει μεγίστοις οὖσιν ἀσφαλῶς οἰκεῖν / Z. 7: τῶν Κερσοβλέπτου πραγμάτων ἀσφάλειαν διδόν
[102] βούλομαι δ᾽ ἤδη καὶ τοῦθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἐπιδεικνύναι. ἵνα δ᾽ ὡς διὰ βραχυτάτου λόγου δῆλον ὃ βούλομαι ποιήσω, παράδειγμά τι γνώριμον πᾶσιν ὑμῖν ἐρῶ. ἴσθ᾽ ὅτι συμφέρει τῇ πόλει μήτε Θηβαίους μήτε Λακεδαιμονίους ἰσχύειν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν Φωκέας ἀντιπάλους, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλους τινὰς εἶναι: ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχειν ἡμῖν ὑπάρχει μεγίστοις οὖσιν ἀσφαλῶς οἰκεῖν.
[103] τοῦτο τοίνυν νομίζετε ταὐτὸ καὶ τοῖς Χερρόνησον οἰκοῦσι τῶν πολιτῶν συμφέρειν, μηδέν᾽ εἶναι τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ἰσχυρόν: ἡ γὰρ ἐκείνων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ταραχὴ καὶ ὑποψία φρουρὰ Χερρονήσου μεγίστη τῶν πασῶν ἐστιν καὶ βεβαιοτάτη. τὸ τοίνυν ψήφισμα τουτὶ τῷ μὲν ἡγουμένῳ τῶν Κερσοβλέπτου πραγμάτων ἀσφάλειαν διδόν, τοῖς δὲ τῶν ἑτέρων βασιλέων στρατηγοῖς φόβον καὶ δέος μή τιν᾽ αἰτίαν ἔχωσι παριστάν, τοὺς μὲν ἀσθενεῖς, τὸν δ᾽ ἕν᾽ ὄντ᾽ ἰσχυρὸν καθίστησιν.
[102] That is the point which I wish now to make good to you; and, in order to do what I wish in as few words as possible, will cite an illustration that is well known to you all. You are aware that it is for the advantage of Athens that neither the Thebans nor the Lacedaemonians should be powerful; that the Thebans should be counterbalanced by the Phocians, and the Lacedaemonians by other communities; because, when that is the position of affairs, you are the strongest nation, and can dwell in security.
[103] You must, then, take the view that for those of our fellow-citizens who live in the Chersonese the same condition is advantageous, that is, that no one man shall be all-powerful among the Thracians. In fact the quarrels of the Thracians, and their jealousy of one another, afford the best and most trustworthy guarantee of the safety of the Chersonese. Now the decree before us, by offering security to the minister who controls the affairs of Cersobleptes, and by putting the commanders of the other kings in imminent fear of being accused of crime, makes those kings weak, and the king who stands by himself strong.
τὴν ἀρχὴν Χαρίδημος ἀσφαλῶς πάντα καταστρέψαιτο
[11] ἐσκόπουν οὖν τίν᾽ ἂν τρόπον ἡσυχίαν μὲν ἔχειν ἀναγκασθεῖεν οὗτοι, ἐρήμων δ᾽ ὄντων ἐκείνων ὁ Κερσοβλέπτῃ πράττων τὴν ἀρχὴν Χαρίδημος ἀσφαλῶς πάντα καταστρέψαιτο. εἰ πρῶτον μέν, ἄν τις αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνῃ, ψήφισμ᾽ ὑμέτερον γένοιτο, ἀγώγιμον εἶναι: δεύτερον δέ, εἰ χειροτονηθείη στρατηγὸς ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν Χαρίδημος.
[11] Accordingly the persons I have mentioned began to consider by what means those commanders might be compelled to remain inactive, so that, the rival princes being friendless, Charidemus, who was striving to win the monarchy for Cersobleptes, might make himself master of the situation. The first plan was to get a decree enacted by you, making any man who should kill Charidemus liable to arrest; and the second was that Charidemus should receive from you a general's commission.
μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας ζῆν ὁρᾶτε προῃρημένον αὐτόν
[111] ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀπορῶ μὲν εἰπεῖν πόλλ᾽ ἅ μοι δοκεῖ μᾶλλον ἄν τις ἰδὼν ἀπιστεῖν εἰκότως ἢ τούτοις πιστεύων ἐκεῖνον ἐᾶν μέγαν γίγνεσθαι: οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ὃ μάλιστα πρόχειρον ἔχω, τοῦτ᾽ ἐρῶ. ἴστε δήπου Φίλιππον, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τουτονὶ τὸν Μακεδόνα, ᾧ πολὺ δήπου μᾶλλον ἐλυσιτέλει τὰς ἐξ ἁπάσης Μακεδονίας προσόδους ἀδεῶς λαμβάνειν ἢ μετὰ κινδύνων τὰς ἐξ Ἀμφιπόλεως, καὶ χρῆσθαι φίλοις αἱρετώτερον ἦν αὐτῷ τοῖς πατρικοῖς ὑμῖν ἢ Θετταλοῖς, οἳ τὸν πατέρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ποτ᾽ ἐξέβαλον.
[112] ἄνευ γὰρ τούτου κἀκεῖν᾽ ἔστιν ἰδεῖν: ὑμεῖς μέν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, οὐδένα προὐδώκατε πώποτε τῶν φίλων, Θετταλοὶ δ᾽ οὐδένα πώποθ᾽ ὅντιν᾽ οὔ. ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὕτως ἐχόντων τούτων μικρὰ λαμβάνειν καὶ τοὺς ἀπίστους φίλους καὶ τὸ κινδυνεύειν ἀντὶ τοῦ μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας ζῆν ὁρᾶτε προῃρημένον αὐτόν.
[113] τί δή ποτ᾽ αἴτιον; οὐ γὰρ δὴ λόγον γε τὸ πρᾶγμ᾽ οὑτωσὶ πρόχειρον ἔχει. ὅτι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, δυοῖν ἀγαθοῖν ὄντοιν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις, τοῦ μὲν ἡγουμένου καὶ μεγίστου πάντων, τοῦ εὐτυχεῖν, τοῦ δ᾽ ἐλάττονος μὲν τούτου, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων μεγίστου, τοῦ καλῶς βουλεύεσθαι, οὐχ ἅμ᾽ ἡ κτῆσις παραγίγνεται τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, οὐδ᾽ ἔχει τῶν εὖ πραττόντων οὐδεὶς ὅρον οὐδὲ τελευτὴν τῆς τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἐπιθυμίας: δι᾽ ὅπερ πολλοὶ πολλάκις μειζόνων ἐπιθυμοῦντες τὰ παρόντ᾽ ἀπώλεσαν.
[114] καὶ τί δεῖ Φίλιππον λέγειν ἤ τιν᾽ ἄλλον; ἀλλ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτὸς ὁ Κερσοβλέπτου Κότυς, ἡνίκα μὲν στασιάζοι πρός τινας, πρέσβεις πέμπων ἅπαντα ποιεῖν ἕτοιμος ἦν, καὶ τότ᾽ ᾐσθάνετο ὡς ἀλυσιτελὲς τὸ τῇ πόλει πολεμεῖν: ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ τὴν Θρᾴκην ἔχοι, κατελάμβανε τὰς πόλεις, ἠδίκει, μεθύων ἐπαρῴνει μάλιστα μὲν εἰς αὑτόν, εἶτα καὶ εἰς ἡμᾶς, τὴν χώραν ἐποιεῖθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, τὸ πρᾶγμ᾽ ἀμήχανον ἦν. τῶν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἐπιχειρούντων οἷς οὐ χρὴ οὐ τὰ δυσχερέσταθ᾽ ἕκαστος εἴωθε λογίζεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἃ κατορθώσας διαπράξεται.
[111] But I am at no loss for plenty of instances in the light of which a man might reasonably be skeptical, instead of putting his trust in those orators, and allowing Cersobleptes to become a potentate. However, I will be content with the instance that lies nearest to hand. Of course, gentlemen, you all know that Macedonian, Philip. It was certainly more profitable for him to draw the revenues of all Macedonia in safety, than the revenue of Amphipolis with risks attached; and more agreeable to have you, his hereditary friends, on his side, than the Thessalians who once ejected his own father.
[112] Apart from that, it may be observed that you, Athenians, never yet betrayed any of your friends, while the Thessalians have betrayed every one of theirs. Nevertheless, in spite of all that, you see that he has deliberately chosen small gains, faithless friends, and big risks, in preference to a life of security.
[113] Now what can be the reason? For the logic of the thing is certainly not so very obvious. The truth is, men of Athens, that there are two things that are excellent for everybody: good luck, the chiefest and greatest of goods, and good counsel, inferior to good luck, but greater than any other; but men do not get both these good things at once, and no successful man sets any limit or end to his desire to get more. And that is why men, in the desire for more, so often throw away what they already have.
[114] But what need to name Philip, or any other man? Why, Cersobleptes' own father, Cotys, whenever he had a quarrel on hand, used to send his ambassadors, and was ready to do anything, and then he could see that being at war with Athens was quite unprofitable. But, as soon as he had all Thrace at his command, he would occupy cities, do mischief, discharge his drunken fury, first on himself, and then on us; he must needs subjugate the whole country; there was no dealing with the fellow. For everybody who attempts improper enterprises for the sake of aggrandizement is apt to look, not to the difficulties of his task, but to what he will achieve if successful.
προὐπηλάκισεν ἀσφαλὲς ἦν τῳ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δίκην πειρᾶσθαι λαβεῖν;
[120] τί δ᾽; Ἀλέξανδρον ἐκεῖνον τὸν Θετταλόν, ἡνίκ᾽ εἶχε μὲν αἰχμάλωτον δήσας Πελοπίδαν, ἐχθρὸς δ᾽ ὡς οὐδεὶς ἦν Θηβαίοις, ὑμῖν δ᾽ οἰκείως διέκειθ᾽ οὕτως ὥστε παρ᾽ ὑμῶν στρατηγὸν αἰτεῖν, ἐβοηθεῖτε δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ πάντ᾽ ἦν Ἀλέξανδρος, πρὸς Διὸς εἴ τις ἔγραψεν, ἄν τις ἀποκτείνῃ Ἀλέξανδρον, ἀγώγιμον εἶναι, ἆρ᾽ ἂν ὧν μετὰ ταῦθ᾽ ὕβρισεν καὶ προὐπηλάκισεν ἀσφαλὲς ἦν τῳ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δίκην πειρᾶσθαι λαβεῖν;
[120] Again, there was Alexander of Thessaly. At the time when he had imprisoned Pelopidas, and was holding him captive, when he was the most bitter enemy of the Thebans, when his feelings towards you were so fraternal that he applied to you for a commander, when you gave aid to his arms, when it was Alexander here and Alexander there,—why, gracious heavens! if anybody had moved that whoever killed Alexander should be liable to seizure, would it have been safe for any man to try to give him due punishment for his subsequent violence and brutality?
οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἡγεῖτ᾽ ἀπελθεῖν ὅποι τύχοι
[127] οἷον, ἵν᾽ εἰδῆτε καὶ ὑμεῖς πρὸς ὃ ταῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ βλέπων λέγω, Πύθων οὑτοσί, ὅτε μὲν Κότυν εὐθὺς ἀπεκτονὼς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἡγεῖτ᾽ ἀπελθεῖν ὅποι τύχοι, ἦλθεν ὡς ὑμᾶς καὶ πολιτείαν ᾔτησεν καὶ πάντων ἐποιήσατο πρώτους ὑμᾶς, ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ οἴεται τὰ Φιλίππου πράγματα συμφέρειν αὑτῷ μᾶλλον, οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ὑμῶν φροντίσας τἀκείνου φρονεῖ. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν, οὐκ ἔστιν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, παρὰ τούτοις τοῖς ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν προαιρέσει ζῶσιν οὐδὲν οὔτε βέβαιον οὔθ᾽ ὅσιον, ἀλλὰ δεῖ τούτων, ὅστις εὖ φρονεῖ, φυλαττόμενον περιεῖναι, μὴ προπιστεύσαντα κατηγορεῖν.
[127] For example, to make clear to you my purpose in saying this, when that man Pytho, having just killed Cotys, did not think it safe to take his chance of a place of refuge, he came to you, applied for your citizenship, and thought you the finest people in the world. But now that he thinks relations with Philip more advantageous to him, he takes Philip's side, without the slightest regard for you. No, men of Athens; when men give their lives to the pursuit of their own ambitions, I say that there is no stability and no honesty to be found in them. Every sensible man must get the better of such people by wary conduct: he should not begin by trusting and end by denouncing them.
παρ᾽ ἐκείνῳ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι μένειν
[132] οὐκ ἐθέλοντος δ᾽ ἐκείνου, λαβὼν αὐτὸς τήν τε βαρβαρικὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὴν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου συνειλεγμένην, καὶ τὸν Χαρίδημον τοῦτον προσμισθωσάμενος, προσέβαλλε τοῖς ὑμετέροις χωρίοις, καὶ εἰς τοῦτο κατέστησε τὸν Ἰφικράτην ἀπορίας, ὥστ᾽ ἀπελθόντ᾽ εἰς Ἄντισσαν οἰκεῖν καὶ πάλιν εἰς Δρῦν, ἡγούμενον ὡς μὲν ὑμᾶς οὐχὶ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐλθεῖν, οὓς ὑστέρους ἐπεποίητο τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς καὶ τοῦ βαρβάρου, παρ᾽ ἐκείνῳ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι μένειν, ὃν οὕτως ὀλιγωροῦνθ᾽ ἑώρα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ σωτηρίας.
[133] ἂν οὖν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ Κερσοβλέπτης ἐκ τῆς τῷ Χαριδήμῳ νῦν ἀδείας κατασκευαζομένης αὐξηθεὶς ὀλιγωρῇ μὲν ἐκείνου, νεωτερίζῃ δέ τι καὶ κινῇ πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἐξαρκεῖ τοῦθ᾽ ὑμῖν, ἐὰν Χαρίδημος ἐξαπατηθῇ, τὸν Θρᾷκ᾽ ἰσχυρὸν ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς κατεσκευακέναι; ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιῶ. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνο νομίζω δίκαιον, εἰ μὲν αἰσθάνεται ταῦτα καὶ προορᾷ Χαρίδημος, εἶθ᾽ ὅπως τοιούτων ψηφισμάτων τεύξεται διαπράττεται,
[132] and, on his refusal, he made an attack in person on the strongholds, taking with him the forces collected by Iphicrates as well as his barbarian troops, and engaging the services of Charidemus. He reduced Iphicrates to such helplessness that he withdrew to Antissa, and afterwards to Drys, and lived there; for he did not think he could honorably return to you, whom he had slighted for the sake of a Thracian and a barbarian. On the other hand, he thought it dangerous to remain at the court of a king whom he had found so negligent of his safety.
[133] Now suppose, men of Athens, that Cersobleptes also, having his power enhanced by the immunity that is being procured for Charidemus, should disdain that man, and initiate plots and disturbances against you,—are you content, as long as Charidemus is misled, to have furnished the Thracian with strength to fight you? I hope not! Here is the view that I think the just one: if Charidemus makes it his business to get these decrees, after perceiving and foreseeing that peril, you must distrust him as an intriguer.
τριήρων εὐπορήσας παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας ἀποδρᾶναι
[156] αἰσθόμενος δ᾽ οὗ ἦν κακοῦ καὶ λογισμὸν λαβὼν ὅτι ληφθήσεται, κἂν μηδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων, τῷ γε λιμῷ, εἶδεν, εἴτε δή τινος εἰπόντος εἴτ᾽ αὐτὸς συνείς, ὅτι σωτηρία μόνη γένοιτ᾽ ἂν αὐτῷ ἥπερ ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους σῴζει. ἔστι δ᾽ αὕτη τίς; ἡ ὑμετέρα, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, εἴτε χρὴ φιλανθρωπίαν λέγειν εἴθ᾽ ὅ τι δήποτε. γνοὺς δὲ τοῦτο πέμπει τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ὑμῖν, ἧς ἄξιόν ἐστιν ἀκοῦσαι, βουλόμενος διὰ τῆς ὑποσχέσεως τοῦ κομιεῖσθαι Χερρόνησον ὑμῖν, καὶ διὰ τοῦ τὸν Κηφισόδοτον δοκεῖν ἐχθρὸν ὄντα τοῦ Κότυος καὶ τοῦ Ἰφικράτους ταῦτα βούλεσθαι, τριήρων εὐπορήσας παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας ἀποδρᾶναι.
[157] τί δὴ συμβαίνει παραυτά, ὅθεν ἐξηλέγχθη τὸ πρᾶγμ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ; ὁ Μέμνων καὶ ὁ Μέντωρ, οἱ κηδεσταὶ τοῦ Ἀρταβάζου, ἄνθρωποι νέοι καὶ κεχρημένοι ἀπροσδοκήτῳ εὐτυχίᾳ τῇ τοῦ Ἀρταβάζου κηδείᾳ, βουλόμενοι τῆς χώρας ἄρχειν εὐθὺς ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ τιμᾶσθαι καὶ μὴ πολεμεῖν μηδὲ κινδυνεύειν, πείθουσι τὸν Ἀρτάβαζον τοῦ μὲν τιμωρεῖσθαι τὸν Χαρίδημον ἀφέσθαι, ἀποστεῖλαι δ᾽ ὑπόσπονδον, διδάσκοντες ὡς ὑμεῖς, κἂν ἐκεῖνος μὴ 'θέλῃ, διαβιβᾶτε καὶ οὐ δυνήσεται κωλύειν.
[156] When he realized what trouble he was in, and came to the conclusion that he would be reduced by famine, if by no other means, he made the discovery, whether by suggestion or by his own wits, that his only chance of salvation lay where there is salvation for everybody. And where is that? In your good-nature, if that is the right term, men of Athens,—or call it what you will. Having reached that conclusion, he dispatched the letter to you,—and it is worth your while to hear it read. His desire was, by means of a promise to recover the Chersonesus for you, and on the pretence that such was also the wish of Cephisodotus, as an enemy of Cotys and Iphicrates, to get a supply of galleys from you, and so scuttle safely out of Asia.
[157] Do you remember the immediate sequel, by which the trick was exposed in the very act? Memnon and Mentor, the sons-in-law of Artabazus, were young men, enjoying unexpected good fortune by their relationship to Artabazus. What they wanted was to govern the country peaceably without delay, and to win distinction without warfare and peril. Accordingly, they persuaded Artabazus to forgo his vengeance upon Charidemus, and to send him off under an armistice, advising him that you would bring Charidemus across with or without his consent: he could not possibly stop you.
διαβῆναι τὸ στράτευμ᾽ ὑμᾶς παρέχειν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν
[158] ὡς δὲ τυγχάνει ταύτης τῆς ἀλόγου καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτου σωτηρίας ὁ Χαρίδημος, διαβὰς εἰς τὴν Χερρόνησον ἐφ᾽ αὑτοῦ διὰ τὰς σπονδάς, τοσούτου ἐδέησεν ἐπελθεῖν τῷ Κότυϊ, γεγραφὼς ὅτι οὐχ ὑπομενεῖ Κότυς αὐτὸν ἐπιόντα, ἢ τὴν Χερρόνησον ὅπως κομιεῖσθ᾽ ὑμεῖς συμπρᾶξαι, ὥστε πάλιν μισθώσας αὑτὸν τῷ Κότυϊ τὰ ὑπόλοιπα τῶν ὑμετέρων χωρίων Κριθώτην καὶ Ἐλαιοῦντ᾽ ἐπολιόρκει. καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα, καὶ ἡνίκ᾽ ἔτ᾽ ἦν ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἔπεμπε πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἐγνωκὼς ποιεῖν ἐφενάκιζεν ὑμᾶς, ἀπὸ τῆς διαβάσεως ἣν ἐποιήσατο γνώσεσθε: ἐκ γὰρ Ἀβύδου τῆς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ὑμῖν ἐχθρᾶς καὶ ὅθεν ἦσαν οἱ Σηστὸν καταλαβόντες, εἰς Σηστὸν διέβαινεν, ἣν εἶχε Κότυς.
[159] καίτοι μὴ νομίζετε μήτ᾽ ἂν τοὺς Ἀβυδηνοὺς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεσθαι μήτ᾽ ἂν τοὺς ἐν τῇ Σηστῷ, τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ὑμῖν ἐκείνης πεπεμμένης, εἰ μὴ συνῄδεσαν αὐτῷ φενακίζοντι τότε καὶ συνεξηπάτων αὐτοί, βουλόμενοι τοῦ μὲν διαβῆναι τὸ στράτευμ᾽ ὑμᾶς παρέχειν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, διαβάντος δέ, ὅπερ συνέβη δόντος Ἀρταβάζου τὴν ἄδειαν, αὑτοῖς ὑπάρξαι τὴν χρείαν. ὅτι τοίνυν οὕτω ταῦτ᾽ ἔχει, λέγε τὰς ἐπιστολάς, ἥν τ᾽ ἔπεμψεν ἐκεῖνος καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων τῶν ἐκ Χερρονήσου: γνώσεσθε γὰρ ἐκ τούτων ὅτι ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει. λέγε.“Ἐπιστολή”
[158] Having gained this unaccountable and unforeseen deliverance, Charidemus crossed the sea to the Chersonesus without your authority by reason of the armistice; but then, so far from attacking Cotys,—although he had told you in his letter that Cotys would not repel his attack,—and so far from helping you to recover the Chersonesus, he entered the service of Cotys once more, and began to beleaguer your last remaining strongholds, Crithote and Elaeus. You will find proof in his route across the straits that he had already decided on this action at the time when he was in Asia and was sending you the letter, and therefore that he was cheating you; for he crossed from Abydus, a place always hostile to you, and the base from which Sestus was captured, to Sestus, which was in the possession of Cotys.
[159] Yet you must not imagine that either the Abydenes or the people at Sestus would have admitted him, after that letter had been sent to you, if they had not been aware that he was cheating you, or if they had not been actually parties to the deception. They wanted you to provide a safe passage for the troops, and then, after the passage, to get the use of them for their own purposes; as in fact they did, when Artabazus had granted a safe-conduct.—To prove that such are the facts read the letters,—I mean the letter sent by Charidemus, and those that came from the authorities in the Chersonesus.—You will learn from them that the facts are so.—Read.“Letter”
παρ᾽ ἡμέραν ἔξεστιν αὐτῷ βαδίζειν ἐπὶ Χερρόνησον ἀσφαλῶς
[182] ἴστε γὰρ δήπου τοῦτο, οἱ μὲν ἀφιγμένοι σαφῶς, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι τούτων ἀκούοντες, ὅτι τῆς Καρδιανῶν πόλεως ἐχούσης ὡς ἔχει, εἰ γενήσεται τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Θρᾷκας εὐτρεπῆ τῷ Κερσοβλέπτῃ, παρ᾽ ἡμέραν ἔξεστιν αὐτῷ βαδίζειν ἐπὶ Χερρόνησον ἀσφαλῶς. ὥσπερ γὰρ Χαλκὶς τῷ τόπῳ τῆς Εὐβοίας πρὸς τῆς Βοιωτίας κεῖται, οὕτω Χερρονήσου κεῖται πρὸς τῆς Θρᾴκης ἡ Καρδιανῶν πόλις. ἣν ὃν ἔχει τόπον ὅστις οἶδεν ὑμῶν, οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽ ἀγνοεῖ, τίνος εἵνεκα καιροῦ περιπεποίηται καὶ διεσπούδασται μὴ λαβεῖν ὑμᾶς.
[182] I am sure that you all know,—those of you who have visited the place know for certain, and the rest by hearing their report,—that, the condition of Cardia being what it is, if the relations of Cersobleptes with the Thracians ever become favorable, he is able at twenty-four hours' notice to invade the Chersonesus quite safely. Indeed by its situation the city of the Cardians occupies a position in the Chersonesus in relation to Thrace analogous to the position of Chalcis in Euboea in relation to Boeotia. Those of you who know its situation cannot be unaware of the advantage for the sake of which he has acquired it for himself, and has taken great pains to keep it out of our hands.
μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας ζῆν φεύγουσιν
[41] τούτων μὲν δὴ τὸν εἰργασμένον εἴργει. ἂν δ᾽ ἔξω τούτων κτείνῃ τις αὐτὸν ἄλλοθι, τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δίκην δέδωκεν ἥνπερ ἂν τὸν Ἀθηναῖον κτείνῃ. τὸν γὰρ φυγάδα τὸ τῆς πόλεως οὐ προσεῖπ᾽ ὄνομα, ἧς οὐκ ἔστι ματουσία αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ τὸ τοῦ πράγματος, ᾧ κατέστησεν αὑτὸν ἐκεῖνος ἔνοχον: καὶ διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ‘ἄν τις ἀποκτείνῃ’ φησὶ ‘τὸν ἀνδροφόνον.’ εἶτ᾽ εἰπὼν ὧν εἰργόμενον, ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν τιμωρίαν νομίμως ἐπιθεῖναι τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὄνομ᾽ ὠνόμασεν, ‘τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐνεχέσθω καθάπερ ἂν τὸν Ἀθηναῖον ἀποκτείνῃ’ γράψας, ἀνομοίως, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τῷ τουτὶ τὸ ψήφισμ᾽ εἰρηκότι.
[42] καίτοι πῶς οὐχὶ δεινὸν εἰ, οἷς ὁ νόμος δέδωκεν, ἐὰν ὧν εἶπον εἴργωνται, μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας ζῆν φεύγουσιν, τούτους ἐκδότους τις εἶναι γράφει, καὶ ἀφαιρεῖται τὸ τῆς συγγνώμης ὠφέλιμον, ὃ τοῖς ἀτυχοῦσιν ὑπάρχειν εἰκὸς παρὰ τῶν ἔξω τῶν ἐγκλημάτων ὄντων, ὅτῳ ποτὲ τῶν πάντων ἀπόκειται ἄδηλον ὄν, μὴ προδήλου τῆς ἐπιούσης τύχης οὔσης ἑκάστῳ; καὶ νυνὶ τὸν ἀποκτείναντα Χαρίδημον, ὄντως ἂν ἄρα τοῦτο γένηται, ἂν ἀνταποκτείνωσί τινες λαβόντες ἔκδοτον, πεφευγότα καὶ τῶν νομίμων εἰργόμενον, ἔνοχοι μὲν αὐτοὶ ταῖς φονικαῖς δίκαις ἔσονται, ἔνοχος δὲ σύ:
[41] Accordingly the law excludes the murderer from all these places; but if anyone puts him to death elsewhere, outside the places specified, the same retribution is provided as when an Athenian is slain. He did not describe the fugitive by the name of the city, for in that name he has no part, but by that of the act for which he is chargeable. Accordingly he says: “if any man kill the murderer;” and afterwards, when he prescribed the places from which the man is debarred, he introduces the name of the City for the lawful assignment of punishment: “he shall be liable to the same penalty as if he killed an Athenian.” Gentlemen, that phrase is very different from the wording of the decree before us.
[42] Yet is it not scandalous to propose the surrender of men whom the law has permitted to go into exile and to live in security, provided they absent themselves from the places I have mentioned, and to rob them of that benefit of mercy which the unfortunate may justly claim from those who are unconcerned in their crimes, although, in our ignorance of the future destiny of every man, it is uncertain for which of us that benefit is in store? In this case, if the man who slays Charidemus supposing the thing really to happen is slain in his turn by men who capture him as an outcast, after he has gone into exile, and while he absents himself from the places specified in the law, they will be liable to a charge of bloodguiltiness,—and so will you, sir.
ἀσφαλὲς οὐδὲ τιμωρίαν λαβεῖν ἣν δίδως᾽ ὁ νόμος
[57] φέρε, ἂν δέ τι συμβῇ τοιοῦτον οἷον ἴσως ἤδη τῳ καὶ ἄλλῳ, ἀπαλλαγῇ μὲν ἐκ Θρᾴκης, ἐλθὼν δ᾽ εἰς πόλιν οἰκῇ που, τῆς μὲν ἐξουσίας μηκέτι κύριος ὢν δι᾽ ἧς πολλὰ ποιεῖ τῶν ἀπειρημένων ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων, τοῖς δ᾽ ἔθεσιν καὶ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ταῦτ᾽ ἐπιχειρῶν πράττειν, ἄλλο τι ἢ σιγῶντα δεήσει Χαρίδημον ἐᾶν αὑτὸν ὑβρίζειν; οὐ γὰρ ἀποκτεῖναί γ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς οὐδὲ τιμωρίαν λαβεῖν ἣν δίδως᾽ ὁ νόμος, διὰ τὸ ψήφισμα τουτί.
[58] καὶ μὴν εἴ τις ἐκεῖν᾽ ὑπολαμβάνει, ποῦ δὲ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ταῦτα; τί κωλύει κἀμὲ λέγειν, τίς δ᾽ ἂν ἀποκτείναι Χαρίδημον; ἀλλὰ μὴ τοῦτο σκοπῶμεν: ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδήπερ ἐστὶ τὸ φεῦγον ψήφισμα οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἤδη γεγενημένῳ τινὶ πράγματι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ ὃ μηδ᾽ εἰ γενήσεται μηδεὶς οἶδεν, τὸ μὲν τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔσεσθαι κοινὸν ἀμφοῖν ὑπαρχέτω, πρὸς δὲ τοῦθ᾽ ὑποθέντες ἀνθρωπίνως τὰς ἐλπίδας οὕτω σκοπῶμεν, ὡς τάχ᾽ ἄν, εἰ τύχοι, καὶ τούτων κἀκείνων συμβάντων.
[57] Let us suppose that a fate that has doubtless befallen others before now should befall him—that he should withdraw from Thrace and come and live somewhere in a civilized community; and that, though no longer enjoying the licence under which he now commits many illegalities, he should be driven by his habits and his lusts to attempt the sort of behavior I have mentioned, will not a man be obliged to allow himself to be insulted by Charidemus in silence? It will not be safe to put him to death, nor, by reason of this decree, to obtain the satisfaction provided by law.
[58] If anyone interrupts me with a question, “And where, pray, are such things likely to happen?” there is nothing to prevent me from asking, “And who is likely to kill Charidemus?” Well, we need not go into those questions; only, inasmuch as the decree now on trial refers, not to any past transaction, but to something of which nobody knows whether it will happen or not, let the uncertainty of the future be common ground to both sides; let us, as mankind are wont, adjust our expectations thereto, and consider the matter on the presumption that both the one contingency and the other may possibly happen.
τὸ παρασχόντ᾽ ἀσφάλειαν ἀπελθεῖν οὕτω προστάττειν φεύγειν
[72] τί οὖν ὁ νόμος κελεύει; τὸν ἁλόντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀκουσίῳ φόνῳ ἔν τισιν εἰρημένοις χρόνοις ἀπελθεῖν τακτὴν ὁδόν, καὶ φεύγειν ἕως ἂν †αἰδέσηταί τινα† τῶν ἐν γένει τοῦ πεπονθότος. τηνικαῦτα δ᾽ ἥκειν δέδωκεν ἔστιν ὃν τρόπον, οὐχ ὃν ἂν τύχῃ, ἀλλὰ καὶ θῦσαι καὶ καθαρθῆναι καὶ ἄλλ᾽ ἄττα διείρηκεν ἃ χρὴ ποιῆσαι, ὀρθῶς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πάντα ταῦτα λέγων ὁ νόμος.
[73] καὶ γὰρ τὸ τῶν ἀκουσίων ἐλάττω τὴν τιμωρίαν ἢ τῶν ἑκουσίων τάξαι δίκαιον, καὶ τὸ παρασχόντ᾽ ἀσφάλειαν ἀπελθεῖν οὕτω προστάττειν φεύγειν ὀρθῶς ἐστιν ἔχον, καὶ τὸ τὸν κατιόνθ᾽ ὁσιοῦν καὶ καθαίρεσθαι νομίμοις τισί, καὶ τὸ τοὺς νόμους κυρίους ἁπάντων εἶναι, καὶ πάντα ταῦτ᾽ ἔχει καλῶς. ταῦτα τοίνυν ἅπαντα δικαίως οὕτω διορισθένθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς νομοθετησάντων παρέβη γράφων τὸ ψήφισμ᾽ οὑτοσί. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ δύο τηλικαῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτα δικαστήρια καὶ νόμιμ᾽ ἐκ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου παραδεδομένα οὕτως ἀναιδῶς ὑπερπεπήδηκεν.
[72] That the man who is convicted of involuntary homicide shall, on certain appointed days, leave the country by a prescribed route, and remain in exile until he is reconciled to one of the relatives of the deceased. Then the law permits him to return, not casually, but in a certain manner; it instructs him to make sacrifice and to purify himself, and gives other directions for his conduct. In all these provisions, men of Athens, the law is right.
[73] It is just to allot a lesser penalty for involuntary than for willful homicide; it is quite right, before ordering a man to go into exile, to provide for his safe departure; and the provisions for the reinstatement of the returning exile, for his purification by customary rites, and so forth, are excellent. Well, everyone of these ordinances, so righteously enacted by the original legislators, has been transgressed by the defendant in drafting his decree. So we have now two tribunals, of great antiquity and high character, and usages handed down from time immemorial, which he has insolently overridden.
τὸ Χερρόνησον ὑμᾶς ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν
[7] εἰ μὲν οὖν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῦτο μέγιστον Ἀριστοκράτης ἠδίκει, τὸ τοιούτου, οἷον ἐγώ φημι δείξειν τὸν Χαρίδημον ὄντα, τοσαύτην πεποιῆσθαι πρόνοιαν ἐν τῷ ψηφίσματι ὥστ᾽ ἰδίαν παρὰ τοὺς νόμους, ἄν τι πάθῃ, τιμωρίαν αὐτῷ δεδωκέναι, ταῦτ᾽ ἂν ἤδη λέγειν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπεχείρουν, ἵν᾽ εἰδῆτε πολλοῦ δεῖν ἄξιον ὄντα τυχεῖν τοῦ ψηφίσματος αὐτὸν τουτουί. νυνὶ δ᾽ ἕτερον τούτου μεῖζον διὰ τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἔστ᾽ ἀδίκημα, ὃ δεῖ πρότερον καὶ μαθεῖν ὑμᾶς καὶ φυλάξασθαι.
[8] ἀνάγκη δὲ ἐστὶ πρῶτον ἁπάντων εἰπεῖν καὶ δεῖξαι τί ποτ᾽ ἐστὶ τὸ Χερρόνησον ὑμᾶς ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν πεποιηκός: διὰ γὰρ τοῦ μαθεῖν τοῦτο καὶ τἀδίκημα σαφῶς ὄψεσθε. ἔστι τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῦτο, τὸ τελευτήσαντος Κότυος Βηρισάδην καὶ Ἀμάδοκον καὶ Κερσοβλέπτην τρεῖς ἀνθ᾽ ἑνὸς γενέσθαι Θρᾴκης βασιλέας: συμβέβηκε γὰρ ἐκ τούτου αὑτοῖς μὲν ἀντιπάλους εἶναι τούτους, ὑμᾶς δ᾽ ὑπέρχεσθαι καὶ θεραπεύειν.
[9] τοῦτο τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, βουλόμενοί τινες παῦσαι, καὶ καταλῦσαι μὲν τοὺς ἑτέρους βασιλέας, παραδοῦναι δ᾽ ἑνὶ τῷ Κερσοβλέπτῃ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἅπασαν, διαπράττονταί σφισι τοῦτο γενέσθαι τὸ προβούλευμα, τῷ μὲν ἀκοῦσαι κεχωρισμένον τοῦ τι τοιοῦτον δοκεῖν διαπράξασθαι, τῷ δ᾽ ἔργῳ πάντων μάλιστα τοῦτο περαίνοντες, ὡς ἐγὼ διδάξω.
[7] If, men of Athens, the most serious offence committed by Aristocrates had been that in his decree he was so solicitous for the safety of such a man as I undertake to prove Charidemus to be that he provided a special and illegal penalty, in case anything happened to him, I should have tried to deal with that point at once, for the purpose of proving that the man is very far from deserving the favour of this decree. There is, however, a much graver iniquity involved in the decree, of which you must first be informed, and against which you must take precaution.
[8] It is essential that at the outset I should explain to you the circumstances to which you owe the secure possession of the Chersonese, for in the light of that knowledge you will get a clear perception of the wrong that has been committed. The circumstances, men of Athens, are these. On the demise of Cotys three persons instead of one became kings of Thrace—Berisades, Amadocus, and Cersobleptes; and the natural result was that they competed with one another and that they all flattered you and courted your favour.
[9] Well, men of Athens, certain persons who wanted to put a stop to that state of affairs, to get rid of the other kings, and to put Cersobleptes in possession of an undivided monarchy, contrived to equip themselves with this provisional resolution. If one listened only to the wording, they were far from appearing to pursue any such purpose; and yet such was in fact their main object, as I will proceed to explain.
οὐχ ὅπως ἀσφαλῶς κακουργήσουσι φαίνεται παρασκευάζων τοῖς τοιούτοις
[112] δικαίως δ᾽ ἂν ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ παθεῖν ὁτιοῦν, ὅστις οἴεται δεῖν, εἰ μέν τις ἀγορανόμος ἢ ἀστυνόμος ἢ δικαστὴς κατὰ δήμους γενόμενος κλοπῆς ἐν ταῖς εὐθύναις ἑάλωκεν, ἄνθρωπος πένης καὶ ἰδιώτης καὶ πολλῶν ἄπειρος καὶ κληρωτὴν ἀρχὴν ἄρξας, τούτῳ μὲν τὴν δεκαπλασίαν εἶναι, καὶ νόμον οὐδένα τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐπικουροῦντα τίθησιν: εἰ δέ τινες πρέσβεις αἱρεθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, πλούσιοι ὄντες, ὑφείλοντο χρήματα πολλά, τὰ μὲν ἱερά, τὰ δ᾽ ὅσια, καὶ εἶχον χρόνον πολύν, τούτοις ὅπως μηδὲν πείσονται μήθ᾽ ὧν οἱ νόμοι μήθ᾽ ὧν τὰ ψηφίσματα προστάττει, μάλ᾽ ἀκριβῶς εὗρεν.
[113] καίτοι γ᾽ ὁ Σόλων, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, ᾧ οὐδ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς Τιμοκράτης φήσειεν ὅμοιος νομοθέτης εἶναι, οὐχ ὅπως ἀσφαλῶς κακουργήσουσι φαίνεται παρασκευάζων τοῖς τοιούτοις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως ἢ μὴ ἀδικήσουσιν ἢ δώσουσι δίκην ἀξίαν, καὶ νόμον εἰσήνεγκεν, εἰ μέν τις μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ὑπὲρ πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς κλέπτοι, ἀπαγωγὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἕνδεκ᾽ εἶναι, εἰ δέ τις νύκτωρ ὁτιοῦν κλέπτοι, τοῦτον ἐξεῖναι καὶ ἀποκτεῖναι καὶ τρῶσαι διώκοντα καὶ ἀπαγαγεῖν τοῖς ἕνδεκα, εἰ βούλοιτο. τῷ δ᾽ ἁλόντι ὧν αἱ ἀπαγωγαί εἰσιν, οὐκ ἐγγυητὰς καταστήσαντι ἔκτισιν εἶναι τῶν κλεμμάτων, ἀλλὰ θάνατον τὴν ζημίαν.
[112] In my view, no punishment could be too severe for a man who, when some market-clerk, or street-inspector, or judge of a local court,—some poor, unskilled man, without experience, and appointed to his office by lot,—has been found guilty of peculation at the audits, demands from him a tenfold restitution, and has no new law to propose for the relief of such delinquents, and then, when ambassadors, elected by vote of the people, men of substance, have embezzled and long retained large sums of money, the property in part of the temples, in part of the treasury, is at great pains to invent for them a way of escape from penalties ordained both by decree and by statute.
[113] And yet Solon, gentlemen of the jury,—and even Timocrates cannot pretend to be a legislator of the same calibre as Solon,—so far from providing such defaulters with the means of swindling in security, actually introduced a law to ensure that they should either refrain from crime or be adequately punished. For a theft in day-time of more than fifty drachmas a man might be arrested summarily and put into custody of the Eleven. If he stole anything, however small, by night, the person aggrieved might lawfully pursue and kill or wound him, or else put him into the hands of the Eleven, at his own option. A man found guilty of an offence for which arrest is lawful was not allowed to put in bail and refund the stolen money; no, the penalty was death.
ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ οἴκοι μένειν ἀσφαλὲς ἡγοῖτο
[164] εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι ἐπὶ τῶν τριάκοντα ἅπαντες ἂν εἴποιτε. τότε τοίνυν, ὡς ἔστιν ἀκούειν, οὐδεὶς ἔστιν ὅστις ἀπεστερεῖτο τοῦ σωθῆναι, ὅστις ἑαυτὸν οἴκοι κρύψειεν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο κατηγοροῦσι τῶν τριάκοντα, ὅτι τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀδίκως ἀπῆγον. οὗτοι τοίνυν τοσαύτην ὑπερβολὴν ἐποιήσαντ᾽ ἐκείνων τῆς αὑτῶν πονηρίας ὥστ᾽ ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ πολιτευόμενοι τὴν ἰδίαν οἰκίαν ἑκάστῳ δεσμωτήριον καθίστασαν, τοὺς ἕνδεκ᾽ ἄγοντες ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας.
[165] καίτοι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τί οἴεσθ᾽ ὁπότ᾽ ἄνθρωπος πένης ἢ καὶ πλούσιος, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἀνηλωκὼς καί τιν᾽ ἴσως τρόπον εἰκότως οὐκ εὐπορῶν ἀργυρίου, μὴ μόνον εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν φοβοῖτ᾽ ἐμβαλεῖν, ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ οἴκοι μένειν ἀσφαλὲς ἡγοῖτο, ὁ δὲ τούτων αἴτιος Ἀνδροτίων εἴη, ὃν οὐδ᾽ ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ δίκην ἐᾷ λαβεῖν τὰ πεπραγμένα καὶ βεβιωμένα, μή τί γ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως [εἰσπράττειν εἰσφοράς];
[164] And yet, even at that time, as we are told, no man who had concealed himself in his own house was deprived of his security; indeed, the particular charge brought against the Thirty is that they wrongfully carried men to jail from the market-place. But these men carried their atrocity to far greater lengths than that, insomuch that, under democratic government, they made every man's house his prison, bringing the police into our very homes.
[165] What do you think of this, men of Athens? A poor man, or, for the matter of that, a rich man, who had spent a great deal and was, perhaps, in a certain sense short of money, was not only afraid to show himself in the market-place, but found it unsafe even to stay at home. And to think that Androtion was responsible for those fears,—Androtion, whose past life and conduct disqualify him for seeking satisfaction at law even for himself, much more for imposing Property-taxes for the State.
αὐτὴν δὲ μὴ τετυχηκέναι ταύτης τῆς ἀσφαλείας παρὰ Τιμοκράτους
[31] ἢ πῶς οὐ σχέτλιον τὴν μὲν πόλιν [αὐτὴν] ἑκάστῳ ἡμῶν δεδωκέναι ἄδειαν τοῦ μή τι παθεῖν ἀηδὲς ἢ δεινὸν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ποιήσασαν ἱερομηνίαν, αὐτὴν δὲ μὴ τετυχηκέναι ταύτης τῆς ἀσφαλείας παρὰ Τιμοκράτους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἱερομηνίᾳ τὰ μέγιστ᾽ ἠδικῆσθαι; τί γὰρ ἄν τις μεῖζον ἠδίκης᾽ ἰδιώτης ἀνὴρ ἢ καταλύων τοὺς νόμους αὐτῆς, δι᾽ ὧν οἰκεῖται;
[31] Was it not atrocious that, when the State had granted to us individually security against any disagreeable or offensive treatment at that time, by declaring a religious holiday, the State itself should have obtained no such immunity from Timocrates, but, during that very holiday, should have been subjected to most grievous ill-treatment? How, indeed, could any private person ill-treat the State more gravely than by subverting the laws by which the State is administered?
καὶ τίς ὑπάρξει τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις ἀσφάλεια;
[98] πῶς οὖν οὐχ ἅπαντ᾽ ἀνάγκη καταλυθῆναι τὰ τῆς πόλεως, ὅταν αἱ μὲν τῶν τελῶν καταβολαὶ μὴ ὦς᾽ ἱκαναὶ τῇ διοικήσει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνδέῃ πολλῶν, καὶ μηδὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ἢ περὶ λήγοντα τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ᾖ λαβεῖν, τὰ δὲ προσκαταβλήματα τοὺς μὴ τιθέντας μὴ ᾖ κυρία δεῖν ἡ βουλὴ μηδὲ τὰ δικαστήρια, ἀλλὰ καθιστῶσιν ἐγγυητὰς ἄχρι τῆς ἐνάτης πρυτανείας;
[99] τὰς δ᾽ ὀκτὼ τί ποιήσομεν; εἰπέ, Τιμόκρατες: οὐ σύνιμεν καὶ βουλευσόμεθ᾽ ἄν τι δέῃ; εἶτ᾽ ἔτι δημοκρατησόμεθα; οὐ δικάσει τὰ δικαστήρια τά τ᾽ ἴδια καὶ τὰ δημόσια; καὶ τίς ὑπάρξει τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις ἀσφάλεια; οὐκ εἴσεισιν ἡ βουλὴ καὶ διοικήσει τὰ ἐκ τῶν νόμων; καὶ τί λοιπὸν ἔσθ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ καταλελύσθαι; ἀλλὰ νὴ Δί᾽ ἀμισθεὶ ταῦτα ποιήσομεν. καὶ πῶς οὐ δεινόν, εἰ διὰ τὸν νόμον, ὃν σὺ τέθηκας μισθὸν λαβών, ἄμισθος ὁ δῆμος καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ τὰ δικαστήρι᾽ ἔσται;
[98] It follows that the whole business of the State must go to rack and ruin when, the payments on account of taxation being insufficient, there is a large deficiency, when that deficiency cannot be made up until towards the end of the year, and when, as regards the supplementary payments, neither the Council nor the law-courts have authority to imprison defaulters, if they put in sureties until the ninth presidency.
[99] What are we to do for the first eight ? Tell us this, Timocrates: are we never to meet and deliberate? If so, shall we still be living under popular government? Shall there be no sessions of the courts, civil or criminal? If so, what security will there be for complainants? Shall the Council not attend at their office to transact their legal business? If so, what remains but complete disorganization? You nay reply that we shall go on without payment of fees. Then is it not monstrous that the Assembly, the Council, and the law-courts must go unpaid for the sake of a statute which you were paid to introduce?
τὴν τοῦ τὰ βέλτιστα λέγειν ὁδὸν παράσχητ᾽ ἀσφαλῆ
[11] λέγω τοὺς περὶ τῶν θεωρικῶν, σαφῶς οὑτωσί, καὶ τοὺς περὶ τῶν στρατευομένων ἐνίους, ὧν οἱ μὲν τὰ στρατιωτικὰ τοῖς οἴκοι μένουσι διανέμουσι θεωρικά, οἱ δὲ τοὺς ἀτακτοῦντας ἀθῴους καθιστᾶσιν, εἶτα καὶ τοὺς τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖν βουλομένους ἀθυμοτέρους ποιοῦσιν. ἐπειδὰν δὲ ταῦτα λύσητε καὶ τὴν τοῦ τὰ βέλτιστα λέγειν ὁδὸν παράσχητ᾽ ἀσφαλῆ, τηνικαῦτα τὸν γράψονθ᾽ ἃ πάντες ἴσθ᾽ ὅτι συμφέρει ζητεῖτε.
[12] πρὶν δὲ ταῦτα πρᾶξαι, μὴ σκοπεῖτε τίς εἰπὼν τὰ βέλτισθ᾽ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀπολέσθαι βουλήσεται: οὐ γὰρ εὑρήσετε, ἄλλως τε καὶ τούτου μόνου περιγίγνεσθαι μέλλοντος, παθεῖν ἀδίκως τι κακὸν τὸν ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντα καὶ γράψαντα, μηδὲν δ᾽ ὠφελῆσαι τὰ πράγματα, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν μᾶλλον ἔτ᾽ ἢ νῦν τὸ τὰ βέλτιστα λέγειν φοβερώτερον ποιῆσαι. καὶ λύειν γ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοὺς νόμους δεῖ τούτους τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἀξιοῦν οἵπερ καὶ τεθήκασιν:
[11] In plain language I mean the laws for administering the Theoric Fund, and also some of the service regulations. The former distribute the military funds as theatre-money among those who remain in the city; the latter give impunity to deserters and in consequence discourage those willing to serve. When you have repealed these laws and made the way safe for wise counsel, then look round for someone who will propose what you all know to be salutary measures.
[12] You will never find one, especially as the only result would be that the proposer would get into trouble without improving the situation, and his fate would also make good advice more dangerous for the future. Yes, men of Athens, and you ought to insist that those who made these laws should also repeal them.
ἐξῆν τῇ πόλει καὶ τὰ αὑτῆς ἔχειν ἀσφαλῶς
[1] οὐχὶ ταὐτὰ παρίσταταί μοι γιγνώσκειν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, ὅταν τ᾽ εἰς τὰ πράγματ᾽ ἀποβλέψω καὶ ὅταν πρὸς τοὺς λόγους οὓς ἀκούω: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ λόγους περὶ τοῦ τιμωρήσασθαι Φίλιππον ὁρῶ γιγνομένους, τὰ δὲ πράγματ᾽ εἰς τοῦτο προήκοντα, ὥσθ᾽ ὅπως μὴ πεισόμεθ᾽ αὐτοὶ πρότερον κακῶς σκέψασθαι δέον. οὐδὲν οὖν ἄλλο μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ τὰ τοιαῦτα λέγοντες ἢ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν, περὶ ἧς βουλεύεσθε, οὐχὶ τὴν οὖσαν παριστάντες ὑμῖν ἁμαρτάνειν.
[2] ἐγὼ δέ, ὅτι μέν ποτ᾽ ἐξῆν τῇ πόλει καὶ τὰ αὑτῆς ἔχειν ἀσφαλῶς καὶ Φίλιππον τιμωρήσασθαι, καὶ μάλ᾽ ἀκριβῶς οἶδα: ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ γάρ, οὐ πάλαι γέγονεν ταῦτ᾽ ἀμφότερα: νῦν μέντοι πέπεισμαι τοῦθ᾽ ἱκανὸν προλαβεῖν ἡμῖν εἶναι τὴν πρώτην, ὅπως τοὺς συμμάχους σώσομεν. ἐὰν γὰρ τοῦτο βεβαίως ὑπάρξῃ, τότε καὶ περὶ τοῦ τίνα τιμωρήσεταί τις καὶ ὃν τρόπον ἐξέσται σκοπεῖν: πρὶν δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὀρθῶς ὑποθέσθαι, μάταιον ἡγοῦμαι περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς ὁντινοῦν ποιεῖσθαι λόγον.
[3] ὁ μὲν οὖν παρὼν καιρός, εἴπερ ποτέ, πολλῆς φροντίδος καὶ βουλῆς δεῖται: ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὐχ ὅ τι χρὴ περὶ τῶν παρόντων συμβουλεῦσαι χαλεπώτατον ἡγοῦμαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽ ἀπορῶ, τίνα χρὴ τρόπον, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πρὸς ὑμᾶς περὶ αὐτῶν εἰπεῖν. πέπεισμαι γὰρ ἐξ ὧν παρὼν καὶ ἀκούων σύνοιδα, τὰ πλείω τῶν πραγμάτων ἡμᾶς ἐκπεφευγέναι τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖν ἢ τῷ μὴ συνιέναι. ἀξιῶ δ᾽ ὑμᾶς, ἂν μετὰ παρρησίας ποιῶμαι τοὺς λόγους, ὑπομένειν, τοῦτο θεωροῦντας, εἰ τἀληθῆ λέγω, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο, ἵνα τὰ λοιπὰ βελτίω γένηται: ὁρᾶτε γὰρ ὡς ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς χάριν δημηγορεῖν ἐνίους εἰς πᾶν προελήλυθε μοχθηρίας τὰ παρόντα.
[1] Very different, men of Athens, are the thoughts suggested to me by the contemplation of public affairs and by the speeches to which I listen. I observe that the speeches are all about punishing Philip, while our affairs have reached a stage at which it must be our first concern to avoid disaster ourselves. Hence these speakers seem to me to make precisely the mistake of submitting to you the wrong subject for deliberation.
[2] But for myself I am perfectly well aware that Athens once had the chance both of establishing her power and of punishing Philip; for within my own memory and not long ago, both these objects were within our grasp. Now, however, I am persuaded that we must be content to secure the first, that of saving our allies. If once we can be sure of that, then we can go on to consider who is to be punished and how it is to be done; but until that foundation is well and truly laid, it is idle, in my opinion, to say a word about our ultimate object.
[3] Never was there a crisis that demanded more careful handling than the present. But the difficulty lies, I think, not in proposing a plan to meet the case: what puzzles me, men of Athens, is how to put it before you. For what I have seen and heard convinces me that most of your chances have escaped us rather from a disinclination to do our duty than from a failure to understand it. I must ask you to bear with me if I speak frankly, considering only whether I am speaking the truth, and speaking with the object that things may go better in the future; for you see how the popularity-hunting of some of our orators has led us into this desperate predicament.
ἐξὸν δ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ τὰ ἡμέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν
[26] ὥστε τὴν Ἀριστείδου καὶ τὴν Μιλτιάδου καὶ τῶν τότε λαμπρῶν οἰκίαν εἴ τις ἄρ᾽ οἶδεν ὑμῶν ὁποία ποτ᾽ ἐστίν, ὁρᾷ τῆς τοῦ γείτονος οὐδὲν σεμνοτέραν οὖσαν: οὐ γὰρ εἰς περιουσίαν ἐπράττετ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰ τῆς πόλεως, ἀλλὰ τὸ κοινὸν αὔξειν ἕκαστος ᾤετο δεῖν. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ τὰ μὲν Ἑλληνικὰ πιστῶς, τὰ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβῶς, τὰ δ᾽ ἐν αὑτοῖς ἴσως διοικεῖν μεγάλην εἰκότως ἐκτήσαντ᾽ εὐδαιμονίαν.
[27] τότε μὲν δὴ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον εἶχε τὰ πράγματ᾽ ἐκείνοις, χρωμένοις οἷς εἶπον προστάταις: νυνὶ δὲ πῶς ἡμῖν ὑπὸ τῶν χρηστῶν τούτων τὰ πράγματ᾽ ἔχει; ἆρά γ᾽ ὁμοίως ἢ παραπλησίως; οἷς —τὰ μὲν ἄλλα σιωπῶ, πόλλ᾽ ἂν ἔχων εἰπεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσης ἅπαντες ὁρᾶτ᾽ ἐρημίας ἐπειλημμένοι, [καὶ] Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν ἀπολωλότων, Θηβαίων δ᾽ ἀσχόλων ὄντων, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων οὐδενὸς ὄντος ἀξιόχρεω περὶ τῶν πρωτείων ἡμῖν ἀντιτάξασθαι, ἐξὸν δ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ τὰ ἡμέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων δίκαια βραβεύειν,
[28] ἀπεστερήμεθα μὲν χώρας οἰκείας, πλείω δ᾽ ἢ χίλια καὶ πεντακόσια τάλαντ᾽ ἀνηλώκαμεν εἰς οὐδὲν δέον, οὓς δ᾽ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ συμμάχους ἐκτησάμεθα, εἰρήνης οὔσης ἀπολωλέκασιν οὗτοι, ἐχθρὸν δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς τηλικοῦτον ἠσκήκαμεν. ἢ φρασάτω τις ἐμοὶ παρελθών, πόθεν ἄλλοθεν ἰσχυρὸς γέγονεν ἢ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν Φίλιππος.
[26] that the houses of their famous men, of Aristides or of Miltiades, as any of you can see that knows them, are not a whit more splendid than those of their neighbors. For selfish greed had no place in their statesmanship, but each thought it his duty to further the common weal. And so by their good faith towards their fellow Greeks, their piety towards the gods, and their equality among themselves, they deserved and won a great prosperity.
[27] Such was their condition in those days under the leaders I have named; and what is our condition today, thanks to our worthy statesmen? Is it the same or anything like the same? Why, we—I pass over much that I might mention, but you all see what a clear field we had got, with the Lacedaemonians crushed, the Thebans fully occupied, and no other city fit to dispute the supremacy with us, while we might have been both the vindicators of our own rights and the umpires of the rights of others;
[28] and yet we have been robbed of our own soil, we have wasted on unnecessary objects more than fifteen hundred talents, our statesmen in peace have lost us the allies we gained in war, and we have provided a training-ground for this formidable rival. If not, let someone come forward and tell me who but ourselves has made Philip powerful.
ὑπὲρ ὧν τὰς ἀσφαλείας μάλιστα σκοποῦμεν
[21] μὴ γὰρ ὅτι πρὸς τοῦτον τοιοῦτον ὄντα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ πρὸς ἄλλον οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἷς οὐδένα τοιοῦτον συνάλλαγμα ποιούμενος ἀμαρτύρως ἂν ἔπραξεν: ἀλλὰ τῶν τοιούτων ἕνεκα καὶ γάμους ποιοῦμεν καὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους παρακαλοῦμεν, ὅτι οὐ πάρεργον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀδελφῶν καὶ θυγατέρων βίους ἐγχειρίζομεν, ὑπὲρ ὧν τὰς ἀσφαλείας μάλιστα σκοποῦμεν.
[22] εἰκὸς τοίνυν καὶ τοῦτον, ὧνπερ ἐναντίον ὀφείλειν ὡμολόγησεν καὶ τὸν τόκον οἴσειν, τῶν αὐτῶν τούτων παρόντων διαλύσασθαι πρὸς Ἄφοβον, εἴπερ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀπεδίδου τὴν προῖκ᾽ αὐτῷ. τοῦτον μὲν γὰρ τὸν τρόπον πράξας, ὅλου τοῦ πράγματος ἀπηλλάττετο, μόνος μόνῳ δ᾽ ἀποδιδούς, τοὺς ἐπὶ ταῖς ὁμολογίαις παραγενομένους ὡς κατ᾽ ὀφείλοντος ἂν αὑτοῦ μάρτυρας ὑπελείπετο.
[21] No man, in concluding a transaction of such importance, I will not say with such a man as Aphobus, but with anybody whatever, would have acted without a witness. This is the reason why we celebrate marriage-feasts and call together our closest friends and relations, because we are dealing with no light affair, but are entrusting to the care of others the lives of our sisters and daughters, for whom we seek the greatest possible security.
[22] The presumption is, then, that the defendant made the settlement in the presence of the same witnesses before whom he had admitted the indebtedness and promised to pay the interest, if he really did pay the dowry to Aphobus. For, if he had acted in this way, he would have cleared himself of the whole matter; but by paying him when they were alone, he would have left those in whose presence he had made the agreement as witnesses that he was still a debtor.
νομίσας αὑτῷ ἀσφαλὲς ἤδη εἶναι
[18] μελλούσης δὲ τῆς δίκης εἰσιέναι εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον ἐδέοντο ἡμῶν ἐπιτρέψαι τινί: καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐπετρέψαμεν Θεοδότῳ ἰσοτελεῖ κατὰ συνθήκας. καὶ ὁ Λάμπις μετὰ ταῦτα νομίσας αὑτῷ ἀσφαλὲς ἤδη εἶναι [πρὸς διαιτητῇ] μαρτυρεῖν ὅ τι βούλοιτο, μερισάμενος τὸ ἐμὸν χρυσίον μετὰ Φορμίωνος τουτουί, ἐμαρτύρει τἀναντία οἷς πρότερον εἰρήκει.
[18] When the suit was about to come into court, they begged us to refer it to an arbitrator; and we referred it by agreement to Theodotus, a privileged alien Lampis after that, thinking that it would now, before an arbitrator, be safe for him to testify just as he pleased, divided my money with this fellow Phormio, and then gave testimony the very opposite of what he had stated before.
ἀσφαλῶς ἡ δύναμις πλέῃ
[22] εἶεν: τί πρὸς τούτοις ἔτι; ταχείας τριήρεις δέκα: δεῖ γάρ, ἔχοντος ἐκείνου ναυτικόν, καὶ ταχειῶν τριήρων ἡμῖν, ὅπως ἀσφαλῶς ἡ δύναμις πλέῃ. πόθεν δὴ τούτοις ἡ τροφὴ γενήσεται; ἐγὼ καὶ τοῦτο φράσω καὶ δείξω, ἐπειδάν, διότι τηλικαύτην ἀποχρῆν οἶμαι τὴν δύναμιν καὶ πολίτας τοὺς στρατευομένους εἶναι κελεύω, διδάξω.
[22] So far, so good; and what besides? Ten fast-sailing war-galleys. Since Philip has a fleet, we must have fast vessels if our force is to sail in safety. Now how is this army to be maintained? That also I will explain fully, when I have told you why I think so small a force sufficient, and why I insist that those serving shall be citizens.
τὸ τῶν πνευμάτων ἀσφαλές
[32] δεῖ τοίνυν ταῦτ᾽ ἐνθυμουμένους μὴ βοηθείαις πολεμεῖν ὑστεριοῦμεν γὰρ ἁπάντων, ἀλλὰ παρασκευῇ συνεχεῖ καὶ δυνάμει. ὑπάρχει δ᾽ ὑμῖν χειμαδίῳ μὲν χρῆσθαι τῇ δυνάμει Λήμνῳ καὶ Θάσῳ καὶ Σκιάθῳ καὶ ταῖς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ τόπῳ νήσοις, ἐν αἷς καὶ λιμένες καὶ σῖτος καὶ ἃ χρὴ στρατεύματι πάνθ᾽ ὑπάρχει: τὴν δ᾽ ὥραν τοῦ ἔτους, ὅτε καὶ πρὸς τῇ γῇ γενέσθαι ῥᾴδιον καὶ τὸ τῶν πνευμάτων ἀσφαλές, πρὸς αὐτῇ τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ πρὸς τοῖς τῶν ἐμπορίων στόμασιν †ῥᾳδίως ἔσται.†
[32] Bearing this in mind, we must rely not on occasional levies, or we shall be too late for everything, but on a regular standing army. You have the advantage of winter bases for your troops in Lemnos, Thasos, Sciathos, and the neighboring islands, where are to be found harbors, provisions, and everything that an army needs; and during that season of the year when it is easy to stand close in to shore and the winds are steady, your force will easily lie off his coast and at the mouth of his seaports.
οὔτε μὰ τὸν Δία ἀσφαλὲς εἶναί μοι νομίζω συζῆν τούτοις ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ
[57] οὔτε γὰρ ἁρμόττει μοι θυγατέρα ἐπίγαμον ἔχοντι οἰκεῖν μετὰ τοιούτων, οἳ οὐ μόνον αὐτοὶ ἀσελγῶς ζῶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁμοίους αὑτοῖς ἑτέρους πολλοὺς εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν εἰσάγουσιν, οὔτε μὰ τὸν Δία ἀσφαλὲς εἶναί μοι νομίζω συζῆν τούτοις ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ: ὅπου γὰρ οὕτω φανερῶς μοι ἐπιβουλεύσαντες εἰς Ἄρειον πάγον ἀγῶνα κατεσκεύασαν, τίνος ἂν οὗτοι ἢ φαρμακείας ἢ ἄλλης κακουργίας τοιαύτης ὑμῖν ἀποσχέσθαι δοκοῦσιν;
[57] For it is not fitting that I, having a daughter of marriageable age, should dwell with men of their sort, who are not only themselves living licentious lives, but who also bring into the house a host of others of like stamp with themselves; nay, by Zeus, I do not deem it safe to live in the same house with them myself. When they have thus openly laid a plot, and got up a charge against me before the Areopagus, do you suppose there is any poisoning or any other such villainy from which they would abstain?
ὅντινα τρόπον ἄριστα καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα προσοισόμεθα πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφισβητοῦντας
[22] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐβουλευόμεθα καὶ ἐγὼ καὶ οὑτοσὶ Ὀλυμπιόδωρος κοινῇ, ὥσπερ καὶ ὠμόσαμεν, ὅντινα τρόπον ἄριστα καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα προσοισόμεθα πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφισβητοῦντας. καὶ ἔδοξεν ἡμῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, τουτονὶ μὲν Ὀλυμπιόδωρον τοῦ κλήρου ὅλου ἀμφισβητεῖν, ἐμὲ δὲ τοῦ ἡμικληρίου, ἐπειδὴ καὶ Κάλλιππος ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὁ ἐμὸς τοῦ ἡμικληρίου μόνον ἠμφεσβήτει.
[22] After this the defendant Olympiodorus and I took counsel together, as we had sworn to do, to determine the best and safest way to deal with the other claimants. And we decided, men of the jury, that the defendant Olympiodorus should lay claim to the whole estate, and that,I should claim a half, seeing that my brother Callippus claimed a half only.
ἀσφαλέστατον εἶναι μὴ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἡμᾶς ἀμφοτέρους τὸν κίνδυνον ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφισβητοῦντας
[29] καὶ ἐδόκει ἡμῖν βουλευομένοις προσκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐπιδεδικασμένους κατὰ τὸν νόμον, καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἀσφαλέστατον εἶναι μὴ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἡμᾶς ἀμφοτέρους τὸν κίνδυνον ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφισβητοῦντας, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς ἑκάτερον, καὶ τουτονὶ μὲν Ὀλυμπιόδωρον ὅλου τοῦ κλήρου λαχεῖν, ὥσπερ τὸ πρότερον, καὶ ἀγωνίζεσθαι καθ᾽ αὑτόν, ἐμὲ δὲ τοῦ ἡμικληρίου, ἐπειδὴ καὶ Κάλλιππος ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὁ ἐμὸς τοῦ ἡμικληρίου μόνον ἠμφεσβήτει,
[29] And as a result of our consultation we decided to summon into court in due legal form those who had had the property adjudged to them; and in the circumstances it seemed to be the safest course not to risk a joint suit against the other claimants, but for each to act separately; and for the defendant Olympiodorus to enter suit for the whole estate as he had done before, and conduct his case by himself, and for me to enter suit for a half, since my brother Callippus claimed the half only;
ἐδόκει ἀσφαλέστατ᾽ εἶναι καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ Ὀλυμπιοδώρῳ, προσεκλήθησαν ἅπαντες οἱ ἔχοντες τὰ τοῦ Κόμωνος κατὰ τὸν νόμον
[30] ὅπως, ἐὰν μὲν Ὀλυμπιόδωρος οὑτοσὶ ἐπιτύχῃ τοῦ ἀγῶνος, ἐγὼ κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους πάλιν τὸ μέρος λάβοιμι παρὰ τούτου, ἐὰν δ᾽ ἄρα ἀποτύχῃ καὶ τὰ ἕτερα ψηφίσωνται οἱ δικασταί, οὗτος παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ [τὰ μέρη] καλῶς καὶ δικαίως ἀπολαμβάνοι, ὥσπερ ὠμόσαμεν ἀλλήλοις καὶ συνεθέμεθα. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἐβουλευσάμεθα καὶ ἐδόκει ἀσφαλέστατ᾽ εἶναι καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ Ὀλυμπιοδώρῳ, προσεκλήθησαν ἅπαντες οἱ ἔχοντες τὰ τοῦ Κόμωνος κατὰ τὸν νόμον. καί μοι ἀνάγνωθι τὸν νόμον, καθ᾽ ὃν ἡ πρόσκλησις ἐγένετο.“Νόμος”
[30] so that, if Olympiodorus should win his case, I, in accordance with our agreement and our oaths, might recover my share from him, while, if he should lose it and the jurors give an adverse verdict, he might fairly and honestly recover his share from me in accordance with our oaths and the agreement made between us. After we had reached this conclusion, and it seemed safest both for Olympiodorus and for me, all those who were in possession of the estate of Comon were summoned according to law. Read, please, the law in accordance with which the summons was given.“Law”
ἀσφαλέστερος καὶ ῥᾴων ἦν ἡμῖν ὁ πόλεμος
[13] ἓν μὲν οὖν ἔγωγε πρῶτον ὑπάρχειν φημὶ δεῖν, ὅπως, εἴτε συμμάχους εἴτε σύνταξιν εἴτ᾽ ἄλλο τι βούλεταί τις κατασκευάζειν τῇ πόλει, τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν εἰρήνην μὴ λύων τοῦτο ποιήσει, οὐχ ὡς θαυμαστὴν οὐδ᾽ ὡς ἀξίαν οὖσαν ὑμῶν: ἀλλ᾽ ὁποία τίς ποτ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη, μὴ γενέσθαι μᾶλλον εἶχε τοῖς πράγμασι καιρὸν ἢ γεγενημένη νῦν δι᾽ ἡμᾶς λυθῆναι: πολλὰ γὰρ προείμεθα, ὧν ὑπαρχόντων τότ᾽ ἂν ἢ νῦν ἀσφαλέστερος καὶ ῥᾴων ἦν ἡμῖν ὁ πόλεμος.
[14] δεύτερον δ᾽, ὁρᾶν ὅπως μὴ προαξόμεθ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοὺς συνεληλυθότας τούτους καὶ φάσκοντας Ἀμφικτύονας νῦν εἶναι εἰς ἀνάγκην καὶ πρόφασιν κοινοῦ πολέμου πρὸς ἡμᾶς. ἐγὼ γάρ, εἰ γένοιθ᾽ ἡμῖν πρὸς Φίλιππον πάλιν πόλεμος δι᾽ Ἀμφίπολιν ἤ τι τοιοῦτον ἔγκλημ᾽ ἴδιον, οὗ μὴ μετέχουσι Θετταλοὶ μηδ᾽ Ἀργεῖοι μηδὲ Θηβαῖοι, οὐκ ἂν ἡμῖν οἴομαι τούτων οὐδένας πολεμῆσαι,
[13] Now there is one precaution which I think essential. If anyone proposes to negotiate for our city an alliance or a joint contribution or anything of the sort, it must be done without detriment to the existing peace. I do not mean that the peace is a glorious one or even creditable to you, but, whatever we may think of it, it would better suit our purpose never to have made it than to violate it when made, because we have now sacrificed many advantages which would have made war safer and easier for us then than now.
[14] The second precaution, men of Athens, is to avoid giving the self-styled Amphictyons now assembled any call or excuse for a crusade against us. For if we should hereafter come to blows with Philip, about Amphipolis or in any private quarrel not shared by the Thessalians or the Argives or the Thebans, I do not believe for a moment that any of the latter would be dragged into the war, least of all—
ταῦτ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς, καὶ μηδεμιᾶς ἐξωλείας ὑπόχους ἑαυτοὺς ποιεῖν;
[52] ἔτι τοίνυν ὀρφανὸς κατελείφθην, καὶ φασίν μ᾽ εὔπορον εἶναι καὶ τῶν μαρτύρων ἐνίους ὠφελουμένους μοι μαρτυρεῖν συγγενεῖς εἶναι. καὶ ἅμα μὲν κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ λέγουσιν τὰς ἐκ τῆς πενίας ἀδοξίας καὶ περὶ τὸ γένος διαβάλλουσιν, ἅμα δὲ δι᾽ εὐπορίαν φασὶ πάντα μ᾽ ὠνεῖσθαι.
[53] ὥστε πότερα χρὴ αὐτοῖς πιστεύειν; ἐξῆν δὲ δήπου τούτοις, εἰ νόθος ἢ ξένος ἦν ἐγώ, κληρονόμοις εἶναι τῶν ἐμῶν πάντων. εἶθ᾽ οὗτοι μικρὰ λαμβάνειν καὶ κινδυνεύειν ἐν ψευδομαρτυρίοις καὶ ἐπιορκεῖν μᾶλλον αἱροῦνται ἢ πάντ᾽ ἔχειν, καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς, καὶ μηδεμιᾶς ἐξωλείας ὑπόχους ἑαυτοὺς ποιεῖν; οὐκ ἔστι ταῦτα, ἀλλ᾽ οἶμαι συγγενεῖς ὄντες τὰ δίκαια ποιοῦσι, βοηθοῦντες αὑτῶν ἑνί.
[54] καὶ ταῦτ᾽ οὐχὶ νῦν πεπεισμένοι ποιοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ παιδίον ὄντα μ᾽ εὐθέως ἦγον εἰς τοὺς φράτερας, εἰς Ἀπόλλωνος πατρῴου [ἦγον], εἰς τἄλλ᾽ ἱερά. καίτοι οὐ δήπου παῖς ὢν ἐγὼ ταῦτ᾽ ἔπειθον αὐτοὺς ἀργύριον διδούς. ἀλλὰ μὴν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτὸς ζῶν ὀμόσας τὸν νόμιμον τοῖς φράτερσιν ὅρκον εἰσήγαγέν με, ἀστὸν ἐξ ἀστῆς ἐγγυητῆς αὑτῷ γεγενημένον εἰδώς, καὶ ταῦτα μεμαρτύρηται.
[52] Again, I was left an orphan; and yet they say that I am rich and that some of the witnesses testify that they are my relatives because they receive help from me. They taunt me with my poverty and make my birth a reproach, but at the same time they assert that I am rich enough to buy anything.
[53] In which statement, then, is one to believe them? It surely would have been their right, if I had been illegitimate or an alien, to inherit all my property. Do they prefer, then, to take a little and jeopardize themselves by giving false testimony and to commit perjury, rather than to take everything, and that with safety, without having invoked a curse upon their own heads? This is not the case. No; in my opinion, seeing that they are my relatives, they are but doing what is right in aiding one of themselves.
[54] And they are not doing this at this time because I have induced them to do so; on the contrary, when I was a child they at once took me to the clansmen, they took me to the temple of Apollo our ancestral god, and to the other sacred places. And yet I presume that as a child I did not induce these men to do this by giving them money. No; my father himself, while he still lived, swore the customary oath and introduced me to the clansmen, knowing that I was an Athenian, born of an Athenian mother, lawfully betrothed to himself; and these facts have been established by testimony.
τούτοις πάντα τἄλλ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς κέκτηται
[16] ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἂν ἡγοῦμαι Φίλιππον, οὔτ᾽ εἰ τὰ πρῶτα βιασθεὶς ἄκων ἔπραξεν, οὔτ᾽ ἂν εἰ νῦν ἀπεγίγνωσκε Θηβαίους, τοῖς ἐκείνων ἐχθροῖς συνεχῶς ἐναντιοῦσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ὧν νῦν ποιεῖ, κἀκεῖν᾽ ἐκ προαιρέσεως δῆλός ἐστι ποιήσας, ἐκ πάντων δ᾽, ἄν τις ὀρθῶς θεωρῇ, πάνθ᾽ ἃ πραγματεύεται κατὰ τῆς πόλεως συντάττων.
[17] καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάγκης τρόπον τιν᾽ αὐτῷ νῦν γε δὴ συμβαίνει. λογίζεσθε γάρ. ἄρχειν βούλεται, τούτου δ᾽ ἀνταγωνιστὰς μόνους ὑπείληφεν ὑμᾶς. ἀδικεῖ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἄριστα σύνοιδεν αὑτῷ: οἷς γὰρ οὖσιν ὑμετέροις ἔχει, τούτοις πάντα τἄλλ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς κέκτηται: εἰ γὰρ Ἀμφίπολιν καὶ Ποτείδαιαν προεῖτο, οὐδ᾽ ἂν οἴκοι μένειν βεβαίως ἡγεῖται.
[18] ἀμφότερ᾽ οὖν οἶδε, καὶ αὑτὸν ὑμῖν ἐπιβουλεύοντα καὶ ὑμᾶς αἰσθανομένους: εὖ φρονεῖν δ᾽ ὑμᾶς ὑπολαμβάνων, δικαίως αὑτὸν μισεῖν νομίζει, καὶ παρώξυνται, πείσεσθαί τι προσδοκῶν, ἂν καιρὸν λάβητε, ἂν μὴ φθάσῃ ποιήσας πρότερος.
[16] For my part I do not believe that Philip, if he acted in the first place reluctantly and under compulsion, or if he were now inclined to throw the Thebans over, would be persistently opposing their enemies. But if we may judge from his present conduct, it is plain that on that occasion also he acted from deliberate choice, and everything, if correctly observed, points to the fact that all his intrigues are directed against Athens.
[17] And today at any rate this policy is in a measure forced upon him. For observe! He wants to rule, and he has made up his mind that you, and you only, are his rivals. He has long injured you; of nothing is he more conscious than of that. For it is by holding the cities which are really yours that he retains safe possession of all the rest, and he feels that if he gave up Amphipolis and Potidaea, his own country would not be safe for him.
[18] He knows, then, these two facts—that he is intriguing against you and that you are aware of it. Assuming that you are intelligent, he thinks you are bound to hate him, and he is on the alert, expecting some blow to fall, if you can seize an opportunity and if he cannot get in his blow first.
οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλεῖς ταῖς πολιτείαις αἱ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους αὗται λίαν ὁμιλίαι
[20] ‘Πῶς γὰρ οἴεσθ᾽,’ ἔφην, ‘ὦ ἄνδρες Μεσσήνιοι, δυσχερῶς ἀκούειν Ὀλυνθίους, εἴ τίς τι λέγοι κατὰ Φιλίππου κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους, ὅτ᾽ Ἀνθεμοῦντα μὲν αὐτοῖς ἀφίει, ἧς πάντες οἱ πρότερον Μακεδονίας βασιλεῖς ἀντεποιοῦντο, Ποτείδαιαν δ᾽ ἐδίδου τοὺς Ἀθηναίων ἀποίκους ἐκβάλλων, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἔχθραν τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτὸς ἀνῄρητο, τὴν χώραν δ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἐδεδώκει καρποῦσθαι; ἆρα προσδοκᾶν αὐτοὺς τοιαῦτα πείσεσθαι, ἢ λέγοντος ἄν τινος πιστεῦσαι οἴεσθε;
[21] ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως,’ ἔφην ἐγώ, ‘μικρὸν χρόνον τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν καρπωσάμενοι πολὺν τῆς αὑτῶν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου στέρονται, αἰσχρῶς ἐκπεσόντες, οὐ κρατηθέντες μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ προδοθέντες ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων καὶ πραθέντες: οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλεῖς ταῖς πολιτείαις αἱ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους αὗται λίαν ὁμιλίαι.
[22] τί δ᾽ οἱ Θετταλοί; ἆρ᾽ οἴεσθ᾽,’ ἔφην, ‘ὅτ᾽ αὐτοῖς τοὺς τυράννους ἐξέβαλλε καὶ πάλιν Νίκαιαν καὶ Μαγνησίαν ἐδίδου, προσδοκᾶν τὴν καθεστῶσαν νῦν δεκαδαρχίαν ἔσεσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς; ἢ τὸν τὴν πυλαίαν ἀποδόντα, τοῦτον τὰς ἰδίας αὐτῶν προσόδους παραιρήσεσθαι; οὐκ ἔστι ταῦτα. ἀλλὰ μὴν γέγονεν ταῦτα καὶ πᾶσιν ἔστιν εἰδέναι:
[20] “Can you not imagine,” I said, addressing the Messenians, “how annoyed the Olynthians would have been to hear a word said against Philip in the days when he was handing over to them Anthemus, to which all the former kings of Macedonia laid claim, when he was making them a present of Potidaea, expelling the Athenian settlers, and when he had taken upon himself the responsibility of a quarrel with us and had given them the territory of Potidaea for their own use? Do you imagine they expected to be treated as they have been, or would have believed anyone who suggested it?
[21] Nevertheless,” said I, “after a brief enjoyment of other men's territory, they have long been robbed by Philip of their own, expelled with contumely, not merely vanquished but betrayed, bought and sold by their own country-men. For truly such close communications with tyranny corrupt good constitutions.
[22] And what of the Thessalians? Do you imagine,” I said, “that when he was expelling their despots, or again when he was presenting them with Nicaea and Magnesia, they ever dreamed that a Council of Ten (1) would be established among them, as it is today, or that the same man who restored to them the Amphictyonic meeting at Thermopylae would also appropriate their own peculiar revenues? Impossible! But so it came to pass, as all men may know.
1 According to Dem. 9.26 Philip set up >tetrarchies in Thessaly. The two accounts may be reconciled by assuming that he retained the old fourfold division of the country, but set up an oligarchy of ten in each division. Philip, whose policy was to divide and conquer, would be unlikely to centralize the government. It is just possible that δεκαδαρχίαν may be a mistaken amplification of Δ᾽αρχίαν=τετραρχίαν, but in that case the singular would be strange. Owing to the decarchies which Lysander imposed on so many free cities at the end of the Peloponnesian war, the number ten would have the same sinister associations in Greece as it had at Rome and at Venice.
ὅτ᾽ ἐνῆν ταῦτα κωλύειν ἀσφαλῶς
[18] ἐν τούτοις ἀμφοτέροις οἵδε πολὺ διήνεγκαν. καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις ἐφύετο κοινὸς πᾶσιν κίνδυνος τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, οὗτοι πρῶτοι προείδοντο καὶ πολλάκις εἰς σωτηρίαν ἅπαντας παρεκάλεσαν, ὅπερ γνώμης ἀπόδειξίς ἐστιν εὖ φρονούσης: καὶ τῆς παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀγνοίας μεμειγμένης κακίᾳ, ὅτ᾽ ἐνῆν ταῦτα κωλύειν ἀσφαλῶς, τὰ μὲν οὐ προορώσης τὰ δ᾽ εἰρωνευομένης, ὅμως, ἡνίχ᾽ ὑπήκουσαν καὶ τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖν ἠθέλησαν, οὐκ ἐμνησικάκησαν, ἀλλὰ προστάντες καὶ παρασχόντες ἅπαντα προθύμως, καὶ σώματα καὶ χρήματα καὶ συμμάχους, εἰς πεῖραν ἦλθον ἀγῶνος, εἰς ὃν οὐδὲ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐφείσαντο.
[18] for if ever a danger affecting all the Greeks was brewing, these were the first to foresee it, and time and again they challenged the rest to save the situation. This action is a demonstration of sound judgement joined with public spirit. Although, again, there was much folly among the Greeks, not unmixed with slackness, a folly which failed to foresee some dangers and feigned not to see others at a time when it was possible to avert these misfortunes without sacrificing safety, nevertheless, when they did hearken and evinced willingness to do their duty, these men did not bear a grudge but stepping forward and eagerly offering their all, bodies, money, and allies, they entered upon the ordeal of the contest, in which they were not sparing even of their lives.
- ασφαλως λεγειν (ασφαλες ειναι λεγειν) 5 Mal (64, Z. 7, Z. 8; 65, Z. 1, Z. 4; 66, Z. 4) !!!
[64] οὐχὶ Φωκέας, οὐ Πύλας, οὐχὶ τἀπὶ Θρᾴκης, Δορίσκον, Σέρριον, τὸν Κερσοβλέπτην αὐτόν; οὐ νῦν τὴν πόλιν τὴν Καρδιανῶν ἔχει καὶ ὁμολογεῖ; τί ποτ᾽ οὖν ἐκείνως τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ οὐ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὑμῖν προσφέρεται; ὅτι ἐν μόνῃ τῶν πασῶν πόλεων τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ ἄδει᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν λέγειν δέδοται, καὶ λαβόντα χρήματ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀσφαλές ἐστι λέγειν παρ᾽ ὑμῖν, κἂν ἀφῃρημένοι τὰ ὑμέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν ἦτε. οὐκ ἦν ἀσφαλὲς λέγειν ἐν Ὀλύνθῳ τὰ Φιλίππου μὴ σὺν εὖ πεπονθότων τῶν πολλῶν Ὀλυνθίων τῷ Ποτείδαιαν καρποῦσθαι: [65] οὐκ ἦν ἀσφαλὲς λέγειν ἐν Θετταλίᾳ τὰ Φιλίππου μὴ σὺν εὖ πεπονθότος τοῦ πλήθους τοῦ Θετταλῶν τῷ τοὺς τυράννους ἐκβαλεῖν Φίλιππον αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν Πυλαίαν ἀποδοῦναι: οὐκ ἦν ἐν Θήβαις ἀσφαλές, πρὶν τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἀπέδωκε καὶ τοὺς Φωκέας ἀνεῖλεν. [66] ἀλλ᾽ Ἀθήνησιν, οὐ μόνον Ἀμφίπολιν καὶ τὴν Καρδιανῶν χώραν ἀπεστερηκότος Φιλίππου, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατασκευάζοντος ὑμῖν ἐπιτείχισμα τὴν Εὔβοιαν καὶ νῦν ἐπὶ Βυζάντιον παριόντος, ἀσφαλές ἐστι λέγειν ὑπὲρ Φιλίππου. καὶ γάρ τοι τούτων μὲν ἐκ πτωχῶν ἔνιοι ταχὺ πλούσιοι γίγνονται, καὶ ἐξ ἀνωνύμων καὶ ἀδόξων ἔνδοξοι καὶ γνώριμοι, ὑμεῖς δὲ τοὐναντίον ἐκ μὲν ἐνδόξων ἄδοξοι, ἐκ δ᾽ εὐπόρων ἄποροι: πόλεως γὰρ ἔγωγε πλοῦτον ἡγοῦμαι συμμάχους, πίστιν, εὔνοιαν, ὧν πάντων ἔσθ᾽ ὑμεῖς ἄποροι.
[64] Were you not deceived about Phocis, Thermopylae, the Thraceward districts, Doriscus, Serrium, Cersobleptes himself? Is not Philip now holding the city of the Cardians, and admitting that he holds it? Why then does he deal thus with the other Greeks, but not with you in the same way? Because ours is the one city in the world where immunity is granted to plead on behalf of our enemies, and where a man who has been bribed can safely address you in person, even when you have been robbed of your own. It would not have been safe in Olynthus to plead Philip's cause, unless the Olynthian democracy had shared in the enjoyment of the revenues of Potidaea. [65] It would not have been safe in Thessaly to plead Philip's cause, if the commoners of Thessaly had not shared in the advantages that Philip conferred when he expelled their tyrants and restored to them their Amphictyonic privileges. It would not have been safe at Thebes, until he gave them back Boeotia and wiped out the Phocians. [66] But at Athens, though Philip has not only robbed you of Amphipolis and the Cardian territory, but is also turning Euboea into a fortress to overawe you, and is even now on his way to attack Byzantium, it is safe to speak on Philip's behalf. Indeed, of these politicians, some who were beggars are suddenly growing rich, some unknown to name and fame are now men of honor and distinction; while you, on the contrary, have passed from honor to dishonor, from affluence to destitution. For a city's wealth I hold to be allies, credit, goodwill, and of all these you are destitute.
ἀσφαλῶς θρασύς ἐστιν
[67] ἐκ δὲ τοῦ τούτων ὀλιγώρως ἔχειν καὶ ἐᾶν ταῦτα φέρεσθαι ὁ μὲν εὐδαίμων καὶ μέγας καὶ φοβερὸς πᾶσιν Ἕλλησι καὶ βαρβάροις, ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἔρημοι καὶ ταπεινοί, τῇ τῶν ὠνίων ἀφθονίᾳ λαμπροί, τῇ δ᾽ ὧν προσῆκε παρασκευῇ καταγέλαστοι. οὐ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον περί θ᾽ ὑμῶν καὶ περὶ αὑτῶν ἐνίους τῶν λεγόντων ὁρῶ βουλευομένους: ὑμᾶς μὲν γὰρ ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν φασὶ δεῖν, κἄν τις ὑμᾶς ἀδικῇ, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οὐ δύνανται παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν οὐδενὸς αὐτοὺς ἀδικοῦντος.
[68] εἶτα φησὶν ὃς ἂν τύχῃ παρελθών ‘οὐ γὰρ ἐθέλεις γράφειν, οὐδὲ κινδυνεύειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄτολμος εἶ καὶ μαλακός.’ ἐγὼ δὲ θρασὺς μὲν καὶ βδελυρὸς καὶ ἀναιδὴς οὔτ᾽ εἰμὶ μήτε γενοίμην, ἀνδρειότερον μέντοι πολλῶν πάνυ τῶν ἰταμῶς πολιτευομένων παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἐμαυτὸν ἡγοῦμαι.
[69] ὅστις μὲν γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, παριδὼν ἃ συνοίσει τῇ πόλει, κρίνει, δημεύει, δίδωσι, κατηγορεῖ, οὐδεμιᾷ ταῦτ᾽ ἀνδρείᾳ ποιεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἔχων ἐνέχυρον τῆς αὑτοῦ σωτηρίας τὸ πρὸς χάριν ὑμῖν λέγειν καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι, ἀσφαλῶς θρασύς ἐστιν: ὅστις δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ βελτίστου πολλὰ τοῖς ὑμετέροις ἐναντιοῦται βουλήμασι, καὶ μηδὲν λέγει πρὸς χάριν ἀλλὰ τὸ βέλτιστον ἀεί, καὶ τὴν τοιαύτην πολιτείαν προαιρεῖται ἐν ᾗ πλειόνων ἡ τύχη κυρία γίγνεται ἢ οἱ λογισμοί, τούτων δ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἑαυτὸν ὑπεύθυνον ὑμῖν παρέχει, οὗτός ἐστ᾽ ἀνδρεῖος...
[70] καὶ χρήσιμός γε πολίτης ὁ τοιοῦτός ἐστιν, οὐχ οἱ τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμέραν χάριτος τὰ μέγιστα τῆς πόλεως ἀπολωλεκότες, οὓς ἐγὼ τοσούτου δέω ζηλοῦν ἢ νομίζειν ἀξίους πολίτας τῆς πόλεως εἶναι, ὥστ᾽ εἴ τις ἔροιτό με, ‘εἰπέ μοι, σὺ δὲ δὴ τί τὴν πόλιν ἡμῖν ἀγαθὸν πεποίηκας;’ ἔχων, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ τριηραρχίας εἰπεῖν καὶ χορηγίας καὶ χρημάτων εἰσφορὰς καὶ λύσεις αἰχμαλώτων καὶ τοιαύτας ἄλλας φιλανθρωπίας,
[67] Because you are indifferent to these advantages and allow them to be taken from you, Philip is prosperous and powerful and formidable to Greeks and barbarians alike, while you are deserted and humiliated, famous for your well-stocked markets, but in provision for your proper needs, contemptible. Yet I observe that some of our speakers do not urge the same policy for you as for themselves; for you, they say, ought to remain quiet even when you are wronged; they themselves cannot remain quiet among you, though no man does them wrong.(1)
[68] Then some irresponsible person comes forward and says, “Of course, you decline to make a definite proposal or to run any such risk. You are a coward and a milksop.” I am not foolhardy, impudent, and shameless, and I pray that I may never be; nevertheless I think myself more truly brave than many of your neck-or-nothing politicians.
[69] For if anyone, Athenians, disregarding what will benefit the State, traffics in trials, confiscations, bribes, and indictments, he shows in this no true bravery, but, ensuring his own safety by the popularity of his speeches and measures, he is bold without risk. But whoever in your best interests often opposes your wishes, and never speaks to win favor, but always gives you of his best, and makes choice of that policy which is more under the dominion of chance than of calculation, and yet accepts the responsibility of either, he is the brave man.
[70] Yes, and it is he who is the useful citizen, not those who for a moment's popularity have made havoc of the chief resources of the State. These men I am so far from envying or deeming them worthy citizens of our city, that if a man should say to me, “Speak for yourself, and tell us what good you have ever done the State,” though I might speak, men of Athens, of the equipment of war-galleys and of choruses, of money contributions and of the ransom of captives, and of other instances of liberality, I would say not a word of them,
1 They want you to remain passive, though they themselves lead an active political life, in Philip's interests. See the expansion of this passage in Dem. 10.70-74.
λέγουσιν οὔθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀσφαλῆ
[7] οὐ γὰρ αἵρεσίς ἐστιν ἡμῖν τοῦ πράγματος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπολείπεται τὸ δικαιότατον καὶ ἀναγκαιότατον τῶν ἔργων, ὃ ὑπερβαίνουσιν ἑκόντες οὗτοι. τί οὖν ἐστι τοῦτο; ἀμύνεσθαι τὸν πρότερον πολεμοῦνθ᾽ ἡμῖν. πλὴν εἰ τοῦτο λέγουσι νὴ Δί᾽, ὡς, ἂν ἀπέχηται τῆς Ἀττικῆς καὶ τοῦ Πειραιῶς Φίλιππος, οὔτ᾽ ἀδικεῖ τὴν πόλιν οὔτε ποιεῖ πόλεμον.
[8] εἰ δ᾽ ἐκ τούτων τὰ δίκαια τίθενται καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ταύτην ὁρίζονται, ὅτι μὲν δήπουθεν οὔθ᾽ ὅσι᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀνεκτὰ λέγουσιν οὔθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀσφαλῆ, δῆλόν ἐστιν ἅπασιν, οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐναντία συμβαίνει ταῖς κατηγορίαις ἃς Διοπείθους κατηγοροῦσι καὶ αὐτὰ ταῦτα λέγειν αὐτούς. τί γὰρ δήποτε τῷ μὲν Φιλίππῳ πάντα τἄλλα ποιεῖν ἐξουσίαν δώσομεν, ἂν τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἀπέχηται, τῷ Διοπείθει δ᾽ οὐδὲ βοηθεῖν τοῖς Θρᾳξὶν ἐξέσται, ἢ πόλεμον ποιεῖν αὐτὸν φήσομεν;
[9] ἀλλὰ νὴ Δία, ταῦτα μὲν ἐξελέγχονται, δεινὰ ποιοῦσι δ᾽ οἱ ξένοι περικόπτοντες τὰ ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ, καὶ Διοπείθης ἀδικεῖ κατάγων τὰ πλοῖα, καὶ δεῖ μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ. ἔστω, γιγνέσθω ταῦτα, οὐδὲν ἀντιλέγω. οἶμαι μέντοι δεῖν, εἴπερ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐπὶ πᾶσι δικαίοις ταῦτα συμβουλεύουσιν,
[7] For we have no choice in the matter, but there remains the most righteous and most necessary task of all, which these gentlemen deliberately pass over in silence. What then is that task? To defend ourselves against the aggressor. Or perhaps they mean that if Philip keeps his hands off Attica and the Piraeus, he is neither injuring our city nor provoking hostilities.
[8] But if they ground their plea upon this principle, if this is their interpretation of the peace, it is obvious to all that their argument is assuredly impious and intolerable and dangerous to Athens; and it follows besides that their own words flatly contradict their indictment of Diopithes. For why on earth are we to give Philip leave to do everything else, provided he keeps clear of Attica, while Diopithes is not allowed to help the Thracians, or else we shall have to admit that he is starting a war?
[9] Yes, you may say, as to that indeed the speakers are proved wrong, but the mercenaries are really acting abominably in ravaging the shores of the Hellespont, and Diopithes is wrong in detaining the merchantmen, and we must not sanction it. Very well; be it so. I have no objection.
πλείονος ἀσφαλείας πολιτεύεσθαι δεδώκατε τούτοις
[54] ὃ μὰ τὸν Δία καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους θεοὺς οὐ δυνήσεσθ᾽ ὑμεῖς ποιῆσαι, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τοῦτ᾽ ἀφῖχθε μωρίας ἢ παρανοίας ἢ οὐκ ἔχω τί λέγω （πολλάκις γὰρ ἔμοιγ᾽ ἐπελήλυθε καὶ τοῦτο φοβεῖσθαι, μή τι δαιμόνιον τὰ πράγματ᾽ ἐλαύνῃ）, ὥστε λοιδορίας, φθόνου, σκώμματος, ἧστινος ἂν τύχηθ᾽ ἕνεκ᾽ αἰτίας ἀνθρώπους μισθωτούς, ὧν οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἀρνηθεῖεν ἔνιοι ὡς οὐκ εἰσὶ τοιοῦτοι, λέγειν κελεύετε, καὶ γελᾶτε, ἄν τισι λοιδορηθῶσιν.
[55] καὶ οὐχί πω τοῦτο δεινόν, καίπερ ὂν δεινόν: ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ πλείονος ἀσφαλείας πολιτεύεσθαι δεδώκατε τούτοις ἢ τοῖς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν λέγουσιν. καίτοι θεάσασθε ὅσας συμφορὰς παρασκευάζει τὸ τῶν τοιούτων ἐθέλειν ἀκροᾶσθαι. λέξω δ᾽ ἔργα ἃ πάντες εἴσεσθε.
[56] ἦσαν ἐν Ὀλύνθῳ τῶν ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν τινὲς μὲν Φιλίππου καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὑπηρετοῦντες ἐκείνῳ, τινὲς δὲ τοῦ βελτίστου καὶ ὅπως μὴ δουλεύσουσιν οἱ πολῖται πράττοντες. πότεροι δὴ τὴν πατρίδ᾽ ἐξώλεσαν; ἢ πότεροι τοὺς ἱππέας προὔδοσαν, ὧν προδοθέντων Ὄλυνθος ἀπώλετο; οἱ τὰ Φιλίππου φρονοῦντες, καὶ ὅτ᾽ ἦν ἡ πόλις τοὺς τὰ βέλτιστα λέγοντας συκοφαντοῦντες καὶ διαβάλλοντες οὕτως, ὥστε τόν γ᾽ Ἀπολλωνίδην καὶ ἐκβαλεῖν ὁ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Ὀλυνθίων ἐπείσθη.
[54] And that, as all Heaven is my witness, you will never be able to do; but you have reached such a height of folly or of madness or—I know not what to call it, for this fear too has often haunted me, that some demon is driving you to your doom, that from love of calumny or envy or ribaldry, or whatever your motive may be, you clamor for a speech from these hirelings, some of whom would not even disclaim that title, and you derive amusement from their vituperations.
[55] This is serious enough, but there is worse to follow; for you have granted to these men more security for the pursuance of their policy than to your own defenders. Yet mark what troubles are in store for those who lend an ear to such counsellors. I will mention some facts which will be familiar to you all.
[56] At Olynthus there were two parties in the state: Philip's men, entirely subservient to him, and the patriots, striving to preserve the freedom of their countrymen. Which, pray, ruined their country? Which betrayed the cavalry, whose betrayal sealed the doom of Olynthus? The partisans of Philip; the men who, when the city was still standing, tried to defame and slander the patriotic statesmen, until the Olynthian democracy was actually induced to expel Apollonides.(1)
1 The democratic leader, afterwards honored with the citizenship of Athens.
ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ ῥᾷστ᾽ αὐτὸν (s.c.: τον πολεμον) ἀμυνούμεθα
[6] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἅπαντες ὡμολογοῦμεν Φίλιππον τῇ πόλει πολεμεῖν καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην παραβαίνειν, οὐδὲν ἄλλ᾽ ἔδει τὸν παριόντα λέγειν καὶ συμβουλεύειν ἢ ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ ῥᾷστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀμυνούμεθα: ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ οὕτως ἀτόπως ἔνιοι διάκεινται, ὥστε πόλεις καταλαμβάνοντος ἐκείνου καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ὑμετέρων ἔχοντος καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἀδικοῦντος ἀνέχεσθαί τινων ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις λεγόντων πολλάκις ὡς ἡμῶν τινές εἰσιν οἱ ποιοῦντες τὸν πόλεμον, ἀνάγκη φυλάττεσθαι καὶ διορθοῦσθαι περὶ τούτου:
[6] If, then, we were all agreed that Philip is at war with Athens and is violating the peace, the only task of a speaker would be to come forward and recommend the safest and easiest method of defence; but since some of you are in such a strange mood that, though Philip is seizing cities, and retaining many of your possessions, and inflicting injury on everybody, you tolerate some speakers who repeatedly assert in the Assembly that the real aggressors are certain of ourselves, we must be on our guard and set this matter right.
Z. 4: τὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερὸν ἐν Καλαυρείᾳ κάθημαι, οὐ μόνον τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα / Z. 7: λεπτὴν καὶ ἄδηλον ἔχει τῷ κινδυνεύοντι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν
[20] ὁρῶν δὲ τὴν μὲν εὔνοιαν τῶν ἀνδρῶν μεγάλην, τὴν δ᾽ εἰς τὸ παρὸν δύναμιν καταδεεστέραν, μετελθὼν εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερὸν ἐν Καλαυρείᾳ κάθημαι, οὐ μόνον τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα, ἣν διὰ τὸν θεὸν ἐλπίζω μοι ὑπάρχειν οὐ γὰρ εὖ οἶδά γε: ἃ γὰρ ἐφ᾽ ἑτέροις ἐστὶν ὡς ἂν βούλωνται πρᾶξαι, λεπτὴν καὶ ἄδηλον ἔχει τῷ κινδυνεύοντι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τὴν πατρίδ᾽ ἐντεῦθεν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἀφορῶ, εἰς ἣν τοσαύτην εὔνοιαν ἐμαυτῷ σύνοιδα, ὅσης παρ᾽ ὑμῶν εὔχομαι τυχεῖν.
[20] Observing, however, that though the goodwill of the men there was strong, yet the power of the city was insufficient for the present need, I changed my residence and now have my quarters in the sanctuary of Poseidon in Calauria, not only for the sake of my personal safety, which through the protection of the god I hope is assured—because I am not quite certain; for the fact that it is in the power of unfriendly people to deal with matters as they choose renders frail and unpredictable the safety of a man in danger—but also because from here I look across the sea every day to my native land, toward which I am conscious in my heart of feeling an attachment as strong as I pray that I may enjoy on your part.
οὐδ᾽ ἀντηλλαξάμην ἀντὶ ταύτης οὐδέν, οὐ χάριν, οὐκ ἐλπίδας, οὐ πλοῦτον, οὐ δυναστείαν, οὐκ ἀσφάλειαν
[6] ὃν ὑμεῖς ἠγωνίσασθε, οὐδ᾽ ἐν τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα χρόνοις ἀπέστην τῆς εἰς ὑμᾶς εὐνοίας, οὐδ᾽ ἀντηλλαξάμην ἀντὶ ταύτης οὐδέν, οὐ χάριν, οὐκ ἐλπίδας, οὐ πλοῦτον, οὐ δυναστείαν, οὐκ ἀσφάλειαν. καίτοι πάντα ταῦθ᾽ ἑώρων ὑπάρχοντα τοῖς καθ᾽ ὑμῶν βουλομένοις πολιτεύεσθαι.
[6] not even in the times that followed did I retreat from my loyalty toward you, nor did I bargain for anything in place of it, no man's favour, no hopes of preferment, nor wealth, nor power, nor personal safety. Yet I observed that all these prizes were accruing to those who chose to play the game of politics to your detriment.
οὐδ᾽ ὅτι ταύτην ἀσφαλεστέραν τὴν προαίρεσιν οὖσαν
[2] ἐπέστειλα μὲν οὖν ἂν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῳ ζῶντι πεπραγμένων ἕνεκα, ὧν ὁμοίως ἐμοὶ πάντες ἂν αὐτῷ δικαίως ἔχοιτε χάριν, εἰ τὰ προσήκοντα βούλοισθε ποιεῖν. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ αὑτὸν ἐν τῷ περὶ τὴν διοίκησιν μέρει τάξας τῆς πολιτείας τὸ κατ᾽ ἀρχάς, καὶ περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν καὶ συμμαχικῶν οὐδὲν εἰωθὼς γράφειν, ὅτε καὶ τῶν δημοτικῶν εἶναι προσποιουμένων οἱ πολλοὶ κατέλειπον ὑμᾶς, τότε ταῖς τοῦ δήμου προαιρέσεσιν προσένειμεν ἑαυτόν,
[3] οὐχ ὅτι δωρεὰς καὶ προσόδους ἐκ τούτων ὑπῆρχε λαμβάνειν ἀπὸ γὰρ τῶν ἐναντίων πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐγίγνετο, οὐδ᾽ ὅτι ταύτην ἀσφαλεστέραν τὴν προαίρεσιν οὖσαν ἑώρα πολλοὺς γὰρ καὶ προδήλους εἶχε κινδύνους, οὓς ἀναγκαῖον ἦν ὑπομεῖναι τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ δήμου λέγειν προαιρούμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι δημοτικὸς καὶ φύσει χρηστὸς ἀνὴρ ἦν.
[2] Now I should have sent you the letter merely out of regard for those services that Lycurgus performed during his lifetime, for which you would all, like myself, be in justice grateful if you would but do your duty. For Lycurgus, having taken a post in the financial department of the government1 at the outset of his career and not being at all accustomed to draft documents pertaining to the general affairs of the Greeks and their relations with their allies, only when the majority of those who pretended to be the friends of democracy were deserting you, began to devote himself to the principles of the popular party,
[3] not because from this quarter opportunity was offering to secure gifts and emoluments, since all such prizes were coming from the opposite party, nor yet because he observed this policy to be the safer one, since there were many manifest dangers which a man was bound to incur who chose to speak on behalf of the people, but because he was truly democratic and by nature an honest man.
ἀλλ᾽ ἀνθρωπίνως δῶτε τὸ πρὸς τούτοις ἀσφαλῶς εἶναι
[41] ὧν οὐδὲν ὑμεῖς συλλογίζεσθε, ἀλλὰ ῥημάτων μοι καὶ φιλανθρωπίας φθονοῦντες, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, δι᾽ ὑμᾶς περιόψεσθ᾽ ἀπολόμενον: οὐ γὰρ ἂν δεηθείην ἄλλων ἢ ὑμῶν. καὶ τότε φήσετε δεινὰ πεπονθέναι με, ἀκριβῶς οἶδα, ὅτ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἐμοὶ πλέον οὐδὲν οὔθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἔσται. οὐ γὰρ δὴ χρήματά γ᾽ εἶναι μοι προσδοκᾶτ᾽ ἔξω τῶν φανερῶν, ὧν ἀφίσταμαι. καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ βούλομαι συναγαγεῖν, ἐάν μοι μὴ φιλονίκως, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνθρωπίνως δῶτε τὸ πρὸς τούτοις ἀσφαλῶς εἶναι.
[42] οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ παρ᾽ Ἁρπάλου με λαβόντα δείξετε: οὔτε γὰρ ἠλέγχθην οὔτ᾽ ἔλαβον. εἰ δὲ τὸ περιφανὲς ἀξίωμα τῆς βουλῆς [ἢ τὸν Ἄρειον πάγον] προσβλέπετε, τῆς Ἀριστογείτονος κρίσεως ἀναμνησθέντες ἐγκαλύψασθε: οὐ γὰρ ἔχω τούτου πραότερον πρόσταγμα τοῖς τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐξημαρτηκόσιν εἰς ἐμέ.
[41] None of these considerations do you take into account but, grudging me the paltry words of a decree and an act of kindness, you will allow me to perish, if it so happen, through your inaction, for I could appeal to no others but you. In that day you will say that I have been shamefully mistreated, I know for a certainty, when it will do neither you nor myself any good, for assuredly you do not expect that I have funds apart from my real and personal property, from which I am separated; the rest of my assets I wish to assemble if in a spirit of humanity instead of spitefulness you will but give me leave to attend to this business unmolested.
[42] Neither will you ever show that I received money from Harpalus, for neither was I tried and proved guilty nor did I take money, and if you are looking for excuse to the notorious decision of the Council or to the Areopagus, recall to mind the trial of Aristogeiton and hide your heads in shame; because I have no milder injunction for those who have committed this offence against me.
πάντων ἀσφαλέστατον ἦν ἂν τὸ συμβουλεύειν
[1] εἰ μετὰ τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τούς τε λόγους ἠκούετε τῶν συμβουλευόντων καὶ τὰ πράγματ᾽ ἐκρίνετε, πάντων ἀσφαλέστατον ἦν ἂν τὸ συμβουλεύειν. καὶ γὰρ εὐτυχῶς καὶ ἄλλως πράξασι λέγειν γὰρ εὐφήμως πάντα δεῖ κοίν᾽ ἂν ἦν τὰ τῆς αἰτίας ὑμῖν καὶ τῷ πείσαντι. νῦν δ᾽ ἀκούετε μὲν τῶν ἃ βούλεσθε λεγόντων ἥδιστα, αἰτιᾶσθε δὲ πολλάκις ἐξαπατᾶν ὑμᾶς αὐτούς, ἐὰν μὴ πάνθ᾽ ὃν ἂν ὑμεῖς τρόπον βούλησθε γένηται,
[2] οὐ λογιζόμενοι τοῦθ᾽ ὅτι τοῦ μὲν ζητῆσαι καὶ λογίσασθαι τὰ βέλτιστα, ὡς ἄνθρωπος, καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰπεῖν αὐτὸς ἕκαστός ἐστιν κύριος, τοῦ δὲ πραχθῆναι ταῦτα καὶ συνενεγκεῖν ἐν τῇ τύχῃ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος γίγνεται. ἔστιν δ᾽ ἄνθρωπον ὄντ᾽ ἀγαπητὸν τῆς αὑτοῦ διανοίας λόγον ὑπέχειν: τῆς δὲ τύχης πρὸς ὑποσχεῖν ἕν τι τῶν ἀδυνάτων.
If you were of the same mind, men of Athens, when listening to the speeches of those who counsel you and when judging the outcome of measures taken, offering advice would be the safest thing in the world. For if you met with good luck and success—because one must always use words of good omen—the credit for these would be common to yourselves and the sponsor. But, as things are, you most enjoy listening to those who say what you wish to hear, yet often you charge them with deceiving you if everything does not turn out the way you would like,
[2] not taking this into account, that of the task of studying and calculating the best measures, within human limitations, and of explaining them to you, each man is himself the arbiter, but of their execution and profitableness the control, for the most part, lies in the power of Fortune. As a human being it is enough for a man to stand accountable for his own thinking; but to stand accountable also for the play of Fortune is quite impossible.
πῶς ἄν τις ἀσφαλῶς ἄνευ κινδύνου δημηγοροίη
[3] εἰ μὲν οὖν ηὑρημένον ἦν πῶς ἄν τις ἀσφαλῶς ἄνευ κινδύνου δημηγοροίη, μανία παραλείπειν τοῦτον <ἂν> ἦν τὸν τρόπον: ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀνάγκη τὸν περὶ τῶν μελλόντων πραγμάτων γνώμην ἀποφαινόμενον [κοινωνεῖν τοῖς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν γενομένοις] καὶ μετέχειν τῆς ἀπὸ τούτων αἰτίας, αἰσχρὸν ἡγοῦμαι λέγειν μὲν ὡς εὔνους, μὴ ὑπομένειν δέ, εἴ τις ἐκ τούτου κίνδυνος ἔσται. εὔχομαι δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς, ἃ καὶ τῇ πόλει κἀμοὶ συμφέρειν μέλλει, ταῦτ᾽ ἐμοί τ᾽ εἰπεῖν ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ νοῦν καὶ ὑμῖν ἑλέσθαι. τὸ γὰρ πάντα τρόπον ζητεῖν νικῆσαι, δυοῖν θάτερον, ἢ μανίας ἢ κέρδους ἕνεκ᾽ ἐσπουδακότος φήσαιμ᾽ ἂν εἶναι.
[3] Certainly, if a way had been discovered whereby a man might address the people with safety to the State and without hazard to himself, it would be madness to ignore it; but since it is a certainty that one who declares an opinion on actions about to be taken will share in the benefits therefrom accruing and participate in the credit for these benefits, I consider it shameful to speak as a loyal citizen, yet not face the test if some danger shall arise therefrom. So I pray the gods that such measures as are destined to profit both the State and myself may occur to my mind to suggest and to you to adopt. For to seek by any and every means to be on the winning side is either one of two things, I should say, a sign of mental derangement or of one who is bent on selfish gain.
ἦν δ᾽ ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς τυθένθ᾽ ἱέρ᾽ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ βέβαια καὶ καλὰ καὶ σωτήρια
καὶ δίκαιον, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ καλὸν καὶ σπουδαῖον, ὅπερ ὑμεῖς εἰώθατε, καὶ ἡμᾶς προνοεῖν, ὅπως τὰ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβῶς ἕξει. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἡμετέρα γέγονεν ἐπιμέλει᾽ ὑμῖν εἰς δέον: καὶ γὰρ ἐθύσαμεν τῷ Διὶ τῷ σωτῆρι καὶ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ καὶ τῇ Νίκῃ, καὶ γέγονεν καλὰ καὶ σωτήρια ταῦθ᾽ ὑμῖν τὰ ἱερά. ἐθύσαμεν δὲ καὶ τῇ Πειθοῖ καὶ τῇ Μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν καὶ τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι, καὶ ἐκαλλιεροῦμεν καὶ ταῦτα. ἦν δ᾽ ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς τυθένθ᾽ ἱέρ᾽ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ βέβαια καὶ καλὰ καὶ σωτήρια. δέχεσθ᾽ οὖν παρὰ τῶν θεῶν διδόντων τἀγαθά.
It is just and right and important, men of Athens, that we too should exercise care, as you are accustomed, that our relations with the gods shall be piously maintained. Therefore our commission has been duly discharged for you, for we have sacrificed to Zeus the Saviour and to Athena and to Victory, and these sacrifices have been auspicious and salutary for you. We have also sacrificed to Persuasion and to the Mother of the Gods and to Apollo, and here also we had favorable omens. And the sacrifices made to the other gods portended for you security and stability and prosperity and safety. Do you, therefore, accept the blessings which the gods bestow.
2) Ἀσφάλεον θυσίαισι Πολειδάωνα ἱλάσασθε / 14) Ἀσφαλέωι Σωτῆρι Ποσιδάωνι μεγίστωι
1
vacat θεὸς ἔχρησεν·
Ἀσφάλεον θυσίαισι Πολειδάωνα ἱλάσασθε
τῶιδε ἐπὶ σημείωι καὶ αἰτεῖσθ’ ἵλαον ἱκνεῖσθαι
σώιζειν θ’ ὑμετέρης κόσμον πόλεως ἀσάλευτον
5
ἐκτὸς κινδύνου· μάλα γὰρ πέλας ἵεται ὑμῶν.
ὃν χρὴ καὶ πεφυλάχ̣θαι ἀρᾶσθαί θ’, ὡς μετέπειτα
πρὸς γῆρας βαίνητε κακῶν ἀδαήμονες ὄντες.
τεταμιευκὼς δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ
Ἀνδρόνικος v Ποτάμωνος
10
ἐπιστατῶν τῆς οἰκοδομίας
τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ
Διδυμέως κατὰ τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν
δωρεὰν ἐφ’ ἔτη δέκα,
Ἀσφαλέωι Σωτῆρι Ποσιδάωνι μεγίστωι
15
ἱερὰ καλὰ ἱερῶν ταυροθύτοις θυσίαις.
οὗ ἕνεκεν Ποτάμωνος ὁ φὺς ῥίζης ἀπ’ ἐκείν[ης]
βωμὸν λαΐνειον τόνδε ἀνέθηκε θεῶι.
{²traces of letters in 2 lines}²
3
[κ]α̣ὶ ἀσυλί̣[αν καὶ ἀσφάλειαν εἰσπλέοντι]
[κ]αὶ ἐκ̣πλέ[οντι καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης]
5
[— —]Γ̣Ν̣Ι̣Ο̣Ι̣Σ̣Α̣Γ̣[— — — — —]
[— —]Γ̣Ι̣․․․Ι̣Ο̣Υ̣[— — — — —]
καὶ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ εἰσ- | πλέοντι καὶ ἐκπλέοντι
θ̣εοί·
Πρήξων εἶπεν· ἔδ[ο]ξεν τε̑ι
βουλεῖ καὶ το̑ι δή̣μοι· Διο-
πείθην Τιμαίου Ὀπούντι-
5
ον πρόξενον εἶναι Ἐρε%⁸¹-
τριέων καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ ἐγγό-
νους καὶ εἶναι αὐτοῖς πρόσ-
οδον πρὸς τὴμ βουλὴν {²vac.}²
καὶ τὸν δῆμον πρώτοις με-
10
τὰ τὰ ἱερὰ, ἄν τινος δέηται,
κ̣α̣ὶ̣ ἀ̣τ̣έ̣λ̣ε̣ι̣α̣ν̣ ε̣ἰ̣σ̣ά̣γοντι {²vac.}²
καὶ ἐξάγ[οντι καθάπερ {²vac.?}²]
τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἐρ̣[ετριεῦσιν]
καὶ γῆς ἔγκτησιν καὶ ο[ἰκί]-
15
ης καὶ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ εἰσ-
πλέοντι καὶ ἐκπλέοντι {²vac.}²
καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης·
ἀναγράψαι δὲ τὴν προξε-
[νίην πρὸ τοῦ νεο]ῦ τοῦ Ἀπόλ-
20
[λωνος τοῦ Δαφνηφ]όρου̣· [{²vac.?}²]
[ἐπιμεληθῆναι δὲ τοὺς πρ]οβού-
[λους τῆς ἀναγραφῆς τ]ῆς
[στήλης. {²vac.?}²] {²vacat}²
οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς τόδ’ εἶπας, ἄνθρωπε, στέγος.
.….…..]α δ` εἶναι σοῖς τέκνοις [ἀνω] φελῆ·
οὐ γὰρ κ]αλὸν τόδ’, ἀλλὰ συμμαχεῖν φίλοις.
πιθοῦ] πρὸς ἄγραν τ’ εὐτυχῆ θείης [μολ]εῖν (15)
ὅπως ἕ]λωμεν ἄνδρα δυσσεβέστατον. @1
[{ΧΟΡΟΣ} ὅδ’ αὐτό]ς, εἰ χρὴ δοξάσαι τυραννικῶι
[σ]κ[ή]πτρωι, Λύκος πάρεστι· σιγῶμεν φίλοι.
[{ΛΥΚΟΣ}] ποὔστ’ Ἀντιόπη [ ]αι πέτραν
δρασμοῖς ἐπ[ (20)
τίνες δὲ χοἰ συνδρῶντες ἐκ ποίας χθο[νός;
σημήνατ’, εἴπαθ’, ὡ[ς ἔ]ν[εστ’ αὐ]τοὺς ἑλε[ῖν].
δεινὸν νομίζων, αὐτὸς οὐκ ἀτιμάσας
ἦλθ[ον
(Here follow small traces of three lines, then a gap (24)
of thirty lines) (24)
[{ΒΟΥΚΟΛΟΣ} ....σε κομί]σας ἥδομαι κα[κ]ῶν (25)
ἕκας. (25)
[{ΛΥ.}] οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς τόδ’ εἶπας, ἄνθρωπε, στέγος.
[{ΒΟ.}] δρᾶν δεῖ τι· κείνους δ’ οἶδ’ ἐγὼ τεθνηκό[τας.
[{ΛΥ.}] καλῶς ἄρ’, εἴπερ οἶσθα, ταξώμεσθα νῦν.
[{ΒΟ.} τάξιν τίν’] ἄλλην ἢ δόμων στείχειν [ἔ]σω
ἐς τήνδ’] ἵν’ ἡμεῖς καὶ πρὶν οἰκοῦμ[εν πέτραν; (30)
[{ΛΥ.} ἄφρων γ’ ἂν εἴην,] τοὺς ξένους ἐῶν μ’
[ἑλεῖν. (31)
[{ΒΟ.} ἀτὰρ λιπεῖν χρὴ] δορυφόρου[ς] ἔξω θύρας.
[{ΛΥ.} καλῶς ἔλεξας· πά]νθ’ ἵν’ αἴ[ρω]σιν φό[βον.
[{ΒΟ.} τὰ δ’ ἔνδον ἡμ]εῖς καὶ σὺ θήσομεν καλῶς.
[{ΛΥ.} πόσοι δὲ καὶ τὸ πλ]ῆθος εἰσὶν οἱ ξένοι; (35)
[{ΒΟ.} ..........] δ’ οὐκ ἔχουσιν ἐν χεροῖν.
[{ΛΥ.} ἀλλ’ ἄγετε δή,] φρουρεῖτε περίβολον πέτρας
πάντηι βλέπο]ντες· κἄν τις ἐκπίπτηι δόμων @1
λάζυσθ’· ἐγὼ] δὲ παῖδα Νυκτέως ἐμῆι
θέλω φονεῦ]σαι χειρί· καὶ τάχ’ εἴσεται (40)
.….….….….….]ντας, ὡς μάτην λόγῳ
.….….….……συ]μμάχους ἀνωφελεῖς.
Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
(Amph.) … Kinder zeugen und sich dann um sie nicht kümmern - denn das ist unedel -, sondern man muß seinen Angehörigen beistehen.
Jetzt gib uns Erfolg bei der Jagd, damit wir den ruchlosen Mann erlegen!
(Chor) Aus dem Herrscherstab zu schließen, kommt hier Lykos selbst. Wir wollen schweigen, Freunde!
(Lykos) Wo ist (Antiope) … Felsen
Entlaufen …
Wer sind ihre Helfer? Woher kommen sie?
Zeigt an, redet, da wir sie fassen können!
Da ich es für empörend halte, schien es mir nicht unter meiner Würde zu sein, selbst zu kommen …
(Hirt) … freue mich fern der Gefahr.
(Lykos) Nach deinen Worten ist dies Haus voll Gefahr, Mann.
(Hirt) Es muß gehandelt werden; ich weiß, daß jene tot sind.
(Lykos) Wenn du das weißt, werden wir die Sache in Ordnung bringen.
(Hirt) … andere als ins Haus gehen
… wo ich früher wohnte …
(Lykos) … wenn ich die Fremden mich … lasse.
(Hirt) … die Bewaffneten draußen.
(Lykos) … damit sie die Furcht nehmen.
(Hirt) … werden ich und du erledigen.
(Lykos) … sind die Fremden?
(Hirt) … haben sie nicht in den Händen.
(Lykos) … bewacht den Felsen von allen Seiten!
… und wenn jemand herauskommt,
… die Tochter des Nykteus
… mit der Hand, und rasch wird sie erfahren,
… daß vergeblich mit dem wort
… nutzlose Helfer.
ὁ θυμὸς ἀλγῶν ἀσφάλειαν οὐκ ἔχει.
(1039.) ὁ θυμὸς ἀλγῶν ἀσφάλειαν οὐκ ἔχει.
Eigene Übersetzung (dp):
Der schmerzende Zorn/ das schmerzende Verlangen bietet keine Sicherheit/ keinen Halt (Standfestigkeit).
Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
Ein schmerzendes Gemüt ist unzuverlässig.
ὁ δ’ ἥσυχος φίλοισί τ’ ἀσφαλὴς φίλος πόλει τ’ ἄριστος.
(194.) ὁ δ’ ἥσυχος φίλοισί τ’ ἀσφαλὴς φίλος
πόλει τ’ ἄριστος. μὴ τὰ κινδυνεύματα
αἰνεῖτ’· ἐγὼ γὰρ οὔτε ναυτίλον φιλῶ
τολμῶντα λίαν οὔτε προστάτην χθονός.
Eigene Übersetzung (dp):
Der Ruhige ist Freunden ein sicherer Freund
und der Stadt der Beste (od: in der Polis ein Aristos!). Nicht das gefahrenstrotzende/riskante (Verhalten)
sollt ihr loben. Denn ich mag weder einen Seemann,
wenn er zu unbedacht handelt/zu viel wagt, noch den Vorgesetzten/Vorsteher zu Lande (wenn er sich so verhält - Elipse, Anm. dp).
Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
Wer aber Ruhe hält, ist den Freunden ein sicherer Freund und ein Segen für die Stadt. Man lobe mir nicht kühne Unternehmungen; denn wie ich keinen Seeman schätze, der zuviel wagt, so auch keinen Herrscher.
κρείσσω γὰρ οὔτε δοῦλον οὔτ’ ἐλεύθερον τρέφειν ἐν οἴκοις ἀσφαλὲς τοῖς σώφροσιν.
(251.) κρείσσω γὰρ οὔτε δοῦλον οὔτ’ ἐλεύθερον
τρέφειν ἐν οἴκοις ἀσφαλὲς τοῖς σώφροσιν.
Eigene Übersetzung (dp):
Denn keinen stärkeren Sklaven oder Freien
zu Hause zu bewirten, ist für die Weisen sicher (das scheint den Weisen der sichere Weg zu sein).
Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
Denn keinen Stärkeren im Hause zu haben, weder Sklaven noch Freien, das hält jeder, der Verstand hat, für das Sicherste.
σιγᾶν θ’ ὅπου δεῖ καὶ λέγειν ἵν’ ἀσφαλές,
(413.) ἐπίσταμαι δὲ πάνθ’ ὅσ’ εὐγενῆ χρεών,
σιγᾶν θ’ ὅπου δεῖ καὶ λέγειν ἵν’ ἀσφαλές,
ὁρᾶν θ’ ἃ δεῖ με κοὐχ ὁρᾶν ἃ μὴ πρέπει,
γαστρὸς κρατεῖν δέ· καὶ γὰρ ἐν κακοῖσιν ὢν
ἐλευθέροισιν ἐμπεπαίδευμαι τρόποις.
Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
Und ich kann alles, was ein freigeborener Mann können muß: schweigen, wo es nötig ist, und reden, wo es keinen Schaden bringt, sehen, was ich sehen soll, und nicht sehen, was mir nicht zukommt, und den Bauch beherrschen; denn wenn ich jetzt auch in niederer Stellung bin, so bin ich doch frei erzogen.
τρόπος δὲ χρηστὸς ἀσφαλέστερος νόμου·
(597.) τρόπος δὲ χρηστὸς ἀσφαλέστερος νόμου·
τὸν μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἂν διαστρέψαι ποτὲ
λόγος δύναιτο, τὸν δ’ ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω
ῥήτωρ σπαράσσων πολλάκις λυμαίνεται.
Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
Ein edler Charakter ist standfester als das Gesetz; denn er läßt sich durch Worte niemals beirren, jenes aber wird oft durch einen Redner, der es hin- und herzerrt, verfälscht.
τὸ γῆρας, ὦ παῖ, τῶν νεωτέρων φρενῶν σοφώτερον πέφυκε κἀσφαλέστερον
(619.) τὸ γῆρας, ὦ παῖ, τῶν νεωτέρων φρενῶν
σοφώτερον πέφυκε κἀσφαλέστερον,
ἐμπειρία τε τῆς ἀπειρίας κρατεῖ.
Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
Das Alter, mein Kind, ist weiser und trittsicherer als jugendlicher Sinn, und Erfahrung ist der Unerfahrenheit überlegen.
μηδ’ αὖξε καιροῦ μείζον’, οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλές
(626.) δήμῳ δὲ μήτε πᾶν ἀναρτήσῃς κράτος
μήτ’ αὖ κακώσῃς, πλοῦτον ἔντιμον τιθείς,
μηδ’ ἄνδρα δήμῳ πιστὸν ἐκβάλῃς ποτὲ
μηδ’ αὖξε καιροῦ μείζον’, οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλές,
μή σοι τύραννος λαμπρὸς ἐξ ἀστοῦ φανῇ. (5)
κόλουε δ’ ἄνδρα παρὰ δίκην τιμώμενον·
πόλει γὰρ εὐτυχοῦντες οἱ κακοὶ νόσος.
(schlechte) Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
Überlaß dem Volk weder die ganze Macht noch korrumpiere es, indem du dem Reichtum einen Ehrenplatz anweist. Und schicke niemals einen Mann, dem das Volk vertraut, in die Verbannung, laß ihn aber auch nicht zu hoch steigen; denn das bringt die Gefahr mit sich, daß aus dem Bürger ein Tyrann wird, dessen Glanz dich überstrahlt. Einen Mann, der zu Unrecht in Ansehen steht, versuche zurückzuschneiden; denn es ist nicht gut für die Stadt, wenn schlechte Menschen vom Glück begünstigt werden.
σπάνιον ἄρ’ ἦν θανοῦσιν ἀσφαλεῖς φίλοι, κἂν ὁμόθεν ὦσι·
(736.) ὡς σκαιὸς ἁνὴρ καὶ ξένοισιν ἄξενος
καὶ μνημονεύων οὐδὲν ὧν ἐχρῆν φίλου.
σπάνιον ἄρ’ ἦν θανοῦσιν ἀσφαλεῖς φίλοι,
κἂν ὁμόθεν ὦσι· τὸ γὰρ ἔχειν πλέον κρατεῖ
τῆς εὐσεβείας· ἡ δ’ ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς χάρις (5)
ἀπόλωλ’, ὅταν τις ἐκ δόμων ἀνὴρ θάνῃ
Übersetzung Seeck (Artemis):
Wie tölpelhaft ist der Mann und ungastlich gegenüber Gastfreunden, und er gedenkt nicht des Freundes, wo er es sollte! Selten haben Tote treue Freunde, selbst wenn sie vom selben Stamm sind; denn die Habsucht ist stärker als die Pietät. Die Freundlichkeit, die man (dem Lebenden gegenüber) zeigte, ist dahin, wenn ein Mann tot das Haus verläßt.
οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλὲς περαιτέρω τὸ κάλλος ἢ μέσον λαβεῖν.
(928.) οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλὲς
περαιτέρω τὸ κάλλος ἢ μέσον λαβεῖν.
eigene Übersetzung (dp):
Denn es ist nicht sicher
(further - Adv. -> weiterhin???) das Gute/Schöne als mittelmäßiges zu nehmen/aufzufassen.
Übers. Seeck (Artemis):
Denn es ist gefährlich, schöner als das Mittelmaß zu sein.
τόνδε μὲν μέθες λόγον, πέμψον δέ μοι τήνδ’ ἀσφαλῶς διὰ στρατοῦ γυναῖκα.
Ἀγαμέμνων
καὶ πῶς γυναιξὶν ἀρσένων ἔσται κράτος;
Ἑκάβη
δεινὸν τὸ πλῆθος σὺν δόλῳ τε δύσμαχον.
Ἀγαμέμνων
885 δεινόν: τὸ μέντοι θῆλυ μέμφομαι γένος.
Ἑκάβη
τί δ᾽; οὐ γυναῖκες εἷλον Αἰγύπτου τέκνα
καὶ Λῆμνον ἄρδην ἀρσένων ἐξῴκισαν;
ἀλλ᾽ ὣς γενέσθω: τόνδε μὲν μέθες λόγον,
πέμψον δέ μοι τήνδ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς διὰ στρατοῦ
890 γυναῖκα. — καὶ σὺ Θρῃκὶ πλαθεῖσα ξένῳ
λέξον: Καλεῖ σ᾽ ἄνασσα δή ποτ᾽ Ἰλίου
Ἑκάβη, σὸν οὐκ ἔλασσον ἢ κείνης χρέος,
καὶ παῖδας: ὡς δεῖ καὶ τέκν᾽ εἰδέναι λόγους
τοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνης. — τὸν δὲ τῆς νεοσφαγοῦς
895 Πολυξένης ἐπίσχες, Ἀγάμεμνον, τάφον,
ὡς τώδ᾽ ἀδελφὼ πλησίον μιᾷ φλογί,
δισσὴ μέριμνα μητρί, κρυφθῆτον χθονί.
Ἀγαμέμνων
ἔσται τάδ᾽ οὕτω: καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὲν ἦν στρατῷ
πλοῦς, οὐκ ἂν εἶχον τήνδε σοι δοῦναι χάριν:
900 νῦν δ᾽, οὐ γὰρ ἵησ᾽ οὐρίους πνοὰς θεός,
μένειν ἀνάγκη πλοῦν ὁρῶντ᾽ ἐς ἥσυχον.
γένοιτο δ᾽ εὖ πως: πᾶσι γὰρ κοινὸν τόδε,
ἰδίᾳ θ᾽ ἑκάστῳ καὶ πόλει, τὸν μὲν κακὸν
κακόν τι πάσχειν, τὸν δὲ χρηστὸν εὐτυχεῖν.
Agamemnon
How are women to master men?
Hecuba
Numbers are a fearful thing, and joined to craft a desperate foe.
Agamemnon
[885] True; still I have a mean opinion of the female race.
Hecuba
What? did not women slay the sons of Aegyptus, and utterly clear Lemnos of men? But let it be thus; put an end to our conference, and send this woman for me safely through the army. [890] To a servant And you are to draw near my Thracian friend and say, “Hecuba, once queen of Ilium, summons you, on your own business no less than hers, your children too, for they also must hear what she has to say.” The servant goes out. Defer awhile, Agamemnon, [895] the burial of Polyxena lately slain, so that brother and sister may be laid on the same pyre and buried side by side, a double cause of sorrow to their mother.
Agamemnon
So shall it be; yet if the army were able to sail, I could not have granted you this favor; [900] but as it is, for the god sends forth no favoring breeze, the army must wait and look for a calm voyage. Good luck to you, for this is the interest alike of citizen and state, that the wrong-doer be punished and the good man prosper.Agamemnon departs as Hecuba withdraws into the tent.
{Πο.} χωρεῖτ’· ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ γὰρ ἥδ’ ἐρημία.
Πολυμήστωρ
καὶ θαῦμά γ᾽ οὐδέν. ἀλλὰ τίς χρεία σ᾽ ἐμοῦ;
τί χρῆμ᾽ ἐπέμψω τὸν ἐμὸν ἐκ δόμων πόδα:
Ἑκάβη
ἴδιον ἐμαυτῆς δή τι πρὸς σὲ βούλομαι
καὶ παῖδας εἰπεῖν σούς: ὀπάονας δέ μοι
980χωρὶς κέλευσον τῶνδ᾽ ἀποστῆναι δόμων.
Πολυμήστωρ
χωρεῖτ᾽: ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ γὰρ ἥδ᾽ ἐρημία.
φίλη μὲν εἶ σύ, προσφιλὲς δέ μοι τόδε
στράτευμ᾽ Ἀχαιῶν. ἀλλὰ σημαίνειν σὲ χρῆν:
τί χρὴ τὸν εὖ πράσσοντα μὴ πράσσουσιν εὖ
985φίλοις ἐπαρκεῖν; ὡς ἕτοιμός εἰμ᾽ ἐγώ.
Polymestor
No wonder, surely. But what need do you have of me? Why did you send for me to come here from my house?
Hecuba
I wish to tell you and your children a private matter of my own; please bid [980] your attendants withdraw from the tent.
Polymestor
to his attendants
Retire; this desert spot is safe enough.The guards go out; to Hecuba You are my friend, and this Achaean army is well-disposed to me. But you must tell me how prosperity [985] is to help its unlucky friends; for I am ready to do so.
{Ελ.} οὕτω δοκεῖτε τὴν δόκησιν ἀσφαλῆ;
Ἑλένη
εἶδες σὺ τὴν δύστηνον; ἢ κλύων λέγεις;
Τεῦκρος
ὥσπερ γε σέ, οὐδὲν ἧσσον, ὀφθαλμοῖς ὁρῶ.
Ἑλένη
σκοπεῖτε μὴ δόκησιν εἴχετ᾽ ἐκ θεῶν.
Τεῦκρος
120 ἄλλου λόγου μέμνησο, μὴ κείνης ἔτι.
Ἑλένη
οὕτω δοκεῖτε τὴν δόκησιν ἀσφαλῆ;
Τεῦκρος
αὐτὸς γὰρ ὄσσοις εἰδόμην: καὶ νοῦς ὁρᾷ.
Ἑλένη
ἤδη δ᾽ ἐν οἴκοις σὺν δάμαρτι Μενέλεως;
Τεῦκρος
οὔκουν ἐν Ἄργει γ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ Εὐρώτα ῥοαῖς.
Ἑλένη
125 αἰαῖ: κακὸν τόδ᾽ εἶπας οἷς κακὸν λέγεις.
Τεῦκρος
ὡς κεῖνος ἀφανὴς σὺν δάμαρτι κλῄζεται.
Ἑλένη
οὐ πᾶσι πορθμὸς αὑτὸς Ἀργείοισιν ἦν;
Τεῦκρος
ἦν, ἀλλὰ χειμὼν ἄλλοσ᾽ ἄλλον ὥρισεν.
Ἑλένη
ποίοισιν ἐν νώτοισι ποντίας ἁλός;
Τεῦκρος
130 μέσον περῶσι πέλαγος Αἰγαίου πόρου.
Ἑλένη
κἀκ τοῦδε Μενέλαν οὔτις εἶδ᾽ ἀφιγμένον;
Τεῦκρος
οὐδείς: θανὼν δὲ κλῄζεται καθ᾽ Ἑλλάδα.
Ἑλένη
ἀπωλόμεσθα: Θεστιὰς δ᾽ ἔστιν κόρη;
Τεῦκρος
Λήδαν ἔλεξας; οἴχεται θανοῦσα δή.
Helen
Did you yourself see the wretched creature? Or do you speak from hearsay?
Teucer
I saw her with my own eyes, just as I see you, no less.
Helen
Consider whether you had some fancy, sent by the gods.
Teucer
[120] Think of some other topic, not that woman still!
Helen
Are you so sure this fancy was reliable?
Teucer
I saw it with my own eyes; and the mind has sight.
Helen
Is Menelaos already at home with his wife?
Teucer
No; he is neither in Argos nor by the streams of the Eurotas.
Helen
[125] Alas! This is evil news for those to whom you bring it.
Teucer
He is said to have disappeared with his wife.
Helen
Wasn't there the same passage for all the Argives?
Teucer
Yes; but a tempest scattered them in every direction.
Helen
On which surface of the salty ocean?
Teucer
[130] While they were crossing the Aegean in mid-channel.
Helen
And from that time does no one know of Menelaos' arrival?
Teucer
No one; but throughout Hellas he is reported to be dead.
Helen
I am wholly lost. Is the daughter of Thestius alive?
Teucer
You speak of Leda? She is dead and gone, indeed.
[τίς εἶσ’ ἀδελφῶι τόνδε σημανῶν ἐμῶι παρόνθ’, ὅπως ἂν τοὐμὸν ἀσφαλῶς ἔχηι;]
Θεονόη
865 ἡγοῦ σύ μοι φέρουσα λαμπτήρων σέλας
θείου δε σεμνὸν θεσμὸν αἰθέρος μυχούς,
ὡς πνεῦμα καθαρὸν οὐρανοῦ δεξώμεθα:
σὺ δ᾽ αὖ κέλευθον εἴ τις ἔβλαψεν ποδὶ
στείβων ἀνοσίῳ, δὸς καθαρσίῳ φλογί,
870 κροῦσον δὲ πεύκην, ἵνα διεξέλθω, πυρός.
νόμον δὲ τὸν ἐμὸν θεοῖσιν ἀποδοῦσαι πάρος
ἐφέστιον φλόγ᾽ ἐς δόμους κομίζετε.
Ἑλένη, τί τἀμὰ — πῶς ἔχει — θεσπίσματα;
ἥκει πόσις σοι Μενέλεως ὅδ᾽ ἐμφανής,
875 νεῶν στερηθεὶς τοῦ τε σοῦ μιμήματος.
ὦ τλῆμον, οἵους διαφυγὼν ἦλθες πόνους,
οὐδ᾽ οἶσθα νόστον οἴκαδ᾽ εἴτ᾽ αὐτοῦ μενεῖς:
ἔρις γὰρ ἐν θεοῖς σύλλογός τε σοῦ πέρι
ἔσται πάρεδρος Ζηνὶ τῷδ᾽ ἐν ἤματι.
880 Ἥρα μέν, ἥ σοι δυσμενὴς πάροιθεν ἦν,
νῦν ἐστιν εὔνους κἀς πάτραν σῷσαι θέλει
ξὺν τῇδ᾽, ἵν᾽ Ἑλλὰς τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου γάμους,
δώρημα Κύπριδος, ψευδονυμφεύτους μάθῃ:
Κύπρις δὲ νόστον σὸν διαφθεῖραι θέλει,
885 ὡς μὴ 'ξελεγχθῇ μηδὲ πριαμένη φανῇ
τὸ κάλλος, Ἑλένης οὕνεκ᾽, ἀνονήτοις γάμοις.
τέλος δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν, εἴθ᾽, ἃ βούλεται Κύπρις,
λέξασ᾽ ἀδελφῷ σ᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ ὄντα διολέσω,
εἴτ᾽ αὖ μεθ᾽ Ἥρας στᾶσα σὸν σώσω βίον,
890 κρύψασ᾽ ὁμαίμον᾽, ὅς με προστάσσει τάδε
εἰπεῖν, ὅταν γῆν τήνδε νοστήσας τύχῃς ...
τίς εἶσ᾽ ἀδελφῷ τόνδε σημανῶν ἐμῷ
παρόνθ᾽, ὅπως ἂν τοὐμὸν ἀσφαλῶς ἔχῃ;
Ἑλένη
ὦ παρθέν᾽, ἱκέτις ἀμφὶ σὸν πίτνω γόνυ
895 καὶ προσκαθίζω θᾶκον οὐκ εὐδαίμονα
ὑπέρ τ᾽ ἐμαυτῆς τοῦδέ θ᾽, ὃν μόλις ποτὲ
λαβοῦσ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀκμῆς εἰμι κατθανόντ᾽ ἰδεῖν:
μή μοι κατείπῃς σῷ κασιγνήτῳ πόσιν
τόνδ᾽ εἰς ἐμὰς ἥκοντα φιλτάτας χέρας,
900 σῷσον δέ, λίσσομαί σε: συγγόνῳ δὲ σῷ
τὴν εὐσέβειαν μὴ προδῷς τὴν σήν ποτε,
χάριτας πονηρὰς κἀδίκους ὠνουμένη.
Theonoe
[865] Please lead the way with blazing torches, and purify, according to the sacred law, the inmost corners of the air, so I may receive the pure breath of heaven; and you in turn, if someone has harmed the path by treading with unholy foot, submit it to the cleansing fire, [870] and strike the torch in front of me, so that I may pass through. And when you have paid back to the gods my customary observance, take the household flame within.
Helen, what about my prophecy—how is it? This man, your husband Menelaos, has openly arrived, [875] robbed of his ships and of your counterfeit. O unhappy man! What troubles you have escaped to come here; nor do you know whether you are to return home or to stay here. For there will be strife among the gods, and a solemn assembly held by Zeus on your account this very day. [880] Hera, who was hostile to you before, is now friendly and wants to bring you safely home, with this woman, so that Hellas may learn that the marriage of Paris, Kypris' gift, was false; but Kypris wishes to ruin your journey home, [885] so that she may not be convicted, or seem to have bought the prize of beauty by a marriage that was profitless as regards Helen. Now the decision rests with me, whether to ruin you, as Kypris wishes, by telling my brother of your presence here, or to save your life by taking Hera's side, [890] concealing it from my brother, whose orders are for me to tell him, whenever you happen to come to this land.
One of you, go show my brother this man is here, so that I may secure my safety.
Helen
Maiden, I fall at your knees as a suppliant, [895] and seat myself in this sad posture on behalf of myself and of this man; I am on the point of seeing him slain, after I have found him with such difficulty. Please do not tell your brother that my husband has returned to my loving arms, [900] but save us, I beseech you; do not forsake the piety that was once yours for your brother's sake, buying favors that are wicked and unjust.
τοιαῦτα δρῶντι τἄμ’ ἐγίγνετ’ ἀσφαλῆ.
Ἐυρυσθεύς
γύναι, σάφ᾽ ἴσθι μή με θωπεύσοντά σε
μηδ᾽ ἄλλο μηδὲν τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς πέρι
985λέξονθ᾽ ὅθεν χρὴ δειλίαν ὀφλεῖν τινα.
ἐγὼ δὲ νεῖκος οὐχ ἑκὼν τόδ᾽ ἠράμην:
ᾔδη γε σοὶ μὲν αὐτανέψιος γεγώς,
τῷ σῷ δὲ παιδὶ συγγενὴς Ἡρακλέει.
ἀλλ᾽ εἴτ᾽ ἔχρῃζον εἴτε μή — θεὸς γὰρ ἦν —
990Ἥρα με κάμνειν τήνδ᾽ ἔθηκε τὴν νόσον.
ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκείνῳ δυσμένειαν ἠράμην
κἄγνων ἀγῶνα τόνδ᾽ ἀγωνιούμενος,
πολλῶν σοφιστὴς πημάτων ἐγιγνόμην
καὶ πόλλ᾽ ἔτικτον νυκτὶ συνθακῶν ἀεί,
995ὅπως διώσας καὶ κατακτείνας ἐμοὺς
ἐχθροὺς τὸ λοιπὸν μὴ συνοικοίην φόβῳ,
εἰδὼς μὲν οὐκ ἀριθμὸν ἀλλ᾽ ἐτητύμως
ἄνδρ᾽ ὄντα τὸν σὸν παῖδα: καὶ γὰρ ἐχθρὸς ὢν
ἀκούσεται † γ᾽ ἐσθλὰ† χρηστὸς ὢν ἀνήρ.
1000 κείνου δ᾽ ἀπαλλαχθέντος οὐκ ἐχρῆν μ᾽ ἄρα,
μισούμενον πρὸς τῶνδε καὶ ξυνειδότα
ἔχθραν πατρῴαν, πάντα κινῆσαι πέτρον
κτείνοντα κἀκβάλλοντα καὶ τεχνώμενον;
τοιαῦτα δρῶντι τἄμ᾽ ἐγίγνετ᾽ ἀσφαλῆ.
1005 οὔκουν σύ γ᾽ ἀναλαβοῦσα τὰς ἐμὰς τύχας
ἐχθροῦ λέοντος δυσγενῆ βλαστήματα
ἤλαυνες ἂν κακοῖσιν, ἀλλὰ σωφρόνως
εἴασας οἰκεῖν Ἄργος. οὔτιν᾽ ἂν πίθοις.
νῦν οὖν ἐπειδή μ᾽ οὐ διώλεσαν τότε
1010πρόθυμον ὄντα, τοῖσιν Ἑλλήνων νόμοις
οὐχ ἁγνός εἰμι τῷ κτανόντι κατθανών:
πόλις τ᾽ ἀφῆκε σωφρονοῦσα, τὸν θεὸν
μεῖζον τίουσα τῆς ἐμῆς ἔχθρας πολύ.
προσεῖπας, ἀντήκουσας: ἐντεῦθεν †δὲ χρὴ
1015τὸν προστρόπαιον τόν τε γενναῖον καλεῖν†.
οὕτω γε μέντοι τἄμ᾽ ἔχεις: θανεῖν μὲν οὐ
χρῄζω, λιπὼν δ᾽ ἂν οὐδὲν ἀχθοίμην βίον.
Eurystheus
You should know, madam, that I shall not truckle to you or say any word on behalf of my life [985] by which a man might win the name of coward. I did not choose this quarrel of my own will. I knew that I was full cousin to you and kin to your son Heracles. But whether I wished to or not—for a divinity was at work— [990] Hera caused me to suffer this disease. When I had taken up a quarrel with Heracles and realized that this was the struggle I would be engaged in, I became the inventor of much grief, and staying awake constantly in the night I thought up many ways [995] to thrust off and kill my enemies so as not to live the rest of my life a companion to fear. I knew that your son was no cipher but a true man—for though he is my enemy, he shall at all events have good things spoken of him as befits a noble man. [1000] But now that he is out of the way, should not I, who am hated by these children and aware of their inherited hatred of me, have left no stone unturned in machinations to kill or exile them? If I did so, my interests were likely to be safe. [1005] You, no doubt, claim that if you had taken up my fortunes you would not have hounded the hostile offspring of the lion your enemy but would have modestly allowed them to live in Argos. You will convince no one of this.
Now, accordingly, since they did not kill me on the battlefield [1010] when I was eager to die, by the usages of the Greeks my death, for the man who kills me, is an unholy act; and it was sober good judgment on the city's part that they spared my life, setting a much higher value on the god than on their hatred of me. You have spoken, you have heard my reply: henceforth you must [1015] invoke me as the Avenger and the Gracious One.1 Yet this is how things stand with me: while I do not wish to die, I would not be at all vexed at leaving my life.
δείκνυσι γὰρ κέλευθον ἀσφαλεστάτην·ἐχθρὸς μὲν ἁνήρ
Ἐυρυσθεύς
κτεῖν᾽, οὐ παραιτοῦμαί σε: τήνδε δὲ πτόλιν,
ἐπεί μ᾽ ἀφῆκε καὶ κατῃδέσθη κτανεῖν,
χρησμῷ παλαιῷ Λοξίου δωρήσομαι,
ὃς ὠφελήσει μείζον᾽ ἢ δοκεῖ χρόνῳ.
1030 θανόντα γάρ με θάψεθ᾽ οὗ τὸ μόρσιμον,
δίας πάροιθε παρθένου Παλληνίδος:
καὶ σοὶ μὲν εὔνους καὶ πόλει σωτήριος
μέτοικος αἰεὶ κείσομαι κατὰ χθονός,
τοῖς τῶνδε δ᾽ ἐκγόνοισι πολεμιώτατος,
1035 ὅταν μόλωσι δεῦρο σὺν πολλῇ χερὶ
χάριν προδόντες τήνδε. τοιούτων ξένων
προύστητε. πῶς οὖν ταῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ πεπυσμένος
δεῦρ᾽ ἦλθον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ χρησμὸν ἡζόμην θεοῦ;
Ἥραν νομίζων θεσφάτων κρείσσω πολὺ
1040 κοὐκ ἂν προδοῦναί μ᾽. ἀλλὰ μήτε μοι χοὰς
μήθ᾽ αἷμ᾽ ἐάσητ᾽ εἰς ἐμὸν στάξαι τάφον.
κακὸν γὰρ αὐτοῖς νόστον ἀντὶ τῶνδ᾽ ἐγὼ
δώσω: διπλοῦν δὲ κέρδος ἕξετ᾽ ἐξ ἐμοῦ:
ὑμᾶς τ᾽ ὀνήσω τούσδε τε βλάψω θανών.
Ἀλκμήνη
1045 τί δῆτα μέλλετ᾽, εἰ πόλει σωτηρίαν
κατεργάσασθαι τοῖσί τ᾽ ἐξ ἡμῶν χρεών
[κτείνειν τὸν ἄνδρα τόνδ᾽, ἀκούοντες τάδε];
δείκνυσι γὰρ κέλευθον ἀσφαλεστάτην:
ἐχθρὸς μὲν ἁνήρ, ὠφελεῖ δὲ κατθανών.
1050κομίζετ᾽ αὐτόν, δμῶες, ἔνθα χρὴ †κυσὶν†
δοῦναι κτανόντας: μὴ γὰρ ἐλπίσῃς ὅπως
αὖθις πατρῴας ζῶν ἔμ᾽ ἐκβαλεῖς χθονός.
Χορός
ταῦτα δοκεῖ μοι. στείχετ᾽, ὀπαδοί.
τὰ γὰρ ἐξ ἡμῶν
1055 καθαρῶς ἔσται βασιλεῦσιν.
Eurystheus
Kill me, I do not beg you not to. But as for this city, since it released me and shrank from killing me, I shall make a present to it of an ancient oracle of Loxias, an oracle which will do greater good than you think in time to come. [1030] For you will bury me in the place fated I was fated to lie, in front of the shrine of the divine maiden, Athena Pallene. I shall lie for all time beneath the earth, a foreign visitor who is kindly to you and protector of the city, but most hostile to the descendants of Heracles' children [1035] when they come here with a great army, betraying the kindness you showed them. That is the kind of guest-friends you protected. How then, you will ask, did I come here when I knew these things, rather than respect the oracle of the god? It was because I thought that Hera was far greater than oracles [1040] and would not betray me. But do not allow either libations or the blood of victims to drip onto my tomb.1 For in return for this I will give them a disastrous home-coming. And you shall have a double profit from me: by dying I shall bring benefit to you and harm to the Heraclids.
Alcmene
[1045] Why then do you hesitate if you can secure safety for the city and for your descendants [to kill this man, hearing these things]. He shows us the path of greatest safety. For the man is an enemy, and by dying he does us good. [1050] Take him away, servants, to the place where we must kill and bury him.2 For you must not hope that you will live to exile me yet again from my native land.
Chorus Leader
This course seems best to me also. Be off, servants. For our acts [1055] will not bring taint upon the two kings.Exit by Eisodos A Eurystheus under guard, then Alcmene, the Servant, and the Chorus.
στρατόπεδον †τὰ νῦν δορὸς† ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τε τῆσδ’ ἱδρύσεται χθονός.
Ἰόλαος
ὦ παῖ, τί μοι σύννοιαν ὄμμασιν φέρων
ἥκεις; νέον τι πολεμίων λέξεις πέρι;
μέλλουσιν ἢ πάρεισιν ἢ τί πυνθάνῃ;
οὐ γάρ τι μὴ ψεύσῃς γε κήρυκος λόγους:
385ὁ γὰρ στρατηγὸς εὐτυχὴς τὰ πρόσθεν ὢν
εἶσιν, σάφ᾽ οἶδα, καὶ μάλ᾽ οὐ σμικρὸν φρονῶν,
ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας. ἀλλά τοι φρονημάτων
ὁ Ζεὺς κολαστὴς τῶν ἄγαν ὑπερφρόνων.
Δημοφῶν
ἥκει στράτευμ᾽ Ἀργεῖον Εὐρυσθεύς τ᾽ ἄναξ:
390ἐγώ νιν αὐτὸς εἶδον. ἄνδρα γὰρ χρεών,
ὅστις στρατηγεῖν φησ᾽ ἐπίστασθαι καλῶς,
οὐκ ἀγγέλοισι τοὺς ἐναντίους ὁρᾶν.
πεδία μὲν οὖν γῆς ἐς τάδ᾽ οὐκ ἐφῆκέ πω
στρατόν, λεπαίαν δ᾽ ὀφρύην καθήμενος
395 σκοπεῖ （δόκησιν δὴ τόδ᾽ ἂν λέγοιμί σοι）
ποίᾳ προσάξει στρατόπεδον τοσόνδ᾽ ὅροις <s.o.! Tusculum: τ' ἄνευ δορὸς, Anm. DP>
ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τε τῆσδ᾽ ἱδρύσεται χθονός.
καὶ τἀμὰ μέντοι πάντ᾽ ἄραρ᾽ ἤδη καλῶς:
πόλις τ᾽ ἐν ὅπλοις, σφάγιά θ᾽ ἡτοιμασμένα
400ἕστηκεν οἷς χρὴ ταῦτα τέμνεσθαι θεῶν,
θυηπολεῖται δ᾽ ἄστυ μάντεων ὕπο.
χρησμῶν δ᾽ ἀοιδοὺς πάντας εἰς ἓν ἁλίσας
ἤλεγξα καὶ βέβηλα καὶ κεκρυμμένα
405[λόγια παλαιά, τῇδε γῇ σωτήρια].
καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων διάφορ᾽ ἐστὶ θεσφάτοις
πόλλ᾽: ἓν δὲ πᾶσι γνῶμα ταὐτὸν ἐμπρέπει:
σφάξαι κελεύουσίν με παρθένον κόρῃ
Δήμητρος, ἥτις ἐστὶ πατρὸς εὐγενοῦς,
τροπαῖά τ᾽ ἐχθρῶν καὶ πόλει σωτήριαν.
Iolaus
My son, why have you come with worry in your glance? Are you going to tell me something new about the enemy? Are they tarrying, or have they arrived, or what news have you heard? For you will assuredly not prove false what the herald said. [385] The general, who has been fortunate before now, will come to Athens, I am sure, and in no humble mood. But of course Zeus is the punisher of thoughts that are too high and mighty.
Demophon
The Argive army has arrived and Eurystheus its leader. [390] I have seen him myself: a man who claims to be well versed in the art of generalship must not observe the enemy by means of messengers. But he has not yet sent his army into the plain of Attica. Rather, sitting upon a rocky brow, [395] he is deliberating （I will tell you my impressions） by what route he should bring so great an army within the borders of our land and safely encamp it. Where my own part is concerned, all is well prepared: the city is in arms, the sacrificial victims stand [400] in readiness for the gods to whom they are to be sacrificed, and offerings are being made throughout the city by diviners. But I gathered all the chanters of oracles into one place and closely examined their oracles, both public and secret [ [405] old oracles making for the safety of the city]. On other points these oracles showed many differences. But one thought shines forth from them all: they bid me to sacrifice a maiden to the daughter of Demeter, a maiden daughter of a noble father, to rout the enemy and save the city.
{Ιο.} ὄρνιθος οὕνεκ’ ἀσφαλῶς πορευτέον.
Θεράπων
720ὅπλων μὲν ἤδη τήνδ᾽ ὁρᾷς παντευχίαν,
φθάνοις δ᾽ ἂν οὐκ ἂν τοῖσδε σὸν κρύπτων δέμας:
ὡς ἐγγὺς ἁγών, καὶ μάλιστ᾽ Ἄρης στυγεῖ
μέλλοντας: εἰ δὲ τευχέων φοβῇ βάρος,
νῦν μὲν πορεύου γυμνός, ἐν δὲ τάξεσιν
725κόσμῳ πυκάζου τῷδ᾽: ἐγὼ δ᾽ οἴσω τέως.
Ἰόλαος
καλῶς ἔλεξας: ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ πρόχειρ᾽ ἔχων
τεύχη κόμιζε, χειρὶ δ᾽ ἔνθες ὀξύην,
λαιόν τ᾽ ἔπαιρε πῆχυν, εὐθύνων πόδα.
Θεράπων
ἦ παιδαγωγεῖν γὰρ τὸν ὁπλίτην χρεών;
Ἰόλαος
730ὄρνιθος οὕνεκ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς πορευτέον.
Θεράπων
εἴθ᾽ ἦσθα δυνατὸς δρᾶν ὅσον πρόθυμος εἶ.
Ἰόλαος
ἔπειγε: λειφθεὶς δεινὰ πείσομαι μάχης.
Θεράπων
σύ τοι βραδύνειν, οὐκ ἐγώ, δοκεῖς τι δρᾶν.
Ἰόλαος
οὔκουν ὁρᾷς μου κῶλον ὡς ἐπείγεται;
Θεράπων
735ὁρῶ δοκοῦντα μᾶλλον ἢ σπεύδοντά σε.
Servant
[720] Here, as you see, is a full suit of armor. It would not be premature to put it on. For the contest is near and Ares hates the sluggard most of all. But if you are afraid of the weight of the weapons, walk without your armor and then when you are in the ranks [725] cover yourself with this finery. I shall carry it in the meantime.
Iolaus
Your suggestion is good. Carry my armor at the ready, and put the spear in my hand, then support my left forearm, directing my steps.
Servant
Must I lead a warrior as if he were a child?
Iolaus
[730] My foot must not slip. It is a bad omen.
Servant
How I wish you were able to do all you desire to do!
Iolaus
Hurry! It will be terrible for me if I miss the battle.
Servant
But it is you, not I, who seem slow to act.
Iolaus
Don't you see how my feet hasten?
Servant
[735] I see more imagination than haste.
σέ τ’ οὐχ ὁμοίως, ὦ τάλαιν’, ἀπώλεσα ὥσπερ σὺ τἀμὰ λέκτρ’ ἔσωιζες ἀσφαλῶς, μακρὰς διαντλοῦσ’ ἐν δόμοις οἰκουρίας.
νῦν δ᾽, ὡς ἔοικε, τῇ τύχῃ δουλευτέον.
εἶἑν: γεραιέ, τὰς ἐμὰς φυγὰς ὁρᾷς,
ὁρᾷς δὲ παίδων ὄντα μ᾽ αὐθέντην ἐμῶν:
1360 δὸς τούσδε τύμβῳ καὶ περίστειλον νεκροὺς
δακρύοισι τιμῶν — ἐμὲ γὰρ οὐκ ἐᾷ νόμος —
πρὸς στέρν᾽ ἐρείσας μητρὶ δούς τ᾽ ἐς ἀγκάλας,
κοινωνίαν δύστηνον, ἣν ἐγὼ τάλας
διώλεσ᾽ ἄκων. γῇ δ᾽ ἐπὴν κρύψῃς νεκρούς,
1365 οἴκει πόλιν τήνδ᾽, ἀθλίως μέν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως
ψυχὴν βιάζου τἀμὰ συμφέρειν κακά.
ὦ τέκν᾽, ὁ φύσας καὶ τεκὼν ὑμᾶς πατὴρ
ἀπώλεσ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ὤνασθε τῶν ἐμῶν καλῶν,
ἁγὼ παρεσκεύαζον ἐκμοχθῶν βίᾳ
1370 εὔκλειαν ὑμῖν, πατρὸς ἀπόλαυσιν καλήν.
σέ τ᾽ οὐχ ὁμοίως, ὦ τάλαιν᾽, ἀπώλεσα
ὥσπερ σὺ τἀμὰ λέκτρ᾽ ἔσῳζες ἀσφαλῶς,
μακρὰς διαντλοῦσ᾽ ἐν δόμοις οἰκουρίας.
οἴμοι δάμαρτος καὶ τέκνων, οἴμοι δ᾽ ἐμοῦ,
1375 ὡς ἀθλίως πέπραγα κἀποζεύγνυμαι
τέκνων γυναικός τ᾽: ὦ λυγραὶ φιλημάτων
τέρψεις, λυγραὶ δὲ τῶνδ᾽ ὅπλων κοινωνίαι.
ἀμηχανῶ γὰρ πότερ᾽ ἔχω τάδ᾽ ἢ μεθῶ,
ἃ πλευρὰ τἀμὰ προσπίτνοντ᾽ ἐρεῖ τάδε:
1380 Ἡμῖν τέκν᾽ εἷλες καὶ δάμαρθ᾽: ἡμᾶς ἔχεις
παιδοκτόνους σούς. εἶτ᾽ ἐγὼ τάδ᾽ ὠλέναις
οἴσω; τί φάσκων; ἀλλὰ γυμνωθεὶς ὅπλων,
ξὺν οἷς τὰ κάλλιστ᾽ ἐξέπραξ᾽ ἐν Ἑλλάδι,
ἐχθροῖς ἐμαυτὸν ὑποβαλὼν αἰσχρῶς θάνω;
1385 οὐ λειπτέον τάδ᾽, ἀθλίως δὲ σῳστέον.
ἕν μοί τι, Θησεῦ, σύγκαμ᾽: ἀθλίου κυνὸς
κόμιστρ᾽ ἐς Ἄργος συγκατάστησον μολών,
λύπῃ τι παίδων μὴ πάθω μονούμενος.
But now, it seems, I must be fortune's slave.
Well, let it pass; my old father, you see me go forth to exile, and in me you see my own children's murderer. [1360] Give them burial, and lay them out in death with the tribute of a tear, for the law forbids my doing so. Rest their heads upon their mother's bosom and fold them in her arms, sad fellowship, which I, alas! unwittingly did slay. And when you have buried these dead, [1365] live on here still, in bitterness maybe, but still constrain your soul to share my sorrows. O children! he who begot you, your own father, has been your destroyer, and you have had no profit of my triumphs, all my restless toil to win for you by force [1370] a fair name, a glorious advantage from a father. You too, unhappy wife, this hand has slain, a poor return to make you for preserving the honor of my bed so safely, for all the weary watch you long have kept within my house. Alas for you, my wife, my sons! alas for me, [1375] how sad my lot, cut off from wife and child! Ah! these kisses, bitter-sweet! these weapons which it is pain to own! I am not sure whether to keep or let them go; dangling at my side they thus will say, [1380] “With us you destroyed children and wife; we are your children's slayers, and you keep us.” Shall I carry them after that? what answer can I make? Yet, am I to strip myself of these weapons, the comrades of my glorious career in Hellas, and put myself in the power of my foes, to die a death of shame? [1385] No! I must not let them go, but keep them, though it grieves me. In one thing, Theseus, help my misery; come to Argos and help me to manage the conveyance of the wretched dog; lest, if I go all alone, my sorrow for my sons may do me some hurt.
ἐν εὐφυλάκτῳ δ᾽ ἐστί: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐν μάχῃ σοφὸν μάλιστα,
Ἀμφιτρύων
170 τῷ τοῦ Διὸς μὲν Ζεὺς ἀμυνέτω μέρει
παιδός: τὸ δ᾽ εἰς ἔμ᾽, Ἡράκλεις, ἐμοὶ μέλει
λόγοισι τὴν τοῦδ᾽ ἀμαθίαν ὑπὲρ σέθεν
δεῖξαι: κακῶς γάρ σ᾽ οὐκ ἐατέον κλύειν.
πρῶτον μὲν οὖν τἄρρητ᾽ — ἐν ἀρρήτοισι γὰρ
175 τὴν σὴν νομίζω δειλίαν, Ἡράκλεες —
σὺν μάρτυσιν θεοῖς δεῖ μ᾽ ἀπαλλάξαι σέθεν.
Διὸς κεραυνόν τ᾽ ἠρόμην τέθριππά τε,
ἐν οἷς βεβηκὼς τοῖσι γῆς βλαστήμασιν
Γίγασι πλευροῖς πτήν᾽ ἐναρμόσας βέλη
180 τὸν καλλίνικον μετὰ θεῶν ἐκώμασεν:
τετρασκελές θ᾽ ὕβρισμα, Κενταύρων γένος,
Φολόην ἐπελθών, ὦ κάκιστε βασιλέων,
ἐροῦ τίν᾽ ἄνδρ᾽ ἄριστον ἐγκρίνειαν ἄν,
ἢ οὐ παῖδα τὸν ἐμόν, ὃν σὺ φῂς εἶναι δοκεῖν.
185 Δίρφυν τ᾽ ἐρωτῶν ἥ σ᾽ ἔθρεψ᾽ Ἀβαντίδα ...
οὐκ ἄν σ᾽ ἐπαινέσειεν: οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπου
ἐσθλόν τι δράσας μάρτυρ᾽ ἂν λάβοις πάτραν.
τὸ πάνσοφον δ᾽ εὕρημα, τοξήρη σαγήν,
μέμφῃ: κλύων νῦν τἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ σοφὸς γενοῦ.
190 ἀνὴρ ὁπλίτης δοῦλός ἐστι τῶν ὅπλων
καὶ τοῖσι συνταχθεῖσιν οὖσι μὴ ἀγαθοῖς
αὐτὸς τέθνηκε δειλίᾳ τῇ τῶν πέλας,
θραύσας τε λόγχην οὐκ ἔχει τῷ σώματι
θάνατον ἀμῦναι, μίαν ἔχων ἀλκὴν μόνον:
195 ὅσοι δὲ τόξοις χεῖρ᾽ ἔχουσιν εὔστοχον,
ἓν μὲν τὸ λῷστον, μυρίους οἰστοὺς ἀφεὶς
ἄλλοις τὸ σῶμα ῥύεται μὴ κατθανεῖν,
ἑκὰς δ᾽ ἀφεστὼς πολεμίους ἀμύνεται
τυφλοῖς ὁρῶντας οὐτάσας τοξεύμασιν
200 τὸ σῶμά τ᾽ οὐ δίδωσι τοῖς ἐναντίοις,
ἐν εὐφυλάκτῳ δ᾽ ἐστί: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐν μάχῃ
σοφὸν μάλιστα, δρῶντα πολεμίους κακῶς
σῴζειν τὸ σῶμα, μὴ 'κ τύχης ὡρμισμένον.
λόγοι μὲν οἵδε τοῖσι σοῖς ἐναντίαν
205 γνώμην ἔχουσι τῶν καθεστώτων πέρι.
παῖδας δὲ δὴ τί τούσδ᾽ ἀποκτεῖναι θέλεις;
τί σ᾽ οἵδ᾽ ἔδρασαν; ἕν τί σ᾽ ἡγοῦμαι σοφόν,
εἰ τῶν ἀρίστων τἄκγον᾽ αὐτὸς ὢν κακὸς
δέδοικας. ἀλλὰ τοῦθ᾽ ὅμως ἡμῖν βαρύ,
210 εἰ δειλίας σῆς κατθανούμεθ᾽ εἵνεκα,
ὃ χρῆν σ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν τῶν ἀμεινόνων παθεῖν,
εἰ Ζεὺς δικαίας εἶχεν εἰς ἡμᾶς φρένας.
εἰ δ᾽ οὖν ἔχειν γῆς σκῆπτρα τῆσδ᾽ αὐτὸς θέλεις,
ἔασον ἡμᾶς φυγάδας ἐξελθεῖν χθονός:
215 βίᾳ δὲ δράσῃς μηδέν, ἢ πείσῃ βίαν,
ὅταν θεοῦ σοι πνεῦμα μεταβαλὸν τύχῃ.
Amphitryon
[170] Let Zeus defend his his own share in his son; but as for me, Heracles, it is my concern on your behalf to prove by what I say this tyrant's ignorance; for I cannot allow you to be ill spoken of. First then for that which should never have been said—for to speak [175] of you, Heracles, as a coward is, I think, outside the pale of speech—of that must I clear you with heaven to witness. I appeal then to the thunder of Zeus, and the chariot in which he rode, when he pierced the Giants, earth's brood, to the heart with his winged shafts, [180] and with gods uplifted the glorious triumph song; or go to Pholoe and ask the insolent tribe of four-legged Centaurs, you craven king, ask them who they would judge the bravest of men; will they not say my son, who according to you is but a pretender? [185] Were you to ask Euboean Dirphys, your native place, it would not sing your praise, for you have never done a single gallant deed to which your country can witness. Next you disparage that clever invention, an archer's weapon; [190] come, listen to me and learn wisdom. A man who fights in line is a slave to his weapons, and if his fellow-comrades want for courage he is slain himself through the cowardice of his neighbors, or, if he breaks his spear, he cannot defend his body from death, having only one means of defence; [195] whereas all who are armed with the trusty bow, though they have but one weapon, yet is it the best; for a man, after discharging countless arrows, still has others with which to defend himself from death, and standing at a distance keeps off the enemy, wounding them for all their watchfulness with invisible shafts, [200] and never exposing himself to the foe, but keeping under cover; and this is by far the wisest course in battle, to harm the enemy and keep safe oneself, independent of chance. These arguments are completely opposite to yours [205] with regard to the point at issue. Next, why are you desirous of slaying these children? What have they done to you? One piece of wisdom I credit you with, your coward terror of a brave man's descendants. Still it is hard on us, [210] if for your cowardice we must die; a fate that ought to have overtaken you at our braver hands, if Zeus had been fairly disposed towards us. But, if you are so anxious to make yourself supreme in the land, let us go into exile; [215] abstain from all violence, else you will suffer by it whenever the god causes fortune's breeze to veer round.
μένοντι δ’ αὐτοῦ πάντα σοι γενήσεται τῆι τ’ ἀσφαλείαι κερδανεῖς·
Ἀμφιτρύων
καλῶς: παρελθὼν νῦν πρόσειπέ θ᾽ ἑστίαν
600 καὶ δὸς πατρῴοις δώμασιν σὸν ὄμμ᾽ ἰδεῖν.
ἥξει γὰρ αὐτὸς σὴν δάμαρτα καὶ τέκνα
ἕλξων φονεύσων κἄμ᾽ ἐπισφάξων ἄναξ:
μένοντι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πάντα σοι γενήσεται
τῇ τ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ κερδανεῖς: πόλιν δὲ σὴν
605 μὴ πρὶν ταράξῃς πρὶν τόδ᾽ εὖ θέσθαι, τέκνον.
Ἡρακλῆς
δράσω τάδ᾽: εὖ γὰρ εἶπας: εἶμ᾽ ἔσω δόμων.
χρόνῳ δ᾽ ἀνελθὼν ἐξ ἀνηλίων μυχῶν
Ἅιδου Κόρης τ᾽ ἔνερθεν, οὐκ ἀτιμάσω
θεοὺς προσειπεῖν πρῶτα τοὺς κατὰ στέγας.
Ἀμφιτρύων
610ἦλθες γὰρ ὄντως δώματ᾽ εἰς Ἅιδου, τέκνον;
Ἡρακλῆς
καὶ θῆρά γ᾽ ἐς φῶς τὸν τρίκρανον ἤγαγον.
Ἀμφιτρύων
μάχῃ κρατήσας ἢ θεᾶς δωρήμασιν;
Ἡρακλῆς
μάχῃ: τὰ μυστῶν δ᾽ ὄργι᾽ εὐτύχησ᾽ ἰδών.
Ἀμφιτρύων
ἦ καὶ κατ᾽ οἴκους ἐστὶν Εὐρυσθέως ὁ θήρ;
Ἡρακλῆς
615Χθονίας νιν ἄλσος Ἑρμιών τ᾽ ἔχει πόλις.
Ἀμφιτρύων
οὐδ᾽ οἶδεν Εὐρυσθεύς σε γῆς ἥκοντ᾽ ἄνω;
Amphitryon
Well done; now, on your arrival, go salute your household altar, [600] and let your father's halls behold your face. For soon the king will be here in person to drag away your wife and children and murder them, and to add me to the bloody list. But if you remain on the spot all will go well, and you will profit by this security; but do not rouse [605] your city before you have these matters well in train, my son.
Heracles
I will do so; your advice is good; I will enter my house. After my return at length from the sunless den of Hades and the maiden queen of hell, I will not neglect to greet first of all the gods beneath my roof.
Amphitryon
[610] Did you really go to the house of Hades, my son?
Heracles
Yes, and brought to the light that three-headed monster.
Amphitryon
Did you conquer him in fight, or receive him from the goddess?
Heracles
In fight; for I had been lucky enough to witness the rites of the initiated.
Amphitryon
Is the monster really lodged in the house of Eurystheus?
Heracles
[615] The grove of Demeter and the city of Hermione have him now.
Amphitryon
Eurystheus does not know that you have returned to the upper world?
τὸ πολλὰ πράσσειν οὐκ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ βίου.
Χορός
φεῦ φεῦ, πέπρακται: βασιλὶς οὐκέτ᾽ ἔστι δὴ
γυνή, κρεμαστοῖς ἐν βρόχοις ἠρτημένη.
Τροφός
780 οὐ σπεύσετ᾽; οὐκ οἴσει τις ἀμφιδέξιον
σίδηρον, ᾧ τόδ᾽ ἅμμα λύσομεν δέρης;
Χορός
φίλαι, τί δρῶμεν; ἦ δοκεῖ περᾶν δόμους
λῦσαί τ᾽ ἄνασσαν ἐξ ἐπισπαστῶν βρόχων;
— τί δ᾽; οὐ πάρεισι πρόσπολοι νεανίαι;
785 τὸ πολλὰ πράσσειν οὐκ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ βίου.
Τροφός
ὀρθώσατ᾽ ἐκτείνοντες ἄθλιον νέκυν:
πικρὸν τόδ᾽ οἰκούρημα δεσπόταις ἐμοῖς.
Χορός
ὄλωλεν ἡ δύστηνος, ὡς κλύω, γυνή:
ἤδη γὰρ ὡς νεκρόν νιν ἐκτείνουσι δή.
Θησεύς
790 γυναῖκες, ἴστε τίς ποτ᾽ ἐν δόμοις βοὴ
†ἠχὼ βαρεῖα προσπόλων† ἀφίκετο;
οὐ γάρ τί μ᾽ ὡς θεωρὸν ἀξιοῖ δόμος
πύλας ἀνοίξας εὐφρόνως προσεννέπειν.
μῶν Πιτθέως τι γῆρας εἴργασται νέον;
795 πρόσω μὲν ἤδη βίοτος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἔτ᾽ ἂν
λυπηρὸς ἡμῖν τούσδ᾽ ἂν ἐκλίποι δόμους.
Χορός
οὐκ ἐς γέροντας ἥδε σοι τείνει τύχη,
Θησεῦ: νέοι θανόντες ἀλγύνουσί σε.
Chorus Leader
Alas! It is all over! The Queen is no more, caught in a suspended noose!
Nurse
within
[780] Won't you hurry? Will no one fetch a double-edged sword by which to undo this fastening about her neck?
Chorus Leader
Friends, what are we to do? Shall we go into the house and free our lady from the tight-drawn noose?
Chorus member
[785] What, are there not young slaves nearby? To meddle is not the safe course in life.
Nurse
Lay her straight and stretch out her wretched corpse, bitter house-tendance for our lord in his absence!
Chorus Leader
The poor woman is dead, to judge from this report. For they are already laying her out as a corpse.
Enter Theseus by Eisodos A wearing the garlands of a sacred ambassador.
Theseus
[790] Women, do you know what was the shout that came with leaden sound through the door? For the house has not seen fit to open its gates and greet me in friendly fashion as befits a sacred ambassador. Has anything happened to old Pittheus? [795] He is far on in years, and yet his going from this house would be a grief to me.
Chorus Leader
It is not the old who are affected by this stroke of fortune: the death of the young is your grief.
οἶδ’ ἐγὼ νέους οὐδὲν γυναικῶν ὄντας ἀσφαλεστέρους, ὅταν ταράξηι Κύπρις ἡβῶσαν φρένα·
Θησεύς
φεῦ τῆς βροτείας — ποῖ προβήσεται; — φρενός.
τί τέρμα τόλμης καὶ θράσους γενήσεται;
εἰ γὰρ κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς βίοτον ἐξογκώσεται,
ὁ δ᾽ ὕστερος τοῦ πρόσθεν εἰς ὑπερβολὴν
940 πανοῦργος ἔσται, θεοῖσι προσβαλεῖν χθονὶ
ἄλλην δεήσει γαῖαν, ἣ χωρήσεται
τοὺς μὴ δικαίους καὶ κακοὺς πεφυκότας.
σκέψασθε δ᾽ ἐς τόνδ᾽, ὅστις ἐξ ἐμοῦ γεγὼς
ᾔσχυνε τἀμὰ λέκτρα κἀξελέγχεται
945 πρὸς τῆς θανούσης ἐμφανῶς κάκιστος ὤν.
δεῖξον δ᾽, ἐπειδή γ᾽ ἐς μίασμ᾽ ἐλήλυθα,
τὸ σὸν πρόσωπον δεῦρ᾽ ἐναντίον πατρί.
σὺ δὴ θεοῖσιν ὡς περισσὸς ὢν ἀνὴρ
ξύνει; σὺ σώφρων καὶ κακῶν ἀκήρατος;
950 οὐκ ἂν πιθοίμην τοῖσι σοῖς κόμποις ἐγὼ
θεοῖσι προσθεὶς ἀμαθίαν φρονεῖν κακῶς.
ἤδη νυν αὔχει καὶ δι᾽ ἀψύχου βορᾶς
σίτοις καπήλευ᾽ Ὀρφέα τ᾽ ἄνακτ᾽ ἔχων
βάκχευε πολλῶν γραμμάτων τιμῶν καπνούς:
955 ἐπεί γ᾽ ἐλήφθης. τοὺς δὲ τοιούτους ἐγὼ
φεύγειν προφωνῶ πᾶσι: θηρεύουσι γὰρ
σεμνοῖς λόγοισιν, αἰσχρὰ μηχανώμενοι.
τέθνηκεν ἥδε: τοῦτό σ᾽ ἐκσώσειν δοκεῖς;
ἐν τῷδ᾽ ἁλίσκῃ πλεῖστον, ὦ κάκιστε σύ:
960 ποῖοι γὰρ ὅρκοι κρείσσονες, τίνες λόγοι
τῆσδ᾽ ἂν γένοιντ᾽ ἄν, ὥστε σ᾽ αἰτίαν φυγεῖν;
μισεῖν σε φήσεις τήνδε, καὶ τὸ δὴ νόθον
τοῖς γνησίοισι πολέμιον πεφυκέναι:
κακὴν ἄρ᾽ αὐτὴν ἔμπορον βίου λέγεις,
965 εἰ δυσμενείᾳ σῇ τὰ φίλτατ᾽ ὤλεσεν.
ἀλλ᾽ ὡς τὸ μῶρον ἀνδράσιν μὲν οὐκ ἔνι,
γυναιξὶ δ᾽ ἐμπέφυκεν; οἶδ᾽ ἐγὼ νέους,
οὐδὲν γυναικῶν ὄντας ἀσφαλεστέρους,
ὅταν ταράξῃ Κύπρις ἡβῶσαν φρένα:
970 τὸ δ᾽ ἄρσεν αὐτοὺς ὠφελεῖ προσκείμενον.
νῦν οὖν — τί ταῦτα σοῖς ἁμιλλῶμαι λόγοις
νεκροῦ παρόντος μάρτυρος σαφεστάτου;
ἔξερρε γαίας τῆσδ᾽ ὅσον τάχος φυγάς,
καὶ μήτ᾽ Ἀθήνας τὰς θεοδμήτους μόλῃς
975 μήτ᾽ εἰς ὅρους γῆς ἧς ἐμὸν κρατεῖ δόρυ.
εἰ γὰρ παθών γε σοῦ τάδ᾽ ἡσσηθήσομαι,
οὐ μαρτυρήσει μ᾽ Ἴσθμιος Σίνις ποτὲ
κτανεῖν ἑαυτὸν ἀλλὰ κομπάζειν μάτην,
οὐδ᾽ αἱ θαλάσσῃ σύννομοι Σκιρωνίδες
980φήσουσι πέτραι τοῖς κακοῖς μ᾽ εἶναι βαρύν.
Theseus
Oh, the heart of mortals, how far will it go? What limit can be set to hardihood and brazenness? If it grows great in the course of a man's life, and the man who comes after shall overtop his predecessor [940] in knavery, the gods will have to add another earth to our world to hold the criminal and the vile!
Look at this man! He was born from my loins, and yet he disgraced my bed and is clearly convicted [945] of utter baseness by the dead woman here.
Hippolytus turns away.
Come, show your face to your father, eye to eye, since in any case I have already involved myself in pollution. Are you, then, the companion of the gods, as a man beyond the common? Are you the chaste one, untouched by evil? [950] I will never be persuaded by your vauntings, never be so unintelligent as to impute folly to the gods. Continue then your confident boasting, take up a diet of greens and play the showman with your food, make Orpheus your lord and engage in mystic rites, holding the vaporings of many books in honor. [955] For you have been found out. To all I give the warning: avoid men like this. For they make you their prey with their high-holy-sounding words while they contrive deeds of shame.
She is dead. Do you think this will save you? This is the fact that most serves to convict you, villainous man. [960] For what oaths, what arguments, could be more powerful than she is, to win you acquittal on the charge? Will you claim that she hated you and that the bastard is always regarded as an enemy to the true-born? It is a poor merchant of her own life you make her, then, [965] if she destroyed what was most precious to herself for enmity of you. But will you say that folly is not to be found in men but is native to women? I know that young men are no more stable than women when Aphrodite stirs their young hearts to confusion. [970] But their standing as males steads them well.
And so now—but why do I wage this contest against your speech when this corpse, witness most reliable, lies near? Go forth from this land with all speed as an exile, and come no more either to god-built Athens [975] or to the borders of any land ruled by my spear. For if I am to be bested by you when you have done this to me, Isthmian Sinis shall no longer attest that I killed him but say it was an idle boast, and the Skironian rocks near the sea [980] shall deny that I am a scourge to evil-doers.
γυναῖκές ἐσμεν, φιλόφρον ἀλλήλαις γένος, σώιζειν τε κοινὰ πράγματ’ ἀσφαλέσταται.
Ἰφιγένεια
ὦ φίλταται γυναῖκες, εἰς ὑμᾶς βλέπω,
καὶ τἄμ᾽ ἐν ὑμῖν ἐστιν ἢ καλῶς ἔχειν
ἢ μηδὲν εἶναι καὶ στερηθῆναι πάτρας
φίλου τ᾽ ἀδελφοῦ φιλτάτης τε συγγόνου.
1060 καὶ πρῶτα μέν μοι τοῦ λόγου τάδ᾽ ἀρχέτω:
γυναῖκές ἐσμεν, φιλόφρον ἀλλήλαις γένος
σῴζειν τε κοινὰ πράγματ᾽ ἀσφαλέσταται.
σιγήσαθ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ συνεκπονήσατε
φυγάς. καλόν τοι γλῶσσ᾽ ὅτῳ πιστὴ παρῇ.
1065 ὁρᾶτε δ᾽ ὡς τρεῖς μία τύχη τοὺς φιλτάτους,
ἢ γῆς πατρῴας νόστον ἢ θανεῖν ἔχει.
σωθεῖσα δ᾽, ὡς ἂν καὶ σὺ κοινωνῇς τύχης,
σώσω σ᾽ ἐς Ἑλλάδ᾽. ἀλλὰ πρός σε δεξιᾶς
σὲ καὶ σὲ ἱκνοῦμαι, σὲ δὲ φίλης παρηίδος,
1070 γονάτων τε καὶ τῶν ἐν δόμοισι φιλτάτων
μητρὸς πατρός τε καὶ τέκνων ὅτῳ κυρεῖ.
τί φατέ; τίς ὑμῶν φησιν ἢ τίς οὐ θέλειν —
φθέγξασθε — ταῦτα; μὴ γὰρ αἰνουσῶν λόγους
ὄλωλα κἀγὼ καὶ κασίγνητος τάλας.
Χορός
1075 θάρσει, φίλη δέσποινα, καὶ σῴζου μόνον:
ὡς ἔκ γ᾽ ἐμοῦ σοι πάντα σιγηθήσεται —
ἴστω μέγας Ζεύς — ὧν ἐπισκήπτεις πέρι.
Ἰφιγένεια
ὄναισθε μύθων καὶ γένοισθ᾽ εὐδαίμονες.
Iphigenia
My dearest friends, I look to you; I am in your hands, whether I am to succeed, or come to nothing and lose my country, and my dear brother and dearest sister. [1060] And first of all, I begin my speech with this: we are women, and have hearts naturally formed to love each other, and keep our common interests most secure. Be silent for us and assist us in our flight. It is good to have trustworthy speech. [1065] You see how one fortune holds us three, most dear to each other, either to return to our native land, or to die. If I am saved, I will bring you safe to Hellas, so that you may share my fortune. By your right hand, I entreat you, and you, and you; you by your dear face, [1070] by your knees, by all that is dearest to you in your home: father, mother, child, if you have children. What do you reply? Who agrees with us, or is not willing to do this—speak! For if you do not acquiesce in my words, both I and my unhappy brother must die.
Chorus Leader
[1075] Have courage, dear mistress, only see to your safety; I will be silent on all that you have charged me with—great Zeus be my witness.
Iphigenia
Bless you for your words, may you be happy!
ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ γάρ· ἢν μὲν ἐκσώσηις γραφήν, αὐτὴ φράσει σιγῶσα τἀγγεγραμμένα·
Ὀρέστης
ὄμνυ: σὺ δ᾽ ἔξαρχ᾽ ὅρκον ὅστις εὐσεβής.
Ἰφιγένεια
δώσω, λέγειν χρή, τήνδε τοῖσι σοῖς φίλοις.
Πυλάδης
745 τοῖς σοῖς φίλοισι γράμματ᾽ ἀποδώσω τάδε.
Ἰφιγένεια
κἀγὼ σὲ σώσω κυανέας ἔξω πέτρας.
Πυλάδης
τίν᾽ οὖν ἐπόμνυς τοισίδ᾽ ὅρκιον θεῶν;
Ἰφιγένεια
Ἄρτεμιν, ἐν ἧσπερ δώμασιν τιμὰς ἔχω.
Πυλάδης
ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἄνακτά γ᾽ οὐρανοῦ, σεμνὸν Δία.
Ἰφιγένεια
750 εἰ δ᾽ ἐκλιπὼν τὸν ὅρκον ἀδικοίης ἐμέ;
Πυλάδης
ἄνοστος εἴην: τί δὲ σύ, μὴ σῴσασά με;
Ἰφιγένεια
μήποτε κατ᾽ Ἄργος ζῶσ᾽ ἴχνος θείην ποδός.
Πυλάδης
ἄκουε δή νυν ὃν παρήλθομεν λόγον.
Ἰφιγένεια
ἀλλ᾽ αὖθις ἔσται καινός, ἢν καλῶς ἔχῃ.
Πυλάδης
755 ἐξαίρετόν μοι δὸς τόδ᾽, ἤν τι ναῦς πάθῃ,
χἡ δέλτος ἐν κλύδωνι χρημάτων μέτα
ἀφανὴς γένηται, σῶμα δ᾽ ἐκσῴσω μόνον,
τὸν ὅρκον εἶναι τόνδε μηκέτ᾽ ἔμπεδον.
Ἰφιγένεια
ἀλλ᾽ οἶσθ᾽ ὃ δράσω; πολλὰ γὰρ πολλῶν κυρεῖ:
760 τἀνόντα κἀγγεγραμμέν᾽ ἐν δέλτου πτυχαῖς
λόγῳ φράσω σοι πάντ᾽ ἀναγγεῖλαι φίλοις.
ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ γάρ: ἢν μὲν ἐκσῴσῃς γραφήν,
αὐτὴν φράσει σιγῶσα τἀγγεγραμμένα:
ἢν δ᾽ ἐν θαλάσσῃ γράμματ᾽ ἀφανισθῇ τάδε,
765 τὸ σῶμα σῴσας τοὺς λόγους σῴσεις ἐμοί.
Πυλάδης
καλῶς ἔλεξας τῶν θεῶν ἐμοῦ θ᾽ ὕπερ.
σήμαινε δ᾽ ᾧ χρὴ τάσδ᾽ ἐπιστολὰς φέρειν
πρὸς Ἄργος ὅ τι τε χρὴ κλύοντα σοῦ λέγειν.
Orestes
Swear; begin a pious oath.
Iphigenia
You must say: I will give this to your friends.
Pylades
[745] I will give this letter to your friends.
Iphigenia
And I will see you safely outside the dark rocks.
Pylades
What god do you do you swear by, as witness to your oath?
Iphigenia
Artemis, in whose temple I hold office.
Pylades
And I swear by the king of heaven, revered Zeus.
Iphigenia
[750] But if you leave off your oath, and wrong me?
Pylades
May I not return. What about you, if you do not save me?
Iphigenia
May I never set foot in Argos alive.
Pylades
Now listen to a consideration we have passed over.
Iphigenia
But it will be something new, if it is good.
Pylades
[755] Give me this exception: if the ship suffers and the tablet is lost with its cargo in the waves, and I rescue myself only, may this oath not hinder me.
Iphigenia
Do you know what I will do? For many attempts hit many targets. [760] I will tell you what is written in the folds of this tablet for you to report to my friends. For this is secure: if you preserve the writing, itself, though silent, will speak its message; if the writing is lost in the sea, [765] when you save yourself, you will save my words.
Pylades
You have spoken well, on behalf of the gods and me. Make clear to whom I must bring this letter in Argos, and what I must say when I have heard it from you.
ἢν μέν τις ἡμῖν πύργος ἀσφαλὴς φανῆι, δόλωι μέτειμι τόνδε καὶ σιγῆι φόνον
εἶἑν: καὶ δὴ τεθνᾶσι: τίς με δέξεται πόλις;
τίς γῆν ἄσυλον καὶ δόμους ἐχεγγύους
ξένος παρασχὼν ῥύσεται τοὐμὸν δέμας;
οὐκ ἔστι. μείνασ᾽ οὖν ἔτι σμικρὸν χρόνον,
390ἢν μέν τις ἡμῖν πύργος ἀσφαλὴς φανῇ,
δόλῳ μέτειμι τόνδε καὶ σιγῇ φόνον:
ἢν δ᾽ ἐξελαύνῃ ξυμφορά μ᾽ ἀμήχανος,
αὐτὴ ξίφος λαβοῦσα, κεἰ μέλλω θανεῖν,
κτενῶ σφε, τόλμης δ᾽ εἶμι πρὸς τὸ καρτερόν.
395οὐ γὰρ μὰ τὴν δέσποιναν ἣν ἐγὼ σέβω
μάλιστα πάντων καὶ ξυνεργὸν εἱλόμην,
Ἑκάτην, μυχοῖς ναίουσαν ἑστίας ἐμῆς,
χαίρων τις αὐτῶν τοὐμὸν ἀλγυνεῖ κέαρ.
πικροὺς δ᾽ ἐγώ σφιν καὶ λυγροὺς θήσω γάμους,
400πικρὸν δὲ κῆδος καὶ φυγὰς ἐμὰς χθονός.
ἀλλ᾽ εἶα φείδου μηδὲν ὧν ἐπίστασαι,
Μήδεια, βουλεύουσα καὶ τεχνωμένη:
ἕρπ᾽ ἐς τὸ δεινόν: νῦν ἀγὼν εὐψυχίας.
ὁρᾷς ἃ πάσχεις; οὐ γέλωτα δεῖ σ᾽ ὀφλεῖν
405τοῖς Σισυφείοις τοῖσδ᾽ Ἰάσονος γάμοις,
γεγῶσαν ἐσθλοῦ πατρὸς Ἡλίου τ᾽ ἄπο.
ἐπίστασαι δέ: πρὸς δὲ καὶ πεφύκαμεν
γυναῖκες, ἐς μὲν ἔσθλ᾽ ἀμηχανώταται,
κακῶν δὲ πάντων τέκτονες σοφώταται.
So be it! Now let us suppose they have been killed. What city will receive me? What friend will give me a safe country and a secure house and rescue me? There is no one. And so I shall wait a short time yet, [390] and if some tower of safety appears, I shall go about this murder by stealth. But if hard circumstance forces me into the open, I shall take the sword and, even though I am sure to die for it, kill them with my own hand, going to the very utmost of daring. [395] By the goddess I worship most of all, my chosen helper Hecate, who dwells in the inner chamber of my house, none of them shall pain my heart and smile at it! Bitter will I make their marriage, [400] bitter Creon's marriage-alliance, and bitter my banishment from the land! Come, Medea, spare nothing of the arts you are mistress of as you plot and contrive! Into the fray! Now it is a contest of courage. Do you see what is being done to you? You must not suffer mockery [405] from this Sisyphean marriage of Jason, you who are sprung from a noble father and have Helios for your grandsire. But you understand how to proceed. And furthermore we are women, unable to perform great deeds of valor, but most skilful architects of every evil.
ἐμοί τε γὰρ τάδ’ ἐστὶν ἀσφαλέστερα, σκῆψίν τιν’ ἐχθροῖς σοῖς ἔχοντα δεικνύναι
Μήδεια
πέποιθα: Πελίου δ᾽ ἐχθρός ἐστί μοι δόμος
735Κρέων τε. τούτοις δ᾽ ὁρκίοισι μὲν ζυγεὶς
ἄγουσιν οὐ μεθεῖ᾽ ἂν ἐκ γαίας ἐμέ:
λόγοις δὲ συμβὰς καὶ θεῶν ἀνώμοτος
φίλος γένοι᾽ ἂν κἀπικηρυκεύμασιν
τάχ᾽ ἂν πίθοιο: τἀμὰ μὲν γὰρ ἀσθενῆ,
740 τοῖς δ᾽ ὄλβος ἐστὶ καὶ δόμος τυραννικός.
Αἰγεύς
πολλὴν ἔδειξας ἐν λόγοις προμηθίαν:
ἀλλ᾽, εἰ δοκεῖ σοι, δρᾶν τάδ᾽ οὐκ ἀφίσταμαι.
ἐμοί τε γὰρ τάδ᾽ ἐστὶν ἀσφαλέστερα,
σκῆψίν τιν᾽ ἐχθροῖς σοῖς ἔχοντα δεικνύναι,
745 τὸ σόν τ᾽ ἄραρε μᾶλλον: ἐξηγοῦ θεούς.
Μήδεια
ὄμνυ πέδον Γῆς πατέρα θ᾽ Ἥλιον πατρὸς
τοὐμοῦ θεῶν τε συντιθεὶς ἅπαν γένος.
Αἰγεύς
τί χρῆμα δράσειν ἢ τί μὴ δράσειν; λέγε.
Medea
I trust you. But Pelias' house is hostile to me, [735] and Creon as well. If you are bound by an oath, you will not give me up to them when they come to take me out of the country. But if you have made an agreement in mere words and have not sworn by the gods, you might become their friend and comply with diplomatic requests. For I am weak, [740] while they have wealth and royal power.
Aegeus
You have shown much prudence in your speech. Well, if you like, I do not object to doing this. Not only is this plan safer for me, since I can show your enemies some pretext, [745] but your own case is more secure. Name the gods I must swear by.
Medea
Swear by the plain of Earth, by Helios, my grandfather, and by the whole race of gods all together.
Aegeus
To do what or to refrain from what? You must say.
ἀγγέλλωμεν ἐς πόλιν τάδε ἢ σῖγ’ ἔχωμεν; ἀσφαλέστερον, φίλαι.
Χορός
— ἰὼ ἰὼ τύχα,
ἕτερον εἰς ἀγῶν᾽, ἕτερον αὖ δόμος
φοβερὸν ἀμφὶ τοὺς Ἀτρείδας πίτνει.
— τί δρῶμεν; ἀγγέλλωμεν ἐς πόλιν τάδε;
1540 ἢ σῖγ᾽ ἔχωμεν; ἀσφαλέστερον, φίλαι.
— ἴδε πρὸ δωμάτων ἴδε προκηρύσσει
θοάζων ὅδ᾽ αἰθέρος ἄνω καπνός.
— ἅπτουσι πεύκας, ὡς πυρώσοντες δόμους
τοὺς Τανταλείους, οὐδ᾽ ἀφίστανται φόνου.
1545 — τέλος ἔχει δαίμων βροτοῖς,
τέλος ὅπᾳ θέλῃ.
— μεγάλα δέ τις ἁ δύναμις † δι᾽ ἀλαστόρων
ἔπεσ᾽ ἔπεσε μέλαθρα τάδε δι᾽ αἱμάτων †
διὰ τὸ Μυρτίλου πέσημ᾽ ἐκ δίφρου.
Chorus
Ah, fortune! Again and yet again the house comes to a fearful contest, for the race of Atreus.
What are we to do? Carry tidings to the town? [1540] Or hold our peace? It is safer, friends.
Look, look at that sudden rush of smoke to the sky in front of the palace, telling its tale!
They are kindling torches to fire the halls of Tantalus; nor do they hold back from murder.
[1545] A god determines the end where he wishes, for mortals.
Great is the power; by avenging fiends, this house has fallen, fallen, through blood, by hurling Myrtilus from the chariot.
{Θε.} θάρσει· τά γ’ ἔνδον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχει πόλις.
Ἀντιγόνη
ἰὼ πότνια παῖ
110 Λατοῦς Ἑκάτα, κατάχαλκον ἅπαν
πεδίον ἀστράπτει.
Παιδαγωγός
οὐ γάρ τι φαύλως ἦλθε Πολυνείκης χθόνα,
πολλοῖς μὲν ἵπποις, μυρίοις δ᾽ ὅπλοις βρέμων.
Ἀντιγόνη
ἆρα πύλαι κλῄθροις — χαλκόδετ᾽ ἆρ᾽ ἔμβολα
115 λαϊνέοισιν Ἀμφίονος ὀργάνοις
τείχεος ἥρμοσται;
Παιδαγωγός
θάρσει: τά γ᾽ ἔνδον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχει πόλις.
ἀλλ᾽ εἰσόρα τὸν πρῶτον, εἰ βούλῃ μαθεῖν.
Ἀντιγόνη
τίς οὗτος ὁ λευκολόφας,
120 πρόπαρ ὃς ἁγεῖται στρατοῦ πάγχαλκον ἀσπίδ᾽
ἀμφὶ βραχίονι κουφίζων;
Παιδαγωγός
λοχαγός, ὦ δέσποινα.
Antigone
O Lady Hecate, [110] child of Leto! The plain is one lightning-flash of bronze.
Old servant
Ah! this is no ordinary home-coming of Polyneices, with the clash of many horses, many arms.
Antigone
Are the gates barred, and the brazen bolts [115] fitted into Amphion's walls of stone?
Old servant
Never fear! All is safe within the town. But see the first one, if you want to know him.
Antigone
Who is that one with the white crest, [120] who marches before the army, lightly bearing on his arm a shield all of bronze?
Old servant
A captain, mistress.
{Πο.} ἀσφαλὴς γάρ ἐστ’ ἀμείνων ἢ θρασὺς στρατηλάτης.
Ἐτεοκλῆς
κᾆτα σὺν πολλοῖσιν ἦλθες πρὸς τὸν οὐδὲν ἐς μάχην;
Πολυνείκης
ἀσφαλὴς γάρ ἐστ᾽ ἀμείνων ἢ θρασὺς στρατηλάτης.
Ἐτεοκλῆς
600 κομπὸς εἶ σπονδαῖς πεποιθώς, αἵ σε σῴζουσιν θανεῖν.
Πολυνείκης
καὶ σέ: δεύτερον δ᾽ ἀπαιτῶ σκῆπτρα καὶ μέρη χθονός.
Ἐτεοκλῆς
οὐκ ἀπαιτούμεσθ᾽: ἐγὼ γὰρ τὸν ἐμὸν οἰκήσω δόμον.
Πολυνείκης
τοῦ μέρους ἔχων τὸ πλεῖον;
Ἐτεοκλῆς
φήμ᾽: ἀπαλλάσσου δὲ γῆς.
Πολυνείκης
ὦ θεῶν βωμοὶ πατρῴων —
Eteocles
Then did you come to battle with so many against a man worth nothing?
Polyneices
Yes, for a steadfast general is better than a bold one.
Eteocles
[600] Relying on the truce, which saves your life, you turn boaster.
Polyneices
And so do you; once more I demand back my scepter and share of the land.
Eteocles
I admit no demand; I will live in my own house.
Polyneices
And keep more than your share?
Eteocles
Yes. Leave the country!
Polyneices
O altars of my fathers' gods—
ἀλλ’ οὐ γὰρ εἰπεῖν οὔτ’ ἐμοὶ τόδ’ ἀσφαλὲς | πικρόν τε τοῖσι τὴν τύχην κεκτημένοις
Τειρεσίας
865 Ἐτεοκλέους μὲν οὕνεκ᾽ ἂν κλῄσας στόμα
χρησμοὺς ἐπέσχον: σοὶ δ᾽, ἐπεὶ χρῄζεις μαθεῖν,
λέξω. νοσεῖ γὰρ ἥδε γῆ πάλαι, Κρέον,
ἐξ οὗ 'τεκνώθη Λάιος βίᾳ θεῶν
πόσιν τ᾽ ἔφυσε μητρὶ μέλεον Οἰδίπουν:
870 αἵ θ᾽ αἱματωποὶ δεργμάτων διαφθοραὶ
θεῶν σόφισμα κἀπίδειξις Ἑλλάδι.
ἃ συγκαλύψαι παῖδες Οἰδίπου χρόνῳ
χρῄζοντες, ὡς δὴ θεοὺς ὑπεκδραμούμενοι,
ἥμαρτον ἀμαθῶς: οὔτε γὰρ γέρα πατρὶ
875 οὔτ᾽ ἔξοδον διδόντες, ἄνδρα δυστυχῆ
ἐξηγρίωσαν: ἐκ δ᾽ ἔπνευσ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀρὰς
δεινάς, νοσῶν τε καὶ πρὸς ἠτιμασμένος.
ἁγὼ τί οὐ δρῶν, ποῖα δ᾽ οὐ λέγων ἔπη
ἐς ἔχθος ἦλθον παισὶ τοῖσιν Οἰδίπου;
880 ἐγγὺς δὲ θάνατος αὐτόχειρ αὐτοῖς, Κρέον:
πολλοὶ δὲ νεκροὶ περὶ νεκροῖς πεπτωκότες
Ἀργεῖα καὶ Καδμεῖα μείξαντες βέλη
πικροὺς γόους δώσουσι Θηβαίᾳ χθονί.
σύ τ᾽ ὦ τάλαινα συγκατασκάπτῃ πόλι,
885 εἰ μὴ λόγοισι τοῖς ἐμοῖς τὶς πείσεται.
ἐκεῖνο μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον ἦν, τῶν Οἰδίπου
μηδένα πολίτην μηδ᾽ ἄνακτ᾽ εἶναι χθονός,
ὡς δαιμονῶντας κἀνατρέψοντας πόλιν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ κρεῖσσον τὸ κακόν ἐστι τἀγαθοῦ,
890 μί᾽ ἔστιν ἄλλη μηχανὴ σωτηρίας.
ἀλλ᾽ — οὐ γὰρ εἰπεῖν οὔτ᾽ ἐμοὶ τόδ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς
πικρόν τε τοῖσι τὴν τύχην κεκτημένοις
πόλει παρασχεῖν φάρμακον σωτηρίας —
ἄπειμι. χαίρεθ᾽: εἷς γὰρ ὢν πολλῶν μέτα
895 τὸ μέλλον, εἰ χρή, πείσομαι: τί γὰρ πάθω;
Κρέων
ἐπίσχες αὐτοῦ, πρέσβυ.
Τειρεσίας
μὴ 'πιλαμβάνου.
Teiresias
[865] For Eteocles I would have closed my lips and refrained from all response, but to you I will speak, since it is your wish to learn. This country, Creon, has been long afflicted, ever since Laius became a father against the will of the gods, begetting hapless Oedipus to be his own mother's husband. [870] That bloody destruction of his eyes was planned by the gods as an example to Hellas; and the sons of Oedipus went foolishly astray in wishing to throw over it the veil of time—as if they could outrun the gods! For by robbing their father of his due honor [875] and allowing him no freedom, they enraged the luckless man; so he, suffering and disgraced as well, breathed dreadful curses against them. And I, because I left nothing undone or unsaid, incurred the hatred of the sons of Oedipus. [880] But death inflicted by each other's hands awaits them, Creon; and the many heaps of the slain, some from Argive, some from Theban spears, shall cause bitter lamentation in the land of Thebes. Alas for you, poor city, you are being involved in their ruin, [885] unless I can persuade one man. The best course was to prevent any child of Oedipus becoming either citizen or king in this land, since they are possessed and would overthrow the city. But as evil has the mastery of good, there is [890] one other means of safety; but—for it is unsafe for me to tell, and painful too for those whose fortune it is to supply their city with the saving cure—I will go away. Farewell; among the rest [895] I will endure what is to come, if I must; for what else can I do?
Creon
Stay here, old man.
Teiresias
Do not catch hold of me.
1. V 975: κἂν μὲν φθάσωμεν, ἔστι σοι σωτηρία: / 2. V 983: Μενοικεύς: τί δὴ τόδ᾽ ἔρυμά μοι γενήσεται;
Χορός
960 Κρέον, τί σιγᾷς γῆρυν ἄφθογγον σχάσας;
κἀμοὶ γὰρ οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἔκπληξις πάρα.
Κρέων
τί δ᾽ ἄν τις εἴποι; δῆλον οἵ γ᾽ ἐμοὶ λόγοι.
ἐγὼ γὰρ οὔποτ᾽ ἐς τόδ᾽ εἶμι συμφορᾶς,
ὥστε σφαγέντα παῖδα προσθεῖναι πόλει.
965 πᾶσιν γὰρ ἀνθρώποισι φιλότεκνος βίος,
οὐδ᾽ ἂν τὸν αὑτοῦ παῖδά τις δοίη κτανεῖν.
μή μ᾽ εὐλογείτω τἀμά τις κτείνων τέκνα.
αὐτὸς δ᾽ — ἐν ὡραίῳ γὰρ ἕσταμεν βίου —
θνῄσκειν ἕτοιμος πατρίδος ἐκλυτήριον.
970
ἀλλ᾽ εἶα, τέκνον, πρὶν μαθεῖν πᾶσαν πόλιν,
ἀκόλαστ᾽ ἐάσας μάντεων θεσπίσματα,
φεῦγ᾽ ὡς τάχιστα τῆσδ᾽ ἀπαλλαχθεὶς χθονός:
λέξει γὰρ ἀρχαῖς καὶ στρατηλάταις τάδε,
πύλας ἐφ᾽ ἑπτὰ καὶ λοχαγέτας μολών:
975 κἂν μὲν φθάσωμεν, ἔστι σοι σωτηρία:
ἢν δ᾽ ὑστερήσῃς, οἰχόμεσθα, κατθανῇ.
Μενοικεύς
ποῖ δῆτα φεύγω; τίνα πόλιν; τίνα ξένων;
Κρέων
ὅπου χθονὸς τῆσδ᾽ ἐκποδὼν μάλιστ᾽ ἔσῃ.
Μενοικεύς
οὐκοῦν σὲ φράζειν εἰκός, ἐκπονεῖν δ᾽ ἐμέ.
Κρέων
980 Δελφοὺς περάσας —
Μενοικεύς
ποῖ με χρή, πάτερ, μολεῖν;
Κρέων
Αἰτωλίδ᾽ ἐς γῆν.
Μενοικεύς
ἐκ δὲ τῆσδε ποῖ περῶ;
Κρέων
Θεσπρωτὸν οὖδας.
Μενοικεύς
σεμνὰ Δωδώνης βάθρα;
Κρέων
ἔγνως.
Μενοικεύς
τί δὴ τόδ᾽ ἔρυμά μοι γενήσεται;
Κρέων
πόμπιμος ὁ δαίμων.
Μενοικεύς
χρημάτων δὲ τίς πόρος;
Κρέων
985 ἐγὼ πορεύσω χρυσόν.
Μενοικεύς
εὖ λέγεις, πάτερ.
χώρει νυν: ὡς σὴν πρὸς κασιγνήτην μολών,
ἧς πρῶτα μαστὸν εἵλκυσ᾽, Ἰοκάστην λέγω,
μητρὸς στερηθεὶς ὀρφανός τ᾽ ἀποζυγείς —
προσηγορήσων εἶμι καὶ σῴσων βίον.
990 ἀλλ᾽ εἶα, χώρει: μὴ τὸ σὸν κωλυέτω. —
Chorus Leader
[960] Creon, why are you so silent, without a word? I too am no less amazed.
Creon
What can one say? It is clear what my words must be. For I will never come to such misfortune as to devote my son to death for the city; [965] for all men love their children, and no one would give his own son to die. Let no man praise me, and kill my child at the same time. I myself, for I am in the prime of life, am ready to die to save my country.
[970] But come, my son, before the whole city learns this, fly with all haste away from this land, regardless of these prophets' reckless warnings; for he will tell all this to our rulers and generals [going to the seven gates and the captains]; [975] now if we can forestall him, you are saved, but if you are too late, we are ruined and you will die.
Menoeceus
Where can I escape? To what city? To which of our guest-friends?
Creon
Where you will be furthest removed from this land.
Menoeceus
It is for you to name a place, for me to carry out your bidding.
Creon
[980] After passing Delphi—
Menoeceus
Where must I go, father?
Creon
To Aetolia.
Menoeceus
And where must I go from there?
Creon
To the land of Thesprotia.
Menoeceus
To Dodona's holy threshold?
Creon
You understand.
Menoeceus
What protection will I find there?
Creon
The god will send you on your way.
Menoeceus
How shall I find the means?
Creon
[985] I will supply you with money.
Menoeceus
A good plan of yours, father. Go now; for I will come to your sister, Jocasta, at whose breast I was suckled when bereft of my mother, a lonely orphan, [to give her greeting and then I will save my life]. [990] Come, come! be going; it isn't your part to hinder me.Creon departs.
σοῦ γὰρ εὐμενοῦς πόλει οὔσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἀσφαλῶς οἰκήσομεν.
Θησεύς
δέσποιν᾽ Ἀθάνα, πείσομαι λόγοισι σοῖς:
σὺ γάρ μ᾽ ἀνορθοῖς, ὥστε μὴ 'ξαμαρτάνειν:
καὶ τόνδ᾽ ἐν ὅρκοις ζεύξομαι: μόνον σύ με
1230 ἐς ὀρθὸν ἵστη: σοῦ γὰρ εὐμενοῦς πόλει
οὔσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἀσφαλῶς οἰκήσομεν.
Χορός
στείχωμεν, Ἄδρασθ᾽, ὅρκια δῶμεν
τῷδ᾽ ἀνδρὶ πόλει τ᾽: ἄξια δ᾽ ἡμῖν
προμεμοχθήκασι σέβεσθαι.
Theseus
Lady Athena, I will hearken to your words; for you set me up, so that I do not go astray. And I will bind this man by an oath; only guide my steps [1230] aright. For if you are friendly to our state, we shall live secure for the future.
Athena vanishes.
Chorus
Let us go, Adrastus, and take the oath to this man and his state; for the service they have already done us claims our reverence.
[ἀσφάλε]ιαν, πρ[οεδρίαν, θε]-
1 [θεό]ς. τύχη.
[Δελφο]ὶ ἔδωκαν Θεοδώρω[ι]
[․․․․․δίκου Ἀ[ρ]εθουσίω[ι]
[ἀπὸ Θρ]άικης π[ροξε]νία[ν],
5 [προμα]ντείαν, [προδι]κί[αν],
[ἀσφάλε]ιαν, πρ[οεδρίαν, θε]-
[ωροδοκί]αν, ἀσ[υλίαν], ἀ[τέλ]-
[ειαν ․․․․․]
συνδιεφύλαξαν τό τε ἱερὸν καὶ τὰν πόλιν | καλῶς καὶ ἀσφαλῶς, καὶ ἐνεδάμησαν εὐτάκτως
1 θεοί.
ἔδοξε τᾶι πόλει τῶν Δελφῶν, σὺν ψάφωι τᾶι ἐννόμωι. ἐπειδὴ Μεσσάνιοι
στρατιώτας ἀπέστειλαν ὥστε συνδιαφυλάξαι τό τε ἱερὸν καὶ τὰν πόλιν,
καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων Ξενάρετον Τελεσάρχω, Ἐπιχάρη Φιλλία, τὸς βοαθοήσαντας
5 τῶι τε ἱερῶι καὶ τᾶι πόλει, καὶ τοῦτοι συνδιεφύλαξαν τό τε ἱερὸν καὶ τὰν πόλιν
καλῶς καὶ ἀσφαλῶς, καὶ ἐνεδάμησαν εὐτάκτως· δεδόχθαι τᾶι πόλει ἐπαινέσαι
τὰν πόλιν τῶν Μεσσανίων εὐσεβείας ἕνεκεν τᾶς ποτὶ τὸν θεὸν καὶ εὐνοίας τᾶς ποτὶ
τὰν πόλιν, καὶ εἶμεν Μεσσανίους εὐεργέτας τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τᾶς πόλιος, καὶ δεδόσθαι αὐτοῖς
προμαντείαν, προξενίαν, προεδρίαν, προδικίαν, ἀσυλίαν, ἀτέλειαν πάντων, καὶ τἆλλα ὅσα
10 καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις προξένοις καὶ εὐεργέταις δίδοται. ἄρχοντος Ἁλεξέα, βουλευόντων Λυσιμάχου,
Ἀρχέλα, Λυσιδάμου, Εὐθυδίκου, Ἀρχέλα.
προξενίαν, ἰσο- | 5 πολιτείαν, ἔνκτησιν, | ἐπινομίαν, ἀσφάλειαν, | αὐτῶι καὶ ἐγγόνοις
ἀγαθῆι τύχηι· ἡ πόλις
ἡ Γοννέων ἔδωκεν Σιμί-
αι Ἀντιπάτρου Δημη-
τριεῖ προξενίαν, ἰσο-
5
πολιτείαν, ἔνκτησιν,
ἐπινομίαν, ἀσφάλειαν,
αὐτῶι καὶ ἐγγόνοις
καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰρή-
νης· ταγευόντων Μανίγ-
10
χου Νικαίου, Ἀσάνδρου
Δημάρχου, Ἀσάνδρου Ἀ-
ριστοφάνους, Ἀριστό-
νου Φιλώτα, Εὐβιότου
Ἀντιφίλου.
ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ἀσφαλέος εἵνεκα ἐμοὶ δεῖ τοῦτον τελευτᾶν τὸν παῖδα
τούτοισι ἀμειψάμενος ὁ Ἅρπαγος, ὥς οἱ παρεδόθη τὸ παιδίον κεκοσμημένον τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ἤιε κλαίων ἐς τὰ οἰκία: παρελθὼν δὲ ἔφραζε τῇ ἑωυτοῦ γυναικὶ τὸν πάντα Ἀστυάγεος ῥηθέντα λόγον. [2] ἣ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν λέγει ‘νῦν ὦν τί σοὶ ἐν νόῳ ἐστὶ ποιέειν;’ ὁ δὲ ἀμείβεται ‘οὐ τῇ ἐνετέλλετο Ἀστυάγης, οὐδ᾽ εἰ παραφρονήσει τε καὶ μανέεται κάκιον ἢ νῦν μαίνεται, οὔ οἱ ἔγωγε προσθήσομαι τῇ γνώμῃ οὐδὲ ἐς φόνον τοιοῦτον ὑπηρετήσω. [3] πολλῶν δὲ εἵνεκα οὐ φονεύσω μιν, καὶ ὅτι αὐτῷ μοι συγγενής ἐστὶ ὁ παῖς, καὶ ὅτι Ἀστυάγης μὲν ἐστὶ γέρων καὶ ἅπαις ἔρσενος γόνου: [4] εἰ δ᾽ ἐθελήσει τούτου τελευτήσαντος ἐς τὴν θυγατέρα ταύτην ἀναβῆναι ἡ τυραννίς, τῆς νῦν τὸν υἱὸν κτείνει δι᾽ ἐμεῦ, ἄλλο τι ἢ λείπεται τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἐμοὶ κινδύνων ὁ μέγιστος; ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ἀσφαλέος εἵνεκα ἐμοὶ δεῖ τοῦτον τελευτᾶν τὸν παῖδα, δεῖ μέντοι τῶν τινα Ἀστυάγεος αὐτοῦ φονέα γενέσθαι καὶ μὴ τῶν ἐμῶν.’
Harpagus answered thus. The child was then given to him, consigned to its death, and he went to his house weeping. When he came in, he told his wife the entire speech uttered by Astyages. [2] “Now, then,” she said to him, “what do you propose to do?” “Not to obey Astyages' instructions,” he answered, “not even if he should lose his mind and be more frantic than he is now: I will not lend myself to his plan or be an accessory to such a murder. [3] There are many reasons why I will not kill him: because the child is related to me, and because Astyages is old and has no male children. [4] Now if the sovereignty passes to this daughter of his after his death, whose son he is now killing by means of me, what is left for me but the gravest of all dangers? For the sake of my safety this child has to die; but one of Astyages' own people has to be the murderer and not one of mine.”
συμβουλεύσατέ μοι εὖ περισκεψάμενοι τὰ μέλλει ἀσφαλέστατα εἶναι οἴκῳ τε τῷ ἐμῷ καὶ ὑμῖν
Ἁρπάγῳ μὲν Ἀστυάγης δίκην ταύτην ἐπέθηκε, Κύπου δὲ πέρι βουλεύων ἐκάλεε τοὺς αὐτοὺς τῶν Μάγων οἳ τὸ ἐνύπνιὸν οἱ ταύτῃ ἔκριναν. ἀπικομένους δὲ εἴρετο ὁ Ἁστυάγης τῇ ἔκρινάν οἱ τὴν ὄψιν. οἳ δὲ κατὰ ταὐτὰ εἶπαν λέγοντες ὡς βασιλεῦσαι χρῆν τὸν παῖδα, εἰ ἐπέζωσε καὶ μὴ ἀπέθανε πρότερον. [2] ὁ δὲ ἀμείβεται αὐτοὺς τοῖσιδε. ‘ἔστι τε ὁ παῖς καὶ περίεστι, καί μιν ἐπ᾽ ἀγροῦ διαιτώμενον οἱ ἐκ τῆς κώμης παῖδες ἐστήσαντο βασιλέα. ὁ δὲ πάντα ὅσα περ οἱ ἀληθέι λόγῳ βασιλέες ἐτελέωσε ποιήσας: καὶ γὰρ δορυφόρους καὶ θυρωροὺς καὶ ἀγγελιηφόρους καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα διατάξας ἦρχε. [3] καὶ νῦν ἐς τί ὑμῖν ταῦτα φαίνεται φέρειν;’ εἶπαν οἱ Μάγοι ‘εἰ μὲν περίεστί τε καὶ ἐβασίλευσε ὁ παῖς μὴ ἐκ προνοίης τινός, θάρσεέ τε τούτου εἵνεκα καὶ θυμὸν ἔχε ἀγαθόν: οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τὸ δεύτερον ἄρχει. παρὰ σμικρὰ γὰρ καὶ τῶν λογίων ἡμῖν ἔνια κεχώρηκε, καὶ τά γε τῶν ὀνειράτων ἐχόμενα τελέως ἐς ἀσθενὲς ἔρχεται.’ [4] ἀμείβεται ὁ Ἀστυάγης τοῖσιδε. ‘καὶ αὐτὸς ὦ Μάγοι ταύτῃ πλεῖστος γνώμην εἰμί, βασιλέος ὀνομασθέντος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐξήκειν τε τὸν ὄνειρον καί μοι τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον εἶναι δεινὸν ἔτι οὐδέν. ὅμως μέν γέ τοι συμβουλεύσατέ μοι εὖ περισκεψάμενοι τὰ μέλλει ἀσφαλέστατα εἶναι οἴκῳ τε τῷ ἐμῷ καὶ ὑμῖν.’ [5] εἶπαν πρὸς ταῦτα οἱ Μάγοι ‘ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν περὶ πολλοῦ ἐστι κατορθοῦσθαι ἀρχὴν τὴν σήν. κείνως μὲν γὰρ ἀλλοτριοῦται ἐς τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον περιιοῦσα ἐόντα Πέρσην, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐόντες Μῆδοι δουλούμεθά τε καὶ λόγου οὐδενὸς γινόμεθα πρὸς Περσέων, ἐόντες ξεῖνοι: σέο δ᾽ ἐνεστεῶτος βασιλέος, ἐόντος πολιήτεω, καὶ ἄρχομεν τὸ μέρος καὶ τιμὰς πρὸς σέο μεγάλας ἔχομεν. [6] οὕτω ὦν πάντως ἡμῖν σέο καὶ τῆς σῆς ἀρχῆς προοπτέον ἐστί. καὶ νῦν εἰ φοβερόν τι ἐνωρῶμεν, πᾶν ἂν σοὶ προεφράζομεν. νῦν δὲ ἀποσκήψαντος τοῦ ἐνυπνίου ἐς φαῦλον, αὐτοί τε θαρσέομεν καὶ σοὶ ἕτερα τοιαῦτα παρακελευόμεθα. τὸν δὲ παῖδα τοῦτον ἐξ ὀφθαλμῶν ἀπόπεμψαι ἐς Πέρσας τε καὶ τοὺς γειναμένους.’
Thus Astyages punished Harpagus. But, to help him to decide about Cyrus, he summoned the same Magi who had interpreted his dream as I have said: and when they came, Astyages asked them how they had interpreted his dream. They answered as before, and said that the boy must have been made king had he lived and not died first. [2] Then Astyages said, “The boy is safe and alive, and when he was living in the country the boys of his village made him king, and he duly did all that is done by true kings: for he assigned to each individually the roles of bodyguards and sentinels and messengers and everything else, and so ruled. And what do you think is the significance of this?” [3] “If the boy is alive,” said the Magi, “and has been made king without premeditation, then be confident on this score and keep an untroubled heart: he will not be made king a second time. Even in our prophecies, it is often but a small thing that has been foretold and the consequences of dreams come to nothing in the end.” [4] “I too, Magi,” said Astyages, “am very much of your opinion: that the dream came true when the boy was called king, and that I have no more to fear from him. Nevertheless consider well and advise me what will be safest both for my house and for you.” [5] The Magi said, “O King, we too are very anxious that your sovereignty prosper: for otherwise, it passes from your nation to this boy who is a Persian, and so we Medes are enslaved and held of no account by the Persians, as we are of another blood, but while you, our countryman, are established king, we have our share of power, and great honor is shown us by you. [6] Thus, then, we ought by all means to watch out for you and for your sovereignty. And if at the present time we saw any danger we would declare everything to you: but now the dream has had a trifling conclusion, and we ourselves are confident and advise you to be so also. As for this boy, send him out of your sight to the Persians and to his parents.”
πρός τε τούτοισι δείσαντα τὴν τίσιν καὶ ἐπιλεξάμενον ὡς οὐδὲν εἴη τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποισι ἀσφαλέως ἔχον
οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι τάς τε δὴ Σάρδις ἔσχον καὶ αὐτὸν Κροῖσον ἐζώγρησαν, ἄρξαντα ἔτεα τεσσερεσκαίδεκα καὶ τεσσερεσκαίδεκα ἡμέρας πολιορκηθέντα, κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριόν τε καταπαύσαντα τὴν ἑωυτοῦ μεγάλην ἀρχήν. λαβόντες δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ Πέρσαι ἤγαγον παρὰ Κῦρον. [2] ὁ δὲ συννήσας πυρὴν μεγάλην ἀνεβίβασε ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν τὸν Κροῖσόν τε ἐν πέδῃσι δεδεμένον καὶ δὶς ἑπτὰ Λυδῶν παρ᾽ αὐτὸν παῖδας, ἐν νόῳ ἔχων εἴτε δὴ ἀκροθίνια ταῦτα καταγιεῖν θεῶν ὅτεῳ δή, εἴτε καὶ εὐχὴν ἐπιτελέσαι θέλων, εἴτε καὶ πυθόμενος τὸν Κροῖσον εἶναι θεοσεβέα τοῦδε εἵνεκεν ἀνεβίβασε ἐπὶ τὴν πυρήν, βουλόμενος εἰδέναι εἴ τίς μιν δαιμόνων ῥύσεται τοῦ μὴ ζῶντα κατακαυθῆναι. [3] τὸν μὲν δὴ ποιέειν ταῦτα: τῷ δὲ Κροίσῳ ἑστεῶτι ἐπὶ τῆς πυρῆς ἐσελθεῖν, καίπερ ἐν κακῷ ἐόντι τοσούτῳ, τὸ τοῦ Σόλωνος ὥς οἱ εἴη σὺν θεῷ εἰρημένον, τὸ μηδένα εἶναι τῶν ζωόντων ὄλβιον. ὡς δὲ ἄρα μιν προσστῆναι τοῦτο, ἀνενεικάμενόν τε καὶ ἀναστενάξαντα ἐκ πολλῆς ἡσυχίης ἐς τρὶς ὀνομάσαι ‘Σόλων.’ [4] καὶ τὸν Κῦρον ἀκούσαντα κελεῦσαι τοὺς ἑρμηνέας ἐπειρέσθαι τὸν Κροῖσον τίνα τοῦτον ἐπικαλέοιτο, καὶ τοὺς προσελθόντας ἐπειρωτᾶν: Κροῖσον δὲ τέως μὲν σιγὴν ἔχειν εἰρωτώμενον, μετὰ δὲ ὡς ἠναγκάζετο, εἰπεῖν ‘τὸν ἂν ἐγὼ πᾶσι τυράννοισι προετίμησα μεγάλων χρημάτων ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν.’ ὡς δέ σφι ἄσημα ἔφραζε, πάλιν ἐπειρώτων τὰ λεγόμενα. [5] λιπαρεόντων δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ὄχλον παρεχόντων, ἔλεγε δὴ ὡς ἦλθε ἀρχὴν ὁ Σόλων ἐὼν Ἀθηναῖος, καὶ θεησάμενος πάντα τὸν ἑωυτοῦ ὄλβον ἀποφλαυρίσειε οἷα δὴ εἶπας, ὥς τε αὐτῷ πάντα ἀποβεβήκοι τῇ περ ἐκεῖνος εἶπε, οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἐς ἑωυτὸν λέγων ἢ οὐκ ἐς ἅπαν τὸ ἀνθρώπινον καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι ὀλβίους δοκέοντας εἶναι. τὸν μὲν Κροῖσον ταῦτα ἀπηγέεσθαι, τῆς δὲ πυρῆς ἤδη ἁμμένης καίεσθαι τὰ περιέσχατα. [6] καὶ τὸν Κῦρον ἀκούσαντα τῶν ἑρμηνέων τὰ Κροῖσος εἶπε, μεταγνόντα τε καὶ ἐννώσαντα ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς ἄνθρωπος ἐὼν ἄλλον ἄνθρωπον, γενόμενον ἑωυτοῦ εὐδαιμονίῃ οὐκ ἐλάσσω, ζῶντα πυρὶ διδοίη, πρός τε τούτοισι δείσαντα τὴν τίσιν καὶ ἐπιλεξάμενον ὡς οὐδὲν εἴη τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποισι ἀσφαλέως ἔχον, κελεύειν σβεννύναι τὴν ταχίστην τὸ καιόμενον πῦρ 1 καὶ καταβιβάζειν Κροῖσόν τε καὶ τοὺς μετὰ Κροίσου. καὶ τοὺς πειρωμένους οὐ δύνασθαι ἔτι τοῦ πυρὸς ἐπικρατῆσαι.
The Persians gained Sardis and took Croesus prisoner. Croesus had ruled fourteen years and been besieged fourteen days. Fulfilling the oracle, he had destroyed his own great empire. The Persians took him and brought him to Cyrus, [2] who erected a pyre and mounted Croesus atop it, bound in chains, with twice seven sons of the Lydians beside him. Cyrus may have intended to sacrifice him as a victory-offering to some god, or he may have wished to fulfill a vow, or perhaps he had heard that Croesus was pious and put him atop the pyre to find out if some divinity would deliver him from being burned alive. [3] So Cyrus did this. As Croesus stood on the pyre, even though he was in such a wretched position it occurred to him that Solon had spoken with god's help when he had said that no one among the living is fortunate. When this occurred to him, he heaved a deep sigh and groaned aloud after long silence, calling out three times the name “Solon.” [4] Cyrus heard and ordered the interpreters to ask Croesus who he was invoking. They approached and asked, but Croesus kept quiet at their questioning, until finally they forced him and he said, “I would prefer to great wealth his coming into discourse with all despots.” Since what he said was unintelligible, they again asked what he had said, [5] persistently harassing him. He explained that first Solon the Athenian had come and seen all his fortune and spoken as if he despised it. Now everything had turned out for him as Solon had said, speaking no more of him than of every human being, especially those who think themselves fortunate. While Croesus was relating all this, the pyre had been lit and the edges were on fire. [6] When Cyrus heard from the interpreters what Croesus said, he relented and considered that he, a human being, was burning alive another human being, one his equal in good fortune. In addition, he feared retribution, reflecting how there is nothing stable in human affairs. He ordered that the blazing fire be extinguished as quickly as possible, and that Croesus and those with him be taken down, but despite their efforts they could not master the fire.
βουλόμενον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν ἀσφαλείῃ τὰ χρήματα θησαυρίζειν οἰκοδομέεσθαι οἴκημα λίθινον
Πρωτέος δὲ ἐκδέξασθαι τὴν βασιληίην Ῥαμψίνιτον ἔλεγον, ὃς μνημόσυνα ἐλίπετο τὰ προπύλαια τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τετραμμένα τοῦ Ἡφαιστείου, ἀντίους δὲ τῶν προπυλαίων ἔστησε ἀνδριάντας δύο, ἐόντας τὸ μέγαθος πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι πηχέων, τῶν Αἰγύπτιοι τὸν μὲν πρὸς βορέω ἑστεῶτα καλέουσι θέρος, τὸν δὲ πρὸς νότον χειμῶνα: καὶ τὸν μὲν καλέουσι θέρος, τοῦτον μὲν προσκυνέουσί τε καὶ εὖ ποιέουσι, τὸν δὲ χειμῶνα καλεόμενον τὰ ἔμπαλιν τούτων ἔρδουσι
121α. πλοῦτον δὲ τούτῳ τῷ βασιλέι γενέσθαι ἀργύρου μέγαν, τὸν οὐδένα τῶν ὕστερον ἐπιτραφέντων βασιλέων δύνασθαι ὑπερβαλέσθαι οὐδ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἐλθεῖν. βουλόμενον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν ἀσφαλείῃ τὰ χρήματα θησαυρίζειν οἰκοδομέεσθαι οἴκημα λίθινον, τοῦ τῶν τοίχων ἕνα ἐς τὸ ἔξω μέρος τῆς οἰκίης ἔχειν. τὸν δὲ ἐργαζόμενον ἐπιβουλεύοντα τάδε μηχανᾶσθαι: τῶν λίθων παρασκευάσασθαι ἕνα ἐξαιρετὸν εἶναι ἐκ τοῦ τοίχου ῥηιδίως καὶ ὑπὸ δύο ἀνδρῶν καὶ ὑπὸ ἑνός. [2] ὡς δὲ ἐπετελέσθη τὸ οἴκημα, τὸν μὲν βασιλέα θησαυρίσαι τὰ χρήματα ἐν αὐτῷ: χρόνου δὲ περιιόντος τὸν οἰκοδόμον περὶ τελευτὴν τοῦ βίου ἐόντα ἀνακαλέσασθαι τοὺς παῖδας （εἶναι γὰρ αὐτῷ δύο）, τούτοισι δὲ ἀπηγήσασθαι ὡς ἐκείνων προορῶν, ὅκως βίον ἄφθονον ἔχωσι, τεχνάσαιτο οἰκοδομέων τὸν θησαυρὸν τοῦ βασιλέος: σαφέως δὲ αὐτοῖσι πάντα ἐξηγησάμενον τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐξαίρεσιν τοῦ λίθου δοῦναι τὰ μέτρα αὐτοῦ, λέγοντα ὡς ταῦτα διαφυλάσσοντες ταμίαι τῶν βασιλέος χρημάτων ἔσονται. [3] καὶ τὸν μὲν τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας οὐκ ἐς μακρὴν ἔργου ἔχεσθαι, ἐπελθόντας δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ βασιλήια νυκτὸς καὶ τὸν λίθον ἐπὶ τῷ οἰκοδομήματι ἀνευρόντας ῥηιδίως μεταχειρίσασθαι καὶ τῶν χρημάτων πολλὰ ἐξενείκασθαι.
The next to reign after Proteus (they said) was Rhampsinitus. The memorial of his name left by him was the western forecourt of the temple of Hephaestus; he set two statues here forty-one feet high; the northernmost of these the Egyptians call Summer, and the southernmost Winter; the one that they call Summer they worship and treat well, but do the opposite to the statue called Winter.
121A. This king (they told me) had great wealth in silver, so great that none of the succeeding kings could surpass or come near it. To store his treasure safely, he had a stone chamber built, one of its walls abutting on the outer side of his palace. But the builder of it shrewdly provided that one stone be so placed as to be easily removed by two men or even by one. [2] So when the chamber was finished, the king stored his treasure in it, and as time went on, the builder, drawing near the end of his life, summoned his sons (he had two) and told them how he had provided for them, that they have an ample livelihood, by the art with which he had built the king's treasure-house; explaining clearly to them how to remove the stone, he gave the coordinates of it, and told them that if they kept these in mind, they would be the custodians of the king's riches. [3] So when he was dead, his sons got to work at once: coming to the palace by night, they readily found and managed the stone in the building, and took away much of the treasure.
ἵνα δὴ σφέων φθορὴ γένηται, αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἀσφαλέστερον ἄρχοι.
ψάμμιος δὲ ἓξ ἔτεα μοῦνον βασιλεύσαντος Αἰγύπτου καὶ στρατευσαμένου ἐς Αἰθιοπίην καὶ μεταυτίκα τελευτήσαντος ἐξεδέξατο Ἀπρίης ὁ Ψάμμιος: [2] ὃς μετὰ Ψαμμήτιχον τὸν ἑωυτοῦ προπάτορα ἐγένετο εὐδαιμονέστατος τῶν πρότερον βασιλέων, ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ἄρξας, ἐν τοῖσι ἐπί τε Σιδῶνα στρατὸν ἤλασε καὶ ἐναυμάχησε τῷ Τυρίῳ. [3] ἐπεὶ δέ οἱ ἔδεε κακῶς γενέσθαι, ἐγίνετο ἀπὸ προφάσιος τὴν ἐγὼ μεζόνως μὲν ἐν τοῖσι Λιβυκοῖσι λόγοισι ἀπηγήσομαι, μετρίως δ᾽ ἐν τῷ παρεόντι. [4] ἀποπέμψας γὰρ στράτευμα ὁ Ἀπρίης ἐπὶ Κυρηναίους μεγαλωστὶ προσέπταισε, Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ ταῦτα ἐπιμεμφόμενοι ἀπέστησαν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, δοκέοντες τὸν Ἀπρίην ἐκ προνοίης αὐτοὺς ἀποπέμψαι ἐς φαινόμενον κακόν, ἵνα δὴ σφέων φθορὴ γένηται, αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἀσφαλέστερον ἄρχοι. ταῦτα δὲ δεινὰ ποιεύμενοι οὗτοί τε οἱ ἀπονοστήσαντες καὶ οἱ τῶν ἀπολομένων φίλοι ἀπέστησαν ἐκ τῆς ἰθέης.
Psammis reigned over Egypt for only six years; he invaded Ethiopia, and immediately thereafter died, and Apries the son of Psammis reigned in his place. [2] He was more fortunate than any former king (except his great-grandfather Psammetichus) during his rule of twenty-five years, during which he sent an army against Sidon and fought at sea with the king of Tyre. [3] But when it was fated that evil should overtake him, the cause of it was something that I will now deal with briefly, and at greater length in the Libyan part of this history. [4] Apries sent a great force against Cyrene and suffered a great defeat. The Egyptians blamed him for this and rebelled against him; for they thought that Apries had knowingly sent his men to their doom, so that after their perishing in this way he might be the more secure in his rule over the rest of the Egyptians. Bitterly angered by this, those who returned home and the friends of the slain openly revolted.
1 Apries is the Hophra of O.T.; he reigned from 589 to 570 B.C., apparently. But the statement that he attacked Tyre and Sidon is inconsistent with Jewish history (Jerem.xxvii, Ezek.xvii.).
τῆς βασιληίης: οὕτω ἀσφαλέως ἑωυτῷ ἱδρῦσθαι ἐδόκεε
ἐπείτε δὲ συνιόντες ὅ τε Ἀπρίης ἄγων τοὺς ἐπικούρους καὶ ὁ Ἄμασις πάντας Αἰγυπτίους ἀπίκοντο ἐς Μώμεμφιν πόλιν, συνέβαλον: καὶ ἐμαχέσαντο μὲν εὖ οἱ ξεῖνοι, πλήθεϊ δὲ πολλῷ ἐλάσσονες ἐόντες κατὰ τοῦτο ἑσσώθησαν. [2] Ἀπρίεω δὲ λέγεται εἶναι ἥδε διάνοια, μηδ᾽ ἂν θεόν μιν μηδένα δύνασθαι παῦσαι τῆς βασιληίης: οὕτω ἀσφαλέως ἑωυτῷ ἱδρῦσθαι ἐδόκεε. καὶ δὴ τότε συμβαλὼν ἑσσώθη καὶ ζωγρηθεὶς ἀπήχθη ἐς Σάιν πόλιν, ἐς τὰ ἑωυτοῦ οἰκία πρότερον ἐόντα, τότε δὲ Ἀμάσιος ἤδη βασιληία. [3] ἐνθαῦτα δὲ τέως μὲν ἐτρέφετο ἐν τοῖσι βασιληίοισι, καί μιν Ἄμασις εὖ περιεῖτε: τέλος δὲ μεμφομένων Αἰγυπτίων ὡς οὐ ποιέοι δίκαια τρέφων τὸν σφίσι τε καὶ ἑωυτῷ ἔχθιστον, οὕτω δὴ παραδιδοῖ τὸν Ἀπρίην τοῖσι Αἰγυπτίοισι. οἳ δέ μιν ἀπέπνιξαν καὶ ἔπειτα ἔθαψαν ἐν τῇσι πατρωίῃσι ταφῇσι: [4] αἳ δὲ εἰσὶ ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τῆς Ἀθηναίης, ἀγχοτάτω τοῦ μεγάρου, ἐσιόντι ἀριστερῆς χειρός. ἔθαψαν δὲ Σαῗται πάντας τοὺς ἐκ νομοῦ τούτου γενομένους βασιλέας ἔσω ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ. [5] καὶ γὰρ τὸ τοῦ Ἀμάσιος σῆμα ἑκαστέρω μὲν ἐστὶ τοῦ μεγάρου ἢ τὸ τοῦ Ἀπρίεω καὶ τῶν τούτου προπατόρων, ἔστι μέντοι καὶ τοῦτο ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ τοῦ ἱροῦ, παστὰς λιθίνη μεγάλη καὶ ἠσκημένη στύλοισί τε φοίνικας τὰ δένδρεα μεμιμημένοισι καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ δαπάνῃ: ἔσω δὲ ἐν τῇ παστάδι διξὰ θυρώματα ἕστηκε, ἐν δὲ τοῖσι θυρώμασι ἡ θήκη ἐστί.
When Apries with his guards and Amasis with the whole force of Egyptians came to the town of Momemphis, they engaged; and though the foreigners fought well, they were vastly outnumbered, and therefore were beaten. [2] Apries, they say, supposed that not even a god could depose him from his throne, so firmly did he think he was established; and now, defeated in battle and taken captive, he was brought to Saïs, to the royal dwelling which belonged to him once but now belonged to Amasis. [3] There, he was kept alive for a while in the palace and well treated by Amasis. But presently the Egyptians complained that there was no justice in keeping alive one who was their own and their king's bitterest enemy; whereupon Amasis gave Apries up to them, and they strangled him and then buried him in the burial-place of his fathers. [4] This is in the temple of Athena, very near to the sanctuary, on the left of the entrance. The people of Saïs buried within the temple precinct all kings who were natives of their district. [5] The tomb of Amasis is farther from the sanctuary than the tomb of Apries and his ancestors; yet it, too, is within the temple court; it is a great colonnade of stone, richly adorned, the pillars made in the form of palm trees. In this colonnade are two portals, and the place where the coffin lies is within their doors.
εἰδώς τε ἑωυτῷ ἀσφαλέα ἔκδυσιν ἐοῦσαν ἐκ τῆς νήσου τότε ἐπεὰν αὐτὸς βούληται
ταῦτα δὲ ἔλεξε ὁ Χαρίλεως: Μαιάνδριος δὲ ὑπέλαβε τὸν λόγον, ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ δοκέω, οὐκ ἐς τοῦτο ἀφροσύνης ἀπικόμενος ὡς δόξαι τὴν ἑωυτοῦ δύναμιν περιέσεσθαι τῆς βασιλέος, ἀλλὰ φθονήσας μᾶλλον Συλοσῶντι εἰ ἀπονητὶ ἔμελλε ἀπολάμψεσθαι ἀκέραιον τὴν πόλιν. [2] ἐρεθίσας ὦν τοὺς Πέρσας ἤθελε ὡς ἀσθενέστατα ποιῆσαι τὰ Σάμια πρήγματα καὶ οὕτω παραδιδόναι, εὖ ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς παθόντες οἱ Πέρσαι κακῶς προσεμπικρανέεσθαι ἔμελλον τοῖσι Σαμίοισι, εἰδώς τε ἑωυτῷ ἀσφαλέα ἔκδυσιν ἐοῦσαν ἐκ τῆς νήσου τότε ἐπεὰν αὐτὸς βούληται: ἐπεποίητο γάρ οἱ κρυπτὴ διῶρυξ ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλιος φέρουσα ἐπὶ θάλασσαν. [3] αὐτὸς μὲν δὴ ὁ Μαιάνδριος ἐκπλέει ἐκ τῆς Σάμου: τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπικούρους πάντας ὁπλίσας ὁ Χαρίλεως, καὶ ἀναπετάσας τὰς πύλας, ἐξῆκε ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας οὔτε προσδεκομένους τοιοῦτο οὐδὲν δοκέοντάς τε δὴ πάντα συμβεβάναι. ἐμπεσόντες δὲ οἱ ἐπίκουροι τῶν Περσέων τοὺς διφροφορευμένους τε καὶ λόγου πλείστου ἐόντας ἔκτεινον. [4] καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ταῦτα ἐποίευν, ἡ δὲ ἄλλη στρατιὴ ἡ Περσικὴ ἐπεβοήθεε: πιεζεύμενοι δὲ οἱ ἐπίκουροι ὀπίσω κατειλήθησαν ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν.
This was what Charilaus said; and Maeandrius took his advice, to my thinking not because he was so foolish as to suppose that he would be strong enough to defeat the king, but because he did not want Syloson to recover Samos safe and sound with no trouble. [2] He wanted therefore by provoking the Persians to weaken Samos as much as he could before surrendering it, for he was well aware that if the Persians were hurt they would be furiously angry with the Samians. Besides, he knew that he could get himself safely off the island whenever he liked, having built a secret passage leading from the acropolis to the sea. [3] Maeandrius then set sail from Samos; but Charilaus armed all the guards, opened the acropolis' gates, and attacked the Persians. These supposed that a full agreement had been made, and were taken unawares; the guard fell upon them and killed the Persians of highest rank, those who were carried in litters. [4] They were engaged in this when the rest of the Persian force came up in reinforcement, and, hard-pressed, the guards retreated into the acropolis.
ὑπεκρίνοντο αὐτῷ οὗτοι καὶ δίκαια καὶ ἀσφαλέα
πρῶτον μὲν δὴ λέγουσι Καμβύσῃ τῶν κακῶν ἄρξαι τοῦτο: δεύτερα δὲ ἐξεργάσατο τὴν ἀδελφεὴν ἑσπομένην οἱ ἐς Αἴγυπτον, τῇ καὶ συνοίκεε καὶ ἦν οἱ ἀπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἀδελφεή. [2] ἔγημε δὲ αὐτὴν ὧδε: οὐδαμῶς γὰρ ἐώθεσαν πρότερον τῇσι ἀδελφεῇσι συνοικέειν Πέρσαι. ἠράσθη μιῆς τῶν ἀδελφεῶν Καμβύσης, καὶ ἔπειτα βουλόμενος αὐτὴν γῆμαι, ὅτι οὐκ ἐωθότα ἐπενόεε ποιήσειν, εἴρετο καλέσας τοὺς βασιληίους δικαστὰς εἴ τις ἐστὶ κελεύων νόμος τὸν βουλόμενον ἀδελφεῇ συνοικέειν. [3] οἱ δὲ βασιλήιοι δικασταὶ κεκριμένοι ἄνδρες γίνονται Περσέων, ἐς οὗ ἀποθάνωσι ἤ σφι παρευρεθῇ τι ἄδικον, μέχρι τούτου: οὗτοι δὲ τοῖσι πέρσῃσι δίκας δικάζουσι καὶ ἐξηγηταὶ τῶν πατρίων θεσμῶν γίνονται, καὶ πάντα ἐς τούτους ἀνακέεται. [4] εἰρομένου ὦν τοῦ Καμβύσεω, ὑπεκρίνοντο αὐτῷ οὗτοι καὶ δίκαια καὶ ἀσφαλέα, φάμενοι νόμον οὐδένα ἐξευρίσκειν ὃς κελεύει ἀδελφεῇ συνοικέειν ἀδελφεόν, ἄλλον μέντοι ἐξευρηκέναι νόμον, τῷ βασιλεύοντι Περσέων ἐξεῖναι ποιέειν τὸ ἂν βούληται. [5] οὕτω οὔτε τὸν νόμον ἔλυσαν δείσαντες Καμβύσεα, ἵνα τε μὴ αὐτοὶ ἀπόλωνται τὸν νόμον περιστέλλοντες, παρεξεῦρον ἄλλον νόμον σύμμαχον τῷ θέλοντι γαμέειν ἀδελφεάς. [6] τότε μὲν δὴ ὁ Καμβύσης ἔγημε τὴν ἐρωμένην, μετὰ μέντοι οὐ πολλὸν χρόνον ἔσχε ἄλλην ἀδελφεήν. τουτέων δῆτα τὴν νεωτέρην ἐπισπομένην οἱ ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον κτείνει. ’’
This, they say, was the first of Cambyses' evil acts; next, he destroyed his full sister, who had come with him to Egypt, and whom he had taken to wife. [2] He married her in this way (for before this, it had by no means been customary for Persians to marry their sisters): Cambyses was infatuated with one of his sisters and when he wanted to marry her, because his intention was contrary to usage, he summoned the royal judges1 and inquired whether there were any law enjoining one, that so desired, to marry his sister. [3] These royal judges are men chosen out from the Persians to function until they die or are detected in some injustice; it is they who decide suits in Persia and interpret the laws of the land; all matters are referred to them. [4] These then replied to Cambyses with an answer which was both just and prudent, namely, that they could find no law enjoining a brother to marry his sister; but that they had found a law permitting the King of Persia to do whatever he liked. [5] Thus, although they feared Cambyses they did not break the law, and, to save themselves from death for keeping it, they found another law abetting one who wished to marry sisters. [6] So Cambyses married the object of his desire; yet not long afterwards he took another sister as well. It was the younger of these who had come with him to Egypt, and whom he now killed.
1 A standing body of seven; cp. Book of Esther, i. 14.
πέμψαντα παρὰ τὸν Ἀραβίων βασιλέα δέεσθαι τὴν διέξοδόν οἱ ἀσφαλέα παρασχεῖν
συνήνεικε δὲ καὶ ἄλλο τι τοιόνδε πρῆγμα γενέσθαι ἐς τὴν ἐπιστράτευσιν ταύτην. ἦν τῶν ἐπικούρων Ἀμάσιος ἀνὴρ γένος μὲν Ἁλικαρνησσεύς, οὔνομα δέ οἱ Φάνης, καὶ γνώμην ἱκανὸς καὶ τὰ πολεμικὰ ἄλκιμος. [2] οὗτος ὁ Φάνης μεμφόμενός κού τι Ἀμάσι ἐκδιδρήσκει πλοίῳ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου, βουλόμενος Καμβύσῃ ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους. οἷα δὲ ἐόντα αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖσι ἐπικούροισι λόγου οὐ σμικροῦ ἐπιστάμενόν τε τὰ περὶ Αἴγυπτον ἀτρεκέστατα, μεταδιώκει ὁ Ἄμασις σπουδὴν ποιεύμενος ἑλεῖν, μεταδιώκει δὲ τῶν εὐνούχων τὸν πιστότατον ἀποστείλας τριήρεϊ κατ᾽ αὐτόν, ὃς αἱρέει μιν ἐν Λυκίῃ, ἑλὼν δὲ οὐκ ἀνήγαγε ἐς Αἴγυπτον: σοφίῃ γάρ μιν περιῆλθε ὁ Φάνης: [3] καταμεθύσας γὰρ τοὺς φυλάκους ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐς Πέρσας. ὁρμημένῳ δὲ στρατεύεσθαι Καμβύσῃ ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον καὶ ἀπορέοντι τὴν ἔλασιν, ὅκως τὴν ἄνυδρον διεκπερᾷ, ἐπελθὼν φράζει μὲν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τὰ Ἀμάσιος πρήγματα, ἐξηγέεται δὲ καὶ τὴν ἔλασιν, ὧδε παραινέων, πέμψαντα παρὰ τὸν Ἀραβίων βασιλέα δέεσθαι τὴν διέξοδόν οἱ ἀσφαλέα παρασχεῖν.
It so happened, too, that something else occurred contributing to this campaign. There was among Amasis' mercenaries a man who was a Halicarnassian by birth, a clever man and a good soldier, whose name was Phanes. [2] This Phanes had some grudge against Amasis, and fled from Egypt aboard ship, hoping to talk to Cambyses. Since he was a man much admired among the mercenaries and had an exact knowledge of all Egyptian matters, Amasis was anxious to catch him, and sent a trireme with his most trusted eunuch to pursue him. This eunuch caught him in Lycia but never brought him back to Egypt, for Phanes was too clever for him. [3] He made his guards drunk and so escaped to Persia. There he found Cambyses prepared to set out against Egypt, but in doubt as to his march, how he should cross the waterless desert; so Phanes showed him what was Amasis' condition and how he should march; as to this, he advised Cambyses to send and ask the king of the Arabians for a safe passage.
οὐ γὰρ ἦν οἱ ἀσφαλὲς Καμβύσεω τετελευτηκότος φάναι τὸν Κύρου υἱὸν ἀπολωλεκέναι αὐτοχειρίῃ
πέρσαι δὲ ὡς τὸν βασιλέα εἶδον ἀνακλαύσαντα πάντες τά τε ἐσθῆτος ἐχόμενα εἶχον, ταῦτα κατηρείκοντο καὶ οἰμωγῇ ἀφθόνῳ διεχρέωντο. [2] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὡς ἐσφακέλισέ τε τὸ ὀστέον καὶ ὁ μηρὸς τάχιστα ἐσάπη, ἀπήνεικε Καμβύσεα τὸν Κύρου, βασιλεύσαντα μὲν τὰ πάντα ἑπτὰ ἔτεα καὶ πέντε μῆνας, ἄπαιδα δὲ τὸ παράπαν ἐόντα ἔρσενος καὶ θήλεος γόνου. [3] Περσέων δὲ τοῖσι παρεοῦσι ἀπιστίη πολλὴ ὑπεκέχυτο τοὺς Μάγους ἔχειν τὰ πρήγματα, ἀλλ᾽ ἠπιστέατο ἐπὶ διαβολῇ εἰπεῖν Καμβύσεα τὰ εἶπε περὶ τοῦ Σμέρδιος θανάτου, ἵνα οἱ ἐκπολεμωθῇ πᾶν τὸ Περσικόν.
[67] οὗτοι μέν νυν ἠπιστέατο Σμέρδιν τὸν Κύρου βασιλέα ἐνεστεῶτα: δεινῶς γὰρ καὶ ὁ Πρηξάσπης ἔξαρνος ἦν μὴ μὲν ἀποκτεῖναι Σμέρδιν: οὐ γὰρ ἦν οἱ ἀσφαλὲς Καμβύσεω τετελευτηκότος φάναι τὸν Κύρου υἱὸν ἀπολωλεκέναι αὐτοχειρίῃ. [2] ὁ δὲ δὴ Μάγος τελευτήσαντος Καμβύσεω ἀδεῶς ἐβασίλευσε, ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ ὁμωνύμου Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου, μῆνας ἑπτὰ τοὺς ἐπιλοίπους Καμβύσῃ ἐς τὰ ὀκτὼ ἔτεα τῆς πληρώσιος: [3] ἐν τοῖσι ἀπεδέξατο ἐς τοὺς ὑπηκόους πάντας εὐεργεσίας μεγάλας, ὥστε ἀποθανόντος αὐτοῦ πόθον ἔχειν πάντας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίῃ πάρεξ αὐτῶν Περσέων. διαπέμψας γὰρ ὁ Μάγος ἐς πᾶν ἔθνος τῶν ἦρχε προεῖπε ἀτελείην εἶναι στρατηίης καὶ φόρου ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα τρία.
When the Persians saw their king weep, they all tore the clothing which they wore and wailed loud and long. [2] But when after this the bone rotted and the thigh rapidly putrefied, it carried off Cambyses son of Cyrus, who had reigned in all seven years and five months, but was altogether childless, without male or female issue. [3] To the Persians who were present it was quite incredible that the Magi were masters of the kingdom; they believed that Cambyses' intent was to deceive them with his story of Smerdis' death, so that all Persia might be embroiled in a war against him.
[67] So they believed that it was Cyrus' son Smerdis who had been made king. For Prexaspes stoutly denied that he had killed Smerdis, since now that Cambyses was dead, it was not safe for him to say that he had slain the son of Cyrus with his own hands. [2] Cambyses being dead, the Magus, pretending to be the Smerdis of like name, Cyrus' son, reigned without fear for the seven months by which Cambyses had fallen short of reigning eight years. [3] In this time he benefitted all his subjects to such an extent that after his death all the Asiatics except the Persians wished him back; for he sent to every nation he ruled and proclaimed an exemption for three years from military service and from tribute.
πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Ἀράβιον ἀγγέλους καὶ δεηθεὶς τῆς ἀσφαλείης ἔτυχε
οὕτω μέν νυν Πέρσαι εἰσὶ οἱ τὴν ἐσβολὴν ταύτην παρασκευάσαντες ἐς Αἴγυπτον, κατὰ δὴ τὰ εἰρημένα σάξαντες ὕδατι, ἐπείτε τάχιστα παρέλαβον Αἴγυπτον. [2] τότε δὲ οὐκ ἐόντος κω ὕδατος ἑτοίμου, Καμβύσης πυθόμενος τοῦ Ἁλικαρνησσέος ξείνου, πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Ἀράβιον ἀγγέλους καὶ δεηθεὶς τῆς ἀσφαλείης ἔτυχε, πίστις δούς τε καὶ δεξάμενος παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ.
(…3,8: die Schwurweise der Araber)
[9] ἐπεὶ ὦν τὴν πίστιν τοῖσι ἀγγέλοισι τοῖσι παρὰ Καμβύσεω ἀπιγμένοισι ἐποιήσατο ὁ Ἀράβιος, ἐμηχανᾶτο τοιάδε: ἀσκοὺς καμήλων πλήσας, ὕδατος ἐπέσαξε ἐπὶ τὰς ζωὰς τῶν καμήλων πάσας, τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσας ἤλασε ἐς τὴν ἄνυδρον καὶ ὑπέμενε ἐνθαῦτα τὸν Καμβύσεω στρατόν. [2] οὗτος μὲν ὁ πιθανώτερος τῶν λόγων εἴρηται, δεῖ δὲ καὶ τὸν ἧσσον πιθανόν, ἐπεί γε δὴ λέγεται, ῥηθῆναι. ποταμός ἐστι μέγας ἐν τῇ Ἀραβίῃ τῷ οὔνομα Κόρυς, ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ οὗτος ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν καλεομένην θάλασσαν: [3] ἀπὸ τούτου δὴ ὦν τοῦ ποταμοῦ λέγεται τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Ἀραβίων, ῥαψάμενον τῶν ὠμοβοέων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δερμάτων ὀχετὸν μήκεϊ ἐξικνεύμενον ἐς τὴν ἄνυδρον, ἀγαγεῖν διὰ δὴ τούτων τὸ ὕδωρ, ἐν δὲ τῇ, ἀνύδρῳ μεγάλας δεξαμενὰς ὀρύξασθαι, ἵνα δεκόμεναι τὸ ὕδωρ σώζωσι. [4] ὁδὸς δ᾽ ἐστὶ δυώδεκα ἡμερέων ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐς ταύτην τὴν ἄνυδρον. ἄγειν δέ μιν δι᾽ ὀχετῶν τριῶν ἐς τριξὰ χωρία.
Now as soon as the Persians took possession of Egypt, they became the caretakers of the entryway into it, having it provisioned with water in the way I have described. [2] But at this time there was as yet no ready supply of water; and so Cambyses, hearing what was said by the stranger from Halicarnassus, sent messengers to the Arabian and asked and obtained safe conduct, giving to him and receiving from him pledges.
[9] When, then, the Arabian had made the pledge to the messengers who had come from Cambyses, he devised the following expedient: he filled camel-skins with water and loaded all his camels with these; then he drove them into the waterless land and there awaited Cambyses' army. [2] This is the most credible of the stories told; but I must relate the less credible tale also, since they tell it. There is a great river in Arabia called Corys, emptying into the sea called Red. [3] From this river (it is said) the king of the Arabians brought water by an aqueduct made of sewn oxhides and other hides and extensive enough to reach to the dry country; and he had great tanks dug in that country to try to receive and keep the water. [4] It is a twelve days' journey from the river to that desert. By three aqueducts (they say) he brought the water to three different places.
οὐ γάρ οἱ εἶναι ἀσφαλὲς λέγειν τὰ γενόμενα
φαμένου δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἑτοίμου εἶναι ποιέειν τοῦ Πρηξάσπεος, συγκαλέσαντες Πέρσας οἱ Μάγοι ἀνεβίβασαν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πύργον καὶ ἀγορεύειν ἐκέλευον. ὁ δὲ τῶν μὲν ἐκεῖνοι προσεδέοντο αὐτοῦ, τούτων μὲν ἑκὼν ἐπελήθετο, ἀρξάμενος δὲ ἀπ᾽ Ἀχαιμένεος ἐγενεηλόγησε τὴν πατριὴν τὴν Κύρου, μετὰ δὲ ὡς ἐς τοῦτον κατέβη τελευτῶν ἔλεγε ὅσα ἀγαθὰ Κῦρος Πέρσας πεποιήκοι, [2] διεξελθὼν δὲ ταῦτα ἐξέφαινε τὴν ἀληθείην, φάμενος πρότερον μὲν κρύπτειν （οὐ γάρ οἱ εἶναι ἀσφαλὲς λέγειν τὰ γενόμενα）, ἐν δὲ τῷ παρεόντι, ἀναγκαίην μιν καταλαμβάνειν φαίνειν. καὶ δὴ ἔλεγε τὸν μὲν Κύρου Σμέρδιν ὡς αὐτὸς ὑπὸ Καμβύσεω ἀναγκαζόμενος ἀποκτείνειε, τοὺς Μάγους δὲ βασιλεύειν. [3] Πέρσῃσι δὲ πολλὰ ἐπαρησάμενος εἰ μὴ ἀνακτησαίατο ὀπίσω τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τοὺς Μάγους τισαίατο, ἀπῆκε ἑωυτὸν ἐπὶ κεφαλὴν φέρεσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου κάτω. Πρηξάσπης μέν νυν ἐὼν τὸν πάντα χρόνον ἀνὴρ δόκιμος οὕτω ἐτελεύτησε.
When Prexaspes said that he was ready to do this too, the Magi summoned the Persians together, and brought him up on to a tower and bade him speak. Then, deliberately forgetting all the Magi's instructions, he traced the lineage of Cyrus from Achaemenes downwards; when he came at last to the name of Cyrus, he recounted all the good which that king had done to Persia, [2] and after he had narrated this, he revealed the truth, saying that he had concealed it before, as it had not been safe for him to tell what had happened, but at the present time necessity forced him to reveal it: and he said that he himself, forced by Cambyses, had killed Smerdis son of Cyrus, and that the Magi were in power. [3] Then, invoking a terrible curse on the Persians if they did not win back the throne and take vengeance on the Magi, he threw himself headlong down from the tower; so Prexaspes, a man who was always well thought of, perished in this way.
βουλῆς ἀγαθῆς δεῖ, ὅκως ἀσφαλέως ἡ κομιδὴ ἡμῖν ἔσται τὸ ὀπίσω
‘134. Πέρσῃσι δὲ μετὰ τὰ δῶρα ἐλθόντα Δαρείῳ ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ ὑπολειφθέντες Σκύθαι πεζῷ καὶ ἵπποισι ὡς συμβαλέοντες. τεταγμένοισι δὲ τοῖσι Σκύθῃσι λαγὸς ἐς τὸ μέσον διήιξε. τῶν δὲ ὡς ἕκαστοι ὥρων τὸν λαγὸν ἐδίωκον. ταραχθέντων δὲ τῶν Σκυθέων καὶ βοῇ χρεωμένων, εἴρετο ὁ Δαρεῖος τῶν ἀντιπολεμίων τὸν θόρυβον: πυθόμενος δὲ σφέας τὸν λαγὸν διώκοντας, εἶπε ἄρα πρὸς τούς περ ἐώθεε καὶ τὰ ἄλλα λέγειν [2] ‘οὗτοι ὧνδρες ἡμέων πολλὸν καταφρονέουσι, καί μοι νῦν φαίνεται Γοβρύης εἶπαι περὶ τῶν Σκυθικῶν δώρων ὀρθῶς. ὡς ὦν οὕτω ἤδη δοκεόντων καὶ αὐτῷ μοι ἔχειν, βουλῆς ἀγαθῆς δεῖ, ὅκως ἀσφαλέως ἡ κομιδὴ ἡμῖν ἔσται τὸ ὀπίσω.’ πρὸς ταῦτα Γοβρύης εἶπε ‘ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐγὼ σχεδὸν μὲν καὶ λόγῳ ἠπιστάμην τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν ἀπορίην, ἐλθὼν δὲ μᾶλλον ἐξέμαθον, ὁρέων αὐτοὺς ἐμπαίζοντας ἡμῖν. [3] νῦν ὦν μοι δοκέει, ἐπεὰν τάχιστα νὺξ ἐπέλθῃ, ἐκκαύσαντας τὰ πυρὰ ὡς ἐώθαμεν καὶ ἄλλοτε ποιέειν, τῶν στρατιωτέων τοὺς ἀσθενεστάτους ἐς τὰς ταλαιπωρίας ἐξαπατήσαντας καὶ τοὺς ὄνους πάντας καταδήσαντας ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, πρὶν ἢ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον ἰθῦσαι Σκύθας λύσοντας τὴν γέφυραν, ἢ καί τι Ἴωσι δόξας τὸ ἡμέας οἷον τε ἔσται ἐξεργάσασθαι.’ ’
But after sending the gifts to Darius, the Scythians who had remained there came out with foot and horse and offered battle to the Persians. But when the Scythian ranks were set in order, a rabbit ran out between the armies; and every Scythian that saw it gave chase. So there was confusion and shouting among the Scythians; Darius asked about the clamor among the enemy; and when he heard that they were chasing a rabbit, he said to those with whom he was accustomed to speak, [2] “These men hold us in deep contempt; and I think now that Gobryas' opinion of the Scythian gifts was true. Since, then, my own judgment agrees with his, we need to consider carefully how we shall return safely.” To this Gobryas said : “O King, I understood almost by reason alone how difficult it would be to deal with these Scythians; but when I came here, I understood even better, watching them toying with us. [3] Now then, my advice is that at nightfall we kindle our campfires in the usual way, deceive those in our army who are least fit to endure hardship, and tether all our asses here, and ourselves depart, before the Scythians can march straight to the Ister to break up the bridge, or the Ionians take some action by which we may well be ruined.”
ἅμα δὲ αὐτῇσι ἀσφαλείης εἵνεκεν πέμψαι τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους τῶν ἀστῶν ἄνδρας πέντε
πολλῷ δέ τι πλεῖστα περὶ αὐτῶν Δήλιοι λέγουσι, φάμενοι ἱρὰ ἐνδεδεμένα ἐν καλάμῃ πυρῶν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων φερόμενα ἀπικνέεσθαι ἐς Σκύθας, ἀπὸ δὲ Σκυθέων ἤδη δεκομένους αἰεὶ τοὺς πλησιοχώρους ἑκάστους κομίζειν αὐτὰ τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης ἑκαστάτω ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀδρίην, [2] ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ πρὸς μεσαμβρίην προπεμπόμενα πρώτους Δωδωναίους Ἑλλήνων δέκεσθαι, ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων καταβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὸν Μηλιέα κόλπον καὶ διαπορεύεσθαι ἐς Εὔβοιαν, πόλιν τε ἐς πόλιν πέμπειν μέχρι Καρύστου, τὸ δ᾽ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἐκλιπεῖν Ἄνδρον: Καρυστίους γὰρ εἶναι τοὺς κομίζοντας ἐς Τῆνον, Τηνίους δὲ ἐς Δῆλον. [3] ἀπικνέεσθαι μέν νυν οὕτω ταῦτα τὰ ἱρὰ λέγουσι ἐς Δῆλον: πρῶτον δὲ τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους πέμψαι φερούσας τὰ ἱρὰ δὺο κόρας, τὰς ὀνομάζουσι Δήλιοι εἶναι Ὑπερόχην τε καὶ Λαοδίκην: ἅμα δὲ αὐτῇσι ἀσφαλείης εἵνεκεν πέμψαι τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους τῶν ἀστῶν ἄνδρας πέντε πομπούς, τούτους οἳ νῦν Περφερέες καλέονται τιμὰς μεγάλας ἐν Δήλῳ ἔχοντες. [4] ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῖσι Ὑπερβορέοισι τοὺς ἀποπεμφθέντας ὀπίσω οὐκ ἀπονοστέειν, δεινὰ ποιευμένους εἰ σφέας αἰεὶ καταλάμψεται ἀποστέλλοντας μὴ ἀποδέκεσθαι, οὕτω δὴ φέροντας ἐς τοὺς οὔρους τὰ ἱρὰ ἐνδεδεμένα ἐν πυρῶν καλάμῃ τοὺς πλησιοχώρους ἐπισκήπτειν κελεύοντας προπέμπειν σφέα ἀπὸ ἑωυτῶν ἐς ἄλλο ἔθνος. [5] καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω προπεμπόμενα ἀπικνέεσθαι λέγουσι ἐς Δῆλον. οἶδα δὲ αὐτὸς τούτοισι τοῖσι ἱροῖσι τόδε ποιεύμενον προσφερές, τὰς Θρηικίας καὶ τὰς Παιονίδας γυναῖκας, ἐπεὰν θύωσι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι τῇ βασιλείῃ, οὐκ ἄνευ πυρῶν καλάμης ἐχούσας τὰ ἱρά.
But the Delians (1) say much more about them than any others do. They say that offerings wrapped in straw are brought from the Hyperboreans to Scythia; when these have passed Scythia, each nation in turn receives them from its neighbors until they are carried to the Adriatic sea, which is the most westerly limit of their journey; [2] from there, they are brought on to the south, the people of Dodona being the first Greeks to receive them. From Dodona they come down to the Melian gulf, and are carried across to Euboea, and one city sends them on to another until they come to Carystus; after this, Andros is left out of their journey, for Carystians carry them to Tenos, and Tenians to Delos. [3] Thus (they say) these offerings come to Delos. But on the first journey, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing the offerings, to whom the Delians give the names Hyperoche and Laodice, and five men of their people with them as escort for safe conduct, those who are now called Perpherees2 and greatly honored at Delos. [4] But when those whom they sent never returned, they took it amiss that they should be condemned always to be sending people and not getting them back, and so they carry the offerings, wrapped in straw, to their borders, and tell their neighbors to send them on from their own country to the next; [5] and the offerings, it is said, come by this conveyance to Delos. I can say of my own knowledge that there is a custom like these offerings; namely, that when the Thracian and Paeonian women sacrifice to the Royal Artemis, they have straw with them while they sacrifice.
1 This Delian story about the Hyperboreans is additional evidence of the known fact that trade routes from the earliest times linked northern with southeastern Europe. Amber in particular was carried from the Baltic to the Aegean.
2 That is, probably, the Bearers.
ἤν τε καὶ μή σφεας εὑρεῖν δυνώμεθα, ἥ γε ἄποδος ἡμῖν ἀσφαλής: οὐ γὰρ ἔδεισά κω μὴ ἑσσωθέωμεν ὑπὸ Σκυθέων μάχῃ
Δαρεῖος δὲ ὡς ἀπίκετο καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἅμ᾽ αὐτῷ στρατὸς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον, ἐνθαῦτα διαβάντων πάντων Δαρεῖος ἐκέλευσε τούς τε Ἴωνας τὴν σχεδίην λύσαντας ἕπεσθαι κατ᾽ ἤπειρον ἑωυτῷ καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν νεῶν στρατόν. [2] μελλόντων δὲ τῶν Ἰώνων λύειν καὶ ποιέειν τὰ κελευόμενα, Κώης ὁ Ἐρξάνδρου στρατηγὸς ἐὼν Μυτιληναίων ἔλεξε Δαρείῳ τάδε, πυθόμενος πρότερον εἰ οἱ φίλον εἴη γνώμην ἀποδέκεσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βουλομένου ἀποδείκνυσθαι. [3] ‘ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐπὶ γῆν γὰρ μέλλεις στρατεύεσθαι τῆς οὔτε ἀρηρομένον φανήσεται οὐδὲν οὔτε πόλις οἰκεομένη: σύ νυν γέφυραν ταύτὴν ἔα κατὰ χώρην ἑστάναι, φυλάκους αὐτῆς λιπὼν τούτους οἵπερ μιν ἔζευξαν. [4] καὶ ἤν τε κατὰ νόον πρήξωμεν εὑρόντες Σκύθας, ἔστι ἄποδος ἡμῖν, ἤν τε καὶ μή σφεας εὑρεῖν δυνώμεθα, ἥ γε ἄποδος ἡμῖν ἀσφαλής: οὐ γὰρ ἔδεισά κω μὴ ἑσσωθέωμεν ὑπὸ Σκυθέων μάχῃ, ἁλλὰ μᾶλλον μὴ οὐ δυνάμενοι σφέας εὑρεῖν πάθωμεν τι ἀλώμενοι. [5] καὶ τάδε λέγειν φαίη τις ἄν με ἐμεωυτοῦ εἵνεκεν, ὡς καταμένω: ἐγὼ δὲ γνώμην μὲν τὴν εὕρισκον ἀρίστην σοί, βασιλεῦ, ἐς μέσον φέρω, αὐτὸς μέντοι ἕψομαί τοι καὶ οὐκ ἂν λειφθείην.’ [6] κάρτα τε ἥσθη τῇ γνώμῃ Δαρεῖος καὶ μιν ἀμείψατο τοῖσιδε. ‘ξεῖνε Λέσβιε, σωθέντος ἐμεῦ ὀπίσω ἐς οἶκον τὸν ἐμὸν ἐπιφάνηθί μοι πάντως, ἵνα σε ἀντὶ χρηστῆς συμβουλίης χρηστοῖσι ἔργοισι ἀμείψωμαι.’
Such were the ways of the Getae, who were subdued by the Persians and followed their army. When Darius and the land army with him had come to the Ister, and all had crossed, he had the Ionians break the bridge and follow him in his march across the mainland, together with the men of the fleet. [2] So the Ionians were preparing to break the bridge and do Darius' bidding; but Cöes son of Erxander, the general of the Mytilenaeans, after first asking if Darius were willing to listen to advice from one who wanted to give it, said, [3] “Since, O King, you are about to march against a country where you will not find tilled lands or inhabited cities, let this bridge stay where it is, leaving those who made it to guard it. [4] Thus, if we find the Scythians and do what we want, we have a way of return; and even if we do not find them, at least our way back is safe; for my fear has never been that we shall be overcome by the Scythians in the field, but rather that we may not be able to find them, and so go astray to our harm. [5] Now it may perhaps be said that I say this for my own sake, because I want to remain behind; but it is not so; I only declare publicly the opinion that I think best for you, and I will follow you and do not want to be left here.” [6] Darius was very pleased with this advice, and he answered Cöes thus: “My friend from Lesbos, do not fail to show yourself to me when I return to my house safe, so that I may make you a good return for your good advice.”
οὐδαμῶς εἶχε ἀσφαλέως σημῆναι ὥστε φυλασσομενέων τῶν ὁδῶν
Ἀρισταγόρης δὲ οὐκ εἶχε τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν τῷ Ἀρταφρένεϊ ἐκτελέσαι: ἅμα δὲ ἐπίεζέ μιν ἡ δαπάνη τῆς στρατιῆς ἀπαιτεομένη, ἀρρώδεέ τε τοῦ στρατοῦ πρήξαντος κακῶς καὶ Μεγαβάτῃ διαβεβλημένος, ἐδόκεέ τε τὴν βασιληίην τῆς Μιλήτου ἀπαιρεθήσεσθαι. [2] ἀρρωδέων δὲ τούτων ἕκαστα ἐβουλεύετο ἀπόστασιν: συνέπιπτε γὰρ καὶ τὸν ἐστιγμένον τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπῖχθαι ἐκ Σούσων παρὰ Ἱστιαίου, σημαίνοντα ἀπίστασθαι Ἀρισταγόρην ἀπὸ βασιλέος. [3] ὁ γὰρ Ἱστιαῖος βουλόμενος τῷ Ἀρισταγόρῃ σημῆναι ἀποστῆναι ἄλλως μὲν οὐδαμῶς εἶχε ἀσφαλέως σημῆναι ὥστε φυλασσομενέων τῶν ὁδῶν, ὁ δὲ τῶν δούλων τὸν πιστότατον ἀποξυρήσας τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔστιξε καὶ ἀνέμεινε ἀναφῦναι τὰς τρίχας, ὡς δὲ ἀνέφυσαν τάχιστα, ἀπέπεμπε ἐς Μίλητον ἐντειλάμενος αὐτῷ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀπίκηται ἐς Μίλητον, κελεύειν Ἀρισταγόρην ξυρήσαντά μιν τὰς τρίχας κατιδέσθαι ἐς τὴν κεφαλήν. τὰ δὲ στίγματα ἐσήμαινε, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἴρηται, ἀπόστασιν. [4] ταῦτα δὲ ὁ Ἱστιαῖος ἐποίεε συμφορὴν ποιεύμενος μεγάλην τὴν ἑωυτοῦ κατοχὴν τὴν ἐν Σούσοισι: ἀποστάσιος ὦν γινομένης πολλὰς εἶχε ἐλπίδας μετήσεσθαι ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, μὴ δὲ νεώτερόν τι ποιεύσης τῆς Μιλήτου οὐδαμὰ ἐς αὐτὴν ἥξειν ἔτι ἐλογίζετο.
Aristagoras had no way of fulfilling his promise to Artaphrenes, and he was hard-pressed by demands for the costs of the force. Furthermore he feared what might come of the failure of the army and Megabates' displeasure against him. It was likely, he thought, that his lordship of Miletus would be taken away from him. [2] With all these fears in his mind, he began to plan revolt, for it chanced that at that very time there came from Susa Histiaeus' messenger, the man with the marked head, signifying that Aristagoras should revolt from the king. [3] Since Histiaeus desired to give word to Aristagoras that he should revolt and had no other safe way of doing so because the roads were guarded, he shaved and branded the head of his most trustworthy slave. He waited till the hair had grown again, and as soon as it was grown, he sent the man to Miletus with no other message except that when he came to Miletus he must bid Aristagoras shave his hair and examine his head. The writing branded on it signified revolt, as I have already said. [4] This Histiaeus did because he greatly disliked his detention at Susa and fully expected to be sent away to the coast in the case that there should be a revolt. If, however, Miletus remained at peace, he calculated that he would never return there.
σταθμοί τε πανταχῇ εἰσι βασιλήιοι καὶ καταλύσιες κάλλισται, διὰ οἰκεομένης τε ἡ ὁδὸς ἅπασα καὶ ἀσφαλέος
ἔχει γὰρ ἀμφὶ τῇ ὁδῷ ταύτῃ ὧδε: σταθμοί τε πανταχῇ εἰσι βασιλήιοι καὶ καταλύσιες κάλλισται, διὰ οἰκεομένης τε ἡ ὁδὸς ἅπασα καὶ ἀσφαλέος. διὰ μέν γε Λυδίης καὶ Φρυγίης σταθμοὶ τείνοντες εἴκοσι εἰσί, παρασάγγαι δὲ τέσσερες καὶ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ ἥμισυ. [2] ἐκδέκεται δὲ ἐκ τῆς Φρυγίης ὁ Ἅλυς ποταμός, ἐπ᾽ ᾧ πύλαι τε ἔπεισι, τὰς διεξελάσαι πᾶσα ἀνάγκη καὶ οὕτω διεκπερᾶν τὸν ποταμόν, καὶ φυλακτήριον μέγα ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ. διαβάντι δὲ ἐς τὴν Καππαδοκίην καὶ ταύτῃ πορευομένῳ μέχρι οὔρων τῶν Κιλικίων σταθμοὶ δυῶν δέοντες εἰσὶ τριήκοντα, παρασάγγαι δὲ τέσσερες καὶ ἑκατόν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖσι τούτων οὔροισι διξάς τε πύλας διεξελᾷς καὶ διξὰ φυλακτήρια παραμείψεαι. [3] ταῦτα δὲ διεξελάσαντι καὶ διὰ τῆς Κιλικίης ὁδὸν ποιευμένῳ τρεῖς εἱσι σταθμοί, παρασάγγαι δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα καὶ ἥμισυ. οὖρος δὲ Κιλικίης καὶ τῆς Ἀρμενίης ἐστὶ ποταμὸς νηυσιπέρητος, τῷ οὔνομα Εὐφρήτης. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἀρμενίῃ σταθμοὶ μὲν εἰσὶ καταγωγέων πεντεκαίδεκα, παρασάγγαι δὲ ἓξ καὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἥμισυ, καὶ φυλακτήριον ἐν αὐτοῖσι. [4] ἐκ δὲ ταύτης τῆς Ἀρμενίης ἐς βάλλοντι ἐς τὴν Ματιηνὴν γῆν σταθμοί εἰσι τέσσερες καὶ τριήκοντα, παρασάγγαι δὲ ἑπτὰ καὶ τριήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν. ποταμοὶ δὲ νηυσιπέρητοι τέσσερες διὰ ταύτης ῥέουσι, τοὺς πᾶσα ἀνάγκη διαπορθμεῦσαι ἐστί, πρῶτος μὲν Τίγρης, μετὰ δὲ δεύτερός τε καὶ τρίτος ὡυτὸς ὀνομαζόμενος, οὐκ ὡυτὸς ἐὼν ποταμὸς οὐδὲ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ῥέων: ὁ μὲν γὰρ πρότερον αὐτῶν καταλεχθεὶς ἐξ Ἀρμενίων ῥέει, ὁ δ᾽ ὕστερον ἐκ Ματιηνῶν: [5] ὁ δὲ τέταρτος τῶν ποταμῶν οὔνομα ἔχει Γύνδης, τὸν Κῦρος διέλαβε κοτὲ ἐς διώρυχας ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριηκοσίας. [6] ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἐς τὴν Κισσίην χώρην μεταβαίνοντι ἕνδεκα σταθμοί, παρασάγγαι δὲ δύο καὶ τεσσεράκοντα καὶ ἥμισυ ἐστὶ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Χοάσπην, ἐόντα καὶ τοῦτον νηυσιπέρητον: ἐπ᾽ ᾧ Σοῦσα πόλις πεπόλισται.
Now the nature of this road1 is as I will show. All along it are the king's road stations and very good resting places, and the whole of it passes through country that is inhabited and safe. Its course through Lydia and Phrygia is of the length of twenty stages, and ninety-four and a half parasangs. [2] Next after Phrygia it comes to the river Halys, where there is both a defile which must be passed before the river can be crossed and a great fortress to guard it. After the passage into Cappadocia, the road in that land as far as the borders of Cilicia is of twenty-eight stages and one hundred and four parasangs. On this frontier you must ride through two defiles and pass two fortresses. [3] Ride past these, and you will have a journey through Cilica of three stages and fifteen and a half parasangs. The boundary of Cilicia and Armenia is a navigable river, the name of which is the Euphrates. In Armenia there are fifteen resting-stages and fifty-six and a half parasangs. Here too there is a fortress. From Armenia the road enters the Matienian land, in which there are thirty-four stages and one hundred and thirty-seven parasangs. [4] Through this land flow four navigable rivers which must be passed by ferries, first the Tigris, then a second and a third of the same name, yet not the same stream nor flowing from the same source. The first-mentioned of them flows from the Armenians and the second from the Matieni. [5] The fourth river is called Gyndes, that Gyndes which Cyrus parted once into three hundred and sixty channels.2 [6] When this country is passed, the road is in the Cissian land, where there are eleven stages and forty-two and a half parasangs, as far as yet another navigable river, the Choaspes, on the banks of which stands the city of Susa.
1 “The royal road from Sardis to Susa is far older than the Persian empire,” say How and Wells. Evidence points to the existence of a Hittite capital in Cappadocia, to connect which with Sardis on the one hand and Assyria on the other was the purpose of the road.
2 Cp. Hdt. 1.189.
Πέμψας γὰρ παρὰ Θρασύβουλον κήρυκα ἐπυνθάνετο ὅντινα ἂν τρόπον ἀσφαλέστατον καταστησάμενος τῶν πρηγμάτων κάλλιστα τὴν πόλιν ἐπιτροπεύοι.
‘92φ. ἄρξαντος δὲ τούτου ἐπὶ τριήκοντα ἔτεα καὶ διαπλέξαντος τὸν βίον εὖ, διάδοχός οἱ τῆς τυραννίδος ὁ παῖς Περίανδρος γίνεται. ὁ τοίνυν Περίανδρος κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἦν ἠπιώτερος τοῦ πατρός, ἐπείτε δὲ ὡμίλησε δι᾽ ἀγγέλων Θρασυβούλῳ τῷ Μιλήτου τυράννῳ, πολλῷ ἔτι ἐγένετο Κυψέλου μιαιφονώτερος. [2] πέμψας γὰρ παρὰ Θρασύβουλον κήρυκα ἐπυνθάνετο ὅντινα ἂν τρόπον ἀσφαλέστατον καταστησάμενος τῶν πρηγμάτων κάλλιστα τὴν πόλιν ἐπιτροπεύοι. Θρασύβουλος δὲ τὸν ἐλθόντα παρὰ τοῦ Περιάνδρου ἐξῆγε ἔξω τοῦ ἄστεος, ἐσβὰς δὲ ἐς ἄρουραν ἐσπαρμένην ἅμα τε διεξήιε τὸ λήιον ἐπειρωτῶν τε καὶ ἀναποδίζων τὸν κήρυκα κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ Κορίνθου ἄπιξιν, καὶ ἐκόλουε αἰεὶ ὅκως τινὰ ἴδοι τῶν ἀσταχύων ὑπερέχοντα, κολούων δὲ ἔρριπτε, ἐς ὃ τοῦ ληίου τὸ κάλλιστόν τε καὶ βαθύτατον διέφθειρε τρόπῳ τοιούτω: [3] διεξελθὼν δὲ τὸ χωρίον καὶ ὑποθέμενος ἔπος οὐδὲν ἀποπέμπει τὸν κήρυκα. νοστήσαντος δὲ τοῦ κήρυκος ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον ἦν πρόθυμος πυνθάνεσθαι τὴν ὑποθήκην ὁ Περίανδρος: ὁ δὲ οὐδέν οἱ ἔφη Θρασύβουλον ὑποθέσθαι, θωμάζειν τε αὐτοῦ παρ᾽ οἷόν μιν ἄνδρα ἀποπέμψειε, ὡς παραπλῆγά τε καὶ τῶν ἑωυτοῦ σινάμωρον, ἀπηγεόμενος τά περ πρὸς Θρασυβούλου ὀπώπεε. ’
92F. After a reign of thirty years,(1) he died in the height of prosperity, and was succeeded by his son Periander. Now Periander was to begin with milder than his father, but after he had held converse by messenger with Thrasybulus the tyrant of Miletus, he became much more bloodthirsty than Cypselus. [2] He had sent a herald to Thrasybulus and inquired in what way he would best and most safely govern his city. Thrasybulus led the man who had come from Periander outside the town, and entered into a sown field. As he walked through the corn, continually asking why the messenger had come to him from Corinth, he kept cutting off all the tallest ears of wheat which he could see, and throwing them away, until he had destroyed the best and richest part of the crop. [3] Then, after passing through the place and speaking no word of counsel, he sent the herald away. When the herald returned to Corinth, Periander desired to hear what counsel he brought, but the man said that Thrasybulus had given him none. The herald added that it was a strange man to whom he had been sent, a madman and a destroyer of his own possessions, telling Periander what he had seen Thrasybulus do.
1 655 to 625.
ἡ δὲ Πελοπόννησος ἀσφαλέως ἱδρυμένη
86α. οὐ φαμένων δὲ ἀποδώσειν τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἔλεξέ σφι Λευτυχίδης τάδε. ‘ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ποιέετε μὲν ὁκότερα βούλεσθε αὐτοί: καὶ γὰρ ἀποδιδόντες ποιέετε ὅσια, καὶ μὴ ἀποδιδόντες τὰ ἐναντία τούτων: ὁκοῖον μέντοι τι ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ συνηνείχθη γενέσθαι περὶ παρακαταθήκης, βούλομαι ὑμῖν εἶπαι. [2] λέγομεν ἡμεῖς οἱ Σπαρτιῆται γενέσθαι ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι κατὰ τρίτην γενεὴν τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐμέο Γλαῦκον Ἐπικύδεος παῖδα: τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα φαμὲν τά τε ἄλλα πάντα περιήκειν τὰ πρῶτα, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀκούειν ἄριστα δικαιοσύνης πέρι πάντων ὅσοι τὴν Λακεδαίμονα τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον οἴκεον. [3] συνενειχθῆναι δέ οἱ ἐν χρόνῳ ἱκνευμένῳ τάδε λέγομεν. ἄνδρα Μιλήσιον ἀπικόμενον ἐς Σπάρτην βούλεσθαί οἱ ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους προϊσχόμενον τοιάδε. ‘εἰμὶ μὲν Μιλήσιος, ἥκω δὲ τῆς σῆς Γλαῦκε βουλόμενος δικαιοσύνης ἀπολαῦσαι. [4] ὡς γὰρ δὴ ἀνὰ πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα, ἐν δὲ καὶ περὶ Ἰωνίην τῆς σῆς δικαιοσύνης ἦν λόγος πολλός, ἐμεωυτῷ λόγους ἐδίδουν καὶ ὅτι ἐπικίνδυνος ἐστὶ αἰεί κοτε ἡ Ἰωνίη, ἡ δὲ Πελοπόννησος ἀσφαλέως ἱδρυμένη, καὶ διότι χρήματα οὐδαμὰ τοὺς αὐτούς ἐστι ὁρᾶν ἔχοντας. [5] ταῦτά τε ὦν ἐπιλεγομένῳ καὶ βουλευομένῳ ἔδοξέ μοι τὰ ἡμίσεα πάσης τῆς οὐσίης ἐξαργυρώσαντα θέσθαι παρὰ σέ, εὖ ἐξεπισταμένῳ ὥς μοι κείμενα ἔσται παρὰ σοὶ σόα. σὺ δή μοι καὶ τὰ χρήματα δέξαι καὶ τάδε τὰ σύμβολα σῶζε λαβών: ὃς δ᾽ ἂν ἔχων ταῦτα ἀπαιτέῃ, τούτῳ ἀποδοῦναι.’ ’
86A. When the Athenians refused to give them back, Leutychides said to them: “Men of Athens, do whichever thing you desire. If you give them back, you do righteously; if you do not give them back, you do the opposite. But I want to tell you the story of what happened at Sparta in the matter of a trust. [2] We Spartans say that three generations ago there was at Lacedaemon one Glaucus, the son of Epicydes. We say that this man added to his other excellences a reputation for justice above all men who at that time dwelt in Lacedaemon. [3] But we say that at the fitting time this befell him: There came to Sparta a certain man of Miletus, who desired to have a talk with Glaucus and made him this offer: ‘I am a Milesian, and I have come to have the benefit of your justice, Glaucus. [4] Since there is much talk about your justice throughout all the rest of Hellas, and even in Ionia, I considered the fact that Ionia is always in danger while the Peloponnese is securely established, and nowhere in Ionia are the same men seen continuing in possession of wealth. [5] Considering and taking counsel concerning these matters, I resolved to turn half of my property into silver and deposit it with you, being well assured that it will lie safe for me in your keeping. Accept the money for me, and take and keep these tokens; restore the money to whoever comes with the same tokens and demands it back.’
ταύτῃ γὰρ ἀσφαλέστατον ἐπυνθάνετο εἶναι.
Ξέρξης δὲ ὁρέων ἐκ τῆς Θέρμης ὄρεα τὰ Θεσσαλικά, τόν τε Ὄλυμπον καὶ τὴν Ὄσσαν, μεγάθεΐ τε ὑπερμήκεα ἐόντα, διὰ μέσου τε αὐτῶν αὐλῶνα στεινὸν πυνθανόμενος εἶναι δι᾽ οὗ ῥέει ὁ Πηνειός, ἀκούων τε ταύτῃ εἶναι ὁδὸν ἐς Θεσσαλίην φέρουσαν, ἐπεθύμησε πλώσας θεήσασθαι τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Πηνειοῦ, ὅτι τὴν ἄνω ὁδὸν ἔμελλε ἐλᾶν διὰ Μακεδόνων τῶν κατύπερθε οἰκημένων ἔστε Περραιβοὺς παρὰ Γόννον πόλιν: ταύτῃ γὰρ ἀσφαλέστατον ἐπυνθάνετο εἶναι. [2] ὡς δὲ ἐπεθύμησε, καὶ ἐποίεε ταῦτα: ἐσβὰς ἐς Σιδωνίην νέα, ἐς τήν περ ἐσέβαινε αἰεὶ ὅκως τι ἐθέλοι τοιοῦτο ποιῆσαι, ἀνέδεξε σημήιον καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἀνάγεσθαι, καταλιπὼν αὐτοῦ τὸν πεζὸν στρατόν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπίκετο καὶ ἐθεήσατο Ξέρξης τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Πηνειοῦ, ἐν θώματι μεγάλῳ ἐνέσχετο, καλέσας δὲ τοὺς κατηγεμόνας τῆς ὁδοῦ εἴρετο εἰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐστὶ παρατρέψαντα ἑτέρῃ ἐς θάλασσαν ἐξαγαγεῖν.
When Xerxes saw from Therma the very great height of the Thessalian mountains Olympus and Ossa and learned that the Peneus flows through them in a narrow pass, which was the way that led into Thessaly, he desired to view the mouth of the Peneus because he intended to march by the upper road through the highland people of Macedonia to the country of the Perrhaebi and the town of Gonnus;(1) this, it was told him, was the safest way. [2] He did exactly as he desired. He embarked on a Sidonian ship which he always used when he had some such business in hand, and hoisted his signal for the rest also to put out to sea, leaving his land army where it was. Great wonder took him when he came and viewed the mouth of the Peneus, and calling his guides, he asked them if it were possible to turn the river from its course and lead it into the sea by another way.
1 Xerxes' army might have entered Thessaly by marching along the coast between Olympus and the sea, and up the Peneus valley (the pass of Tempe) to Gonnus. Instead, it crossed the mountains; probably both by a route which runs across the southern slope of Olympus to Gonnus, and also by the Petra pass, further inland, between Olympus and Bermius. But Herodotus is mistaken in making the ἄνω ὁδός alone reach Gonnus; the Tempe route would have done the same.
Γαῖ’ εὐρύστερνος, πάντων ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ ἀθανάτων
χαίρετε, τέκνα Διός, δότε δ᾽ ἱμερόεσσαν ἀοιδήν.
105κλείετε δ᾽ ἀθανάτων ἱερὸν γένος αἰὲν ἐόντων,
οἳ Γῆς τ᾽ ἐξεγένοντο καὶ Οὐρανοῦ ἀστερόεντος,
Νυκτός τε δνοφερῆς, οὕς θ᾽ ἁλμυρὸς ἔτρεφε Πόντος.
εἴπατε δ᾽, ὡς τὰ πρῶτα θεοὶ καὶ γαῖα γένοντο
καὶ ποταμοὶ καὶ πόντος ἀπείριτος, οἴδματι θυίων,
110 ἄστρα τε λαμπετόωντα καὶ οὐρανὸς εὐρὺς ὕπερθεν
οἵ τ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἐγένοντο θεοί, δωτῆρες ἐάων
ὥς τ᾽ ἄφενος δάσσαντο καὶ ὡς τιμὰς διέλοντο
ἠδὲ καὶ ὡς τὰ πρῶτα πολύπτυχον ἔσχον Ὄλυμπον.
ταῦτά μοι ἔσπετε Μοῦσαι, Ὀλύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχουσαι
115ἐξ ἀρχῆς, καὶ εἴπαθ᾽, ὅ τι πρῶτον γένετ᾽ αὐτῶν.
ἦ τοι μὲν πρώτιστα Χάος γένετ᾽, αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα
Γαῖ᾽ εὐρύστερνος, πάντων ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ
ἀθανάτων, οἳ ἔχουσι κάρη νιφόεντος Ὀλύμπου,
Τάρταρά τ᾽ ἠερόεντα μυχῷ χθονὸς εὐρυοδείης,
120ἠδ᾽ Ἔρος, ὃς κάλλιστος ἐν ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσι,
λυσιμελής, πάντων δὲ θεῶν πάντων τ᾽ ἀνθρώπων
δάμναται ἐν στήθεσσι νόον καὶ ἐπίφρονα βουλήν.
ἐκ Χάεος δ᾽ Ἔρεβός τε μέλαινά τε Νὺξ ἐγένοντο:
Νυκτὸς δ᾽ αὖτ᾽ Αἰθήρ τε καὶ Ἡμέρη ἐξεγένοντο,
125οὓς τέκε κυσαμένη Ἐρέβει φιλότητι μιγεῖσα.
Γαῖα δέ τοι πρῶτον μὲν ἐγείνατο ἶσον ἑαυτῇ
Οὐρανὸν ἀστερόενθ᾽, ἵνα μιν περὶ πάντα καλύπτοι,
ὄφρ᾽ εἴη μακάρεσσι θεοῖς ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεί.
γείνατο δ᾽ Οὔρεα μακρά, θεῶν χαρίεντας ἐναύλους,
130Νυμφέων, αἳ ναίουσιν ἀν᾽ οὔρεα βησσήεντα.
ἣ δὲ καὶ ἀτρύγετον πέλαγος τέκεν, οἴδματι θυῖον,
Πόντον, ἄτερ φιλότητος ἐφιμέρου: αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα
Οὐρανῷ εὐνηθεῖσα τέκ᾽ Ὠκεανὸν βαθυδίνην,
Κοῖόν τε Κρῖόν θ᾽ Ὑπερίονά τ᾽ Ἰαπετόν τε
135 Θείαν τε Ῥείαν τε Θέμιν τε Μνημοσύνην τε
Φοίβην τε χρυσοστέφανον Τηθύν τ᾽ ἐρατεινήν.
τοὺς δὲ μέθ᾽ ὁπλότατος γένετο Κρόνος ἀγκυλομήτης,
δεινότατος παίδων: θαλερὸν δ᾽ ἤχθηρε τοκῆα.
Hail, children of Zeus! Grant lovely song [105] and celebrate the holy race of the deathless gods who are for ever, those that were born of Earth and starry Heaven and gloomy Night and them that briny Sea did rear. Tell how at the first gods and earth came to be, and rivers, and the boundless sea with its raging swell, [110] and the gleaming stars, and the wide heaven above, and the gods who were born of them, givers of good things, and how they divided their wealth, and how they shared their honors amongst them, and also how at the first they took many-folded Olympus. These things declare to me from the beginning, you Muses who dwell in the house of Olympus, [115] and tell me which of them first came to be. In truth at first Chaos came to be, but next wide-bosomed Earth, the ever-sure foundation of all1the deathless ones who hold the peaks of snowy Olympus, and dim Tartarus in the depth of the wide-pathed Earth, [120] and Eros （Love）, fairest among the deathless gods, who unnerves the limbs and overcomes the mind and wise counsels of all gods and all men within them. From Chaos came forth Erebus and black Night; but of Night were born Aether2and Day, [125] whom she conceived and bore from union in love with Erebus. And Earth first bore starry Heaven, equal to herself, to cover her on every side, and to be an ever-sure abiding-place for the blessed gods. And she brought forth long hills, graceful haunts [130] of the goddess Nymphs who dwell amongst the glens of the hills. She bore also the fruitless deep with his raging swell, Pontus, without sweet union of love. But afterwards she lay with Heaven and bore deep-swirling Oceanus, Coeus and Crius and Hyperion and Iapetus, [135] Theia and Rhea, Themis and Mnemosyne and gold-crowned Phoebe and lovely Tethys. After them was born Cronos the wily, youngest and most terrible of her children, and he hated his lusty sire.
ὄφρ’ εἴη μακάρεσσι θεοῖς ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεί
χαίρετε, τέκνα Διός, δότε δ᾽ ἱμερόεσσαν ἀοιδήν.
105κλείετε δ᾽ ἀθανάτων ἱερὸν γένος αἰὲν ἐόντων,
οἳ Γῆς τ᾽ ἐξεγένοντο καὶ Οὐρανοῦ ἀστερόεντος,
Νυκτός τε δνοφερῆς, οὕς θ᾽ ἁλμυρὸς ἔτρεφε Πόντος.
εἴπατε δ᾽, ὡς τὰ πρῶτα θεοὶ καὶ γαῖα γένοντο
καὶ ποταμοὶ καὶ πόντος ἀπείριτος, οἴδματι θυίων,
110 ἄστρα τε λαμπετόωντα καὶ οὐρανὸς εὐρὺς ὕπερθεν
οἵ τ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἐγένοντο θεοί, δωτῆρες ἐάων
ὥς τ᾽ ἄφενος δάσσαντο καὶ ὡς τιμὰς διέλοντο
ἠδὲ καὶ ὡς τὰ πρῶτα πολύπτυχον ἔσχον Ὄλυμπον.
ταῦτά μοι ἔσπετε Μοῦσαι, Ὀλύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχουσαι
115ἐξ ἀρχῆς, καὶ εἴπαθ᾽, ὅ τι πρῶτον γένετ᾽ αὐτῶν.
ἦ τοι μὲν πρώτιστα Χάος γένετ᾽, αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα
Γαῖ᾽ εὐρύστερνος, πάντων ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ
ἀθανάτων, οἳ ἔχουσι κάρη νιφόεντος Ὀλύμπου,
Τάρταρά τ᾽ ἠερόεντα μυχῷ χθονὸς εὐρυοδείης,
120ἠδ᾽ Ἔρος, ὃς κάλλιστος ἐν ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσι,
λυσιμελής, πάντων δὲ θεῶν πάντων τ᾽ ἀνθρώπων
δάμναται ἐν στήθεσσι νόον καὶ ἐπίφρονα βουλήν.
ἐκ Χάεος δ᾽ Ἔρεβός τε μέλαινά τε Νὺξ ἐγένοντο:
Νυκτὸς δ᾽ αὖτ᾽ Αἰθήρ τε καὶ Ἡμέρη ἐξεγένοντο,
125οὓς τέκε κυσαμένη Ἐρέβει φιλότητι μιγεῖσα.
Γαῖα δέ τοι πρῶτον μὲν ἐγείνατο ἶσον ἑαυτῇ
Οὐρανὸν ἀστερόενθ᾽, ἵνα μιν περὶ πάντα καλύπτοι,
ὄφρ᾽ εἴη μακάρεσσι θεοῖς ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεί.
γείνατο δ᾽ Οὔρεα μακρά, θεῶν χαρίεντας ἐναύλους,
130Νυμφέων, αἳ ναίουσιν ἀν᾽ οὔρεα βησσήεντα.
ἣ δὲ καὶ ἀτρύγετον πέλαγος τέκεν, οἴδματι θυῖον,
Πόντον, ἄτερ φιλότητος ἐφιμέρου: αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα
Οὐρανῷ εὐνηθεῖσα τέκ᾽ Ὠκεανὸν βαθυδίνην,
Κοῖόν τε Κρῖόν θ᾽ Ὑπερίονά τ᾽ Ἰαπετόν τε
135 Θείαν τε Ῥείαν τε Θέμιν τε Μνημοσύνην τε
Φοίβην τε χρυσοστέφανον Τηθύν τ᾽ ἐρατεινήν.
τοὺς δὲ μέθ᾽ ὁπλότατος γένετο Κρόνος ἀγκυλομήτης,
δεινότατος παίδων: θαλερὸν δ᾽ ἤχθηρε τοκῆα.
Hail, children of Zeus! Grant lovely song [105] and celebrate the holy race of the deathless gods who are for ever, those that were born of Earth and starry Heaven and gloomy Night and them that briny Sea did rear. Tell how at the first gods and earth came to be, and rivers, and the boundless sea with its raging swell, [110] and the gleaming stars, and the wide heaven above, and the gods who were born of them, givers of good things, and how they divided their wealth, and how they shared their honors amongst them, and also how at the first they took many-folded Olympus. These things declare to me from the beginning, you Muses who dwell in the house of Olympus, [115] and tell me which of them first came to be. In truth at first Chaos came to be, but next wide-bosomed Earth, the ever-sure foundation of all1the deathless ones who hold the peaks of snowy Olympus, and dim Tartarus in the depth of the wide-pathed Earth, [120] and Eros （Love）, fairest among the deathless gods, who unnerves the limbs and overcomes the mind and wise counsels of all gods and all men within them. From Chaos came forth Erebus and black Night; but of Night were born Aether2and Day, [125] whom she conceived and bore from union in love with Erebus. And Earth first bore starry Heaven, equal to herself, to cover her on every side, and to be an ever-sure abiding-place for the blessed gods. And she brought forth long hills, graceful haunts [130] of the goddess Nymphs who dwell amongst the glens of the hills. She bore also the fruitless deep with his raging swell, Pontus, without sweet union of love. But afterwards she lay with Heaven and bore deep-swirling Oceanus, Coeus and Crius and Hyperion and Iapetus, [135] Theia and Rhea, Themis and Mnemosyne and gold-crowned Phoebe and lovely Tethys. After them was born Cronos the wily, youngest and most terrible of her children, and he hated his lusty sire.
ὁ δ’ ἀσφαλέως ἀγορεύων αἶψά τι καὶ μέγα νεῖκος ἐπισταμένως κατέπαυσε·
ταῦτ᾽ ἄρα Μοῦσαι ἄειδον, Ὀλύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχουσαι,
ἐννέα θυγατέρες μεγάλου Διὸς ἐκγεγαυῖαι,
Κλειώ τ᾽ Εὐτέρπη τε Θάλειά τε Μελπομέενη τε
Τερψιχόρη τ᾽ Ἐρατώ τε Πολύμνιά τ᾽ Οὐρανίη τε
Καλλιόπη θ᾽: ἣ δὲ προφερεστάτη ἐστὶν ἁπασέων.
80 ἣ γὰρ καὶ βασιλεῦσιν ἅμ᾽ αἰδοίοισιν ὀπηδεῖ.
ὅν τινα τιμήσωσι Διὸς κοῦραι μεγάλοιο
γεινόμενόν τε ἴδωσι διοτρεφέων βασιλήων,
τῷ μὲν ἐπὶ γλώσσῃ γλυκερὴν χείουσιν ἐέρσην,
τοῦ δ᾽ ἔπε᾽ ἐκ στόματος ῥεῖ μείλιχα: οἱ δέ τε λαοὶ
85 πάντες ἐς αὐτὸν ὁρῶσι διακρίνοντα θέμιστας
ἰθείῃσι δίκῃσιν: ὃ δ᾽ ἀσφαλέως ἀγορεύων
αἶψά κε καὶ μέγα νεῖκος ἐπισταμένως κατέπαυσεν:
τοὔνεκα γὰρ βασιλῆες ἐχέφρονες, οὕνεκα λαοῖς
βλαπτομένοις ἀγορῆφι μετάτροπα ἔργα τελεῦσι
90 ῥηιδίως, μαλακοῖσι παραιφάμενοι ἐπέεσσιν.
ἐρχόμενον δ᾽ ἀν᾽ ἀγῶνα θεὸν ὣς ἱλάσκονται
αἰδοῖ μειλιχίῃ, μετὰ δὲ πρέπει ἀγρομένοισιν:
τοίη Μουσάων ἱερὴ δόσις ἀνθρώποισιν.
ἐκ γάρ τοι Μουσέων καὶ ἑκηβόλου Ἀπόλλωνος
95ἄνδρες ἀοιδοὶ ἔασιν ἐπὶ χθόνα καὶ κιθαρισταί,
ἐκ δὲ Διὸς βασιλῆες: ὃ δ᾽ ὄλβιος, ὅν τινα Μοῦσαι
φίλωνται: γλυκερή οἱ ἀπὸ στόματος ῥέει αὐδή.
εἰ γάρ τις καὶ πένθος ἔχων νεοκηδέι θυμῷ
ἄζηται κραδίην ἀκαχήμενος, αὐτὰρ ἀοιδὸς
100 Μουσάων θεράπων κλέεα προτέρων ἀνθρώπων
ὑμνήσῃ μάκαράς τε θεούς, οἳ Ὄλυμπον ἔχουσιν,
αἶψ᾽ ὅ γε δυσφροσυνέων ἐπιλήθεται οὐδέ τι κηδέων
μέμνηται: ταχέως δὲ παρέτραπε δῶρα θεάων.
These things, then, the Muses sang who dwell on Olympus, nine daughters begotten by great Zeus, Cleio and Euterpe, Thaleia, Melpomene and Terpsichore, and Erato and Polyhymnia and Urania and Calliope, who is the chiefest of them all, [80] for she attends on worshipful princes: whomever of heaven-nourished princes the daughters of great Zeus honor and behold at his birth, they pour sweet dew upon his tongue, and from his lips flow gracious words. All the people [85] look towards him while he settles causes with true judgements: and he, speaking surely, would soon make wise end even of a great quarrel; for therefore are there princes wise in heart, because when the people are being misguided in their assembly, they set right the matter again [90] with ease, persuading them with gentle words. And when he passes through a gathering, they greet him as a god with gentle reverence, and he is conspicuous amongst the assembled: such is the holy gift of the Muses to men. For it is through the Muses and far-shooting Apollo that [95] there are singers and harpers upon the earth; but princes are of Zeus, and happy is he whom the Muses love: sweet flows speech from his mouth. For although a man has sorrow and grief in his newly-troubled soul and lives in dread because his heart is distressed, yet, when a singer, [100] the servant of the Muses, chants the glorious deeds of men of old and the blessed gods who inhabit Olympus, at once he forgets his heaviness and remembers not his sorrows at all; but the gifts of the goddesses soon turn him away from these.
face A.1
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]#⁷τ̣ι̣
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]ων τουτ․
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — ο]ἷ̣σ̣ί̣γ̣ κα ἁ πόλ-
[ις κέληται? — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]α̣ντας· ἱαρὰ δὲ ἐ-
5
[πὶ τούτοις ἁ πόλις παρέχει καὶ δίδωτι τὸ γινόμεν]ον(?) ἀργύριον ἐς τ-
[ὰν κλάρωσιν τοῦ ἱαρέως(?)· ἀπολελύσθαι δὲ ἀρχᾶν τᾶ]νδε τὸν ἱαρῆ· μονα-
[ρχίας προστασίας στραταγίας· ἁγνεύεσθ]α̣ι̣ δ̣ὲ̣ τῶνδε τὸν ἱαρῆ· μυσαρ-
[ῶι μὴ συμμείγνυσθαι μηδὲ παρ’ ἥρωνα ἔσθ]ε̣ν μηδὲ παρ’ Ἑκάτας Μεγάλ-
[ας μηδὲ ὅσσα τοῖς θεοῖς τοῖς χθονί]οις θύεται μηδὲ ὅσσα τοῖς ἐνε-
10
[ρτέροις ἥρωσιν ἐντάμνεται, μηδὲ ἐμ]π̣ατεῖν ἡρῶιον μηδὲ ἐς οἰκίαν
[ἐσέρπεν ἐν ὁποίαι κα ἄνθρωπος ἀποθά]ν̣η̣ι ἁμερᾶν πέντε ἀφ’ ἇς κα ἁμέ-
[ρας ὁ νεκρὸς ἐξενιχθῆι, μηδὲ ἐς οἰκίαν ἐ]σέρπεν ἐν ὁ̣π̣οίαι κα γυνὰ τέ-
[κηι ἁμερᾶν τριῶν ἀφ’ ἇς κα τέκηι, πέντε δέ], α̣ἴ κα ἐκτρῶι· αἰ δέ τί κα τούτ-
[ων τῶμ μυσαρῶν τῶι ἱαρῆι συμβᾶι φαγέν, πε]ρ̣ιταμέσθω χοίρωι ἔρσενι κ̣-
15
[αὶ καθαράσθω ἀπὸ χρυσίου καὶ προσπερμεί]ας· αἰ δέ τί κα τῶν ἄλ<λ>ων π̣-
α̣ρ̣α̣κ̣ρ̣ο̣[ύσει, ἀπορρανάσθω θαλάσσαι καὶ] κ̣αθαρὸς ἔστω· αὕτα [ἁ ἱαρε]-
ωσύνα τριακάδ[ος ἔστω ․․5․․δᾶν, πεντηκοστύος Ἱ]ππιαδᾶν· v τοῖσ[δε τε]-
λέζεται ὁ ἱαρεὺς τ̣[οῦ Ζηνὸς τοῦ Πολιέως καὶ τῶ]ν̣ Θεῶν τῶν Δυώ̣[δεκα· κ]-
αθαίρεται χοίρωι ἐ̣[πὶ θαλάσσαι καὶ θύει Ζην]ὶ̣ Πολιῆι βοῦ[ν καὶ Ἀθάν]-
20
αι Πολιάδι ὄιν τε[λέαν κυέοσαν ἐν τῶι ․․7-10․․]ς̣(?) ὄρει· ἱερ[ὰ ἐπὶ τού]-
τοις ἱαρεὺς παρ[έχει· ἁ δὲ πόλις ἀποδίδωτι τῶι ἱαρῆι τὸ] ἀ̣ν̣[αλισκόμ]-
ενον ἀργύριον ἐς [τὰν θυσίαν· κατὰ τάδε ὁ βοῦς θύεται Ζηνὶ Πολιῆι· ἔνδ]-
ορα ἐνδέρεται· ἐ[φ’ ἑστίαν θύεται ἄρτος ἐξ ἡμιέκτου καὶ ἀλφίτων ἡμ]-
ίεκτον καὶ ἄρτος [ἅτερος τυρώδης καὶ τὰ ἔνδορα· ταῦτα θύει ἱαρεὺ]-
25
ς καὶ ἐπισπένδε̣[ι οἴνου κρατῆρας τρεῖς καὶ ἱερὰ παρέχει· τὰ δὲ τέλε]-
στρα ἁ πόλις πα[ρέχει· ὁ δὲ ἱαρεὺς ξενίζει τὸν μόναρχον καὶ τὸς ἱα]-
ροποιὸς καὶ κά[ρυκας. γέρη φέρει δέρμα καὶ σκέλος καὶ χέλυος ἥμισυ]
καὶ κοιλίας ἥμ[ισυ· θυαφόρωι δὲ τοῦ σκέλεος τοῦ τῶν ἱαροποιῶν δί]-
δοται ἀκρίσχ̣[ιον, κάρυξι νώτου δίκρεας, ὑπώμαια, αἱματίου ὀβελὸ]-
30
ς τρικώλιος, [Νεστορίδαις νώτου δίκρεας, ἰατροῖς κρέας, αὐλητᾶι κ]-
ρέας, χαλ̣κ̣[έων καὶ κεραμέων ἑκατέροις τὸ κεφάλαιον· τὰ δὲ ἄλλα κρέα]
τ̣ᾶς πόλιο[ς· ταῦτα πάντα οὐκ ἀποφέρεται ἐκτὸς τᾶς πόλιος· — — — —]
․αι μηδε[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
․․σ̣ε̣[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
face B.1
ροι[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
νοντα μυ̣[σαρ— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
τας ιλεας [— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
〚— — —〛[— — — — — — — — — — — — τοὶ Ἀμφιαρηίδαι τοὶ τὸ ἱερὸν πῦρ]
5
φέροντες ἐκ τοῦ βωμ̣[οῦ τοῦ Κερατῶνος τοῦ ἐν Δάλωι· τὰς δὲ Δαλιάδας?]
τὰς ἀγρετὰς <τὰς?> ἑρπούσας [περὶ τὸγ Κερατῶνα καὶ τὸν τῶμ παίδων χορὸν τ]-
ὸν τῶν Παμφύλεων ἐπεκ̣[πέμπει ἁ πόλις(?)· Καλύμνιοι? ἐς θυσίαν ἀπαγόν]-
τω ἐς Κῶν τῶι Ἀπόλλων̣[ι τῶι Δαλίωι βοῦν καὶ ὄιν τέλεων καὶ τελέαν]·
τούτωμ φέρει ὁ ἱαρεὺς γέρη̣ [σκέλη καὶ τὰ δέρματα· ὁ ἱαρεὺς Διὶ Οὐρίω]-
10
ι θύεται ἐπὶ καλλιαρίαι καὶ οὔρ̣[ωι καὶ ἀσφαλείαι τοῖς τῶι Ἀπόλλ]-
ωνι τῶι Δαλίωι θεωρίαν τελε[ῦσι βοῦν καὶ ὄιν τέλεων καὶ τελέαν· τούτ]-
ω̣ν φέρει ὁ ἱαρεὺς γέρη σκέλη, [κεφαλάς, πόδας καὶ τὰ δέρματα· τούτων]
τ̣ῶγ κρεῶν οὐκ ἐξαγωγὰ ἐκ Κ[ῶ· κατὰ ταὐτὰ δέ ἀπάγεν? ․․․․12-15․․․․․]-
ος· v Κνιδίος ἀπάγεν τῶι Ἀπό[λλωνι τῶι Δαλίωι βοῦν καὶ ὄιν τέλεων κ]-
15
αὶ τελέαν καὶ τᾶι Λατοῖ τελ̣[έαν· γέρη φέρει ὁ ἱαρεὺς] σ̣κ̣έ̣λη, κεφαλ[άς],
πόδας καὶ τὰ δέρματα· τῶ[γ κρεῶν τούτων οὐκ ἐξαγ]ωγὰ ἐκ Κῶ· ἀπάγεν δὲ [ὅ]-
κ̣κα καὶ ἐς̣ Δ̣ολφὸς πέμπ[ηται θεωρία ἐς Πύθια Κ]ώιων ἢ ξένων τῶι Ἀπόλλ-
[ωνι τῶ]ι Δαλίωι ἢ τᾶι Λα̣[τοῖ ἐς θυσίαν μηδαμ]ῶ̣ς(?) ἄλλο ἢ τᾶι διχομηνία̣-
[ι τοῦ μ]ηνὸς τοῦ Δαλ̣[ίου· τούτοις δὲ ὁ ἱαρεὺς ὄι]ν̣ ἐπιρρεζέτω τέλεων
20
[ὑπὲρ Ἀμ]φιαρηιδᾶν [καὶ ἐπευχέσθω τῶι Ἀπόλλωνι] μὴ ξενικὸν στράτευμ-
[α ἐπιβαλ]ό̣μ̣[ενον μηδὲ λαιστὰς ἐπιπετόντας ὅπ]λ̣α φέρεν ἐπ’ Ἀμφιαρηίδ-
[ας· κατὰ ταὐτὰ δὲ ἐπιρρεζέτω καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶγ χορῶ]ν̣ ἀμνὰν καὶ ἀμνὸν καὶ
[ἐπευχέσθω τὰ αὐτὰ τῶι Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τᾶι Ἀρτάμι]δι. v Ἰσθμιώταις διδ-
[όντω τοὶ ταμίαι δραχμὰς τετρακατίας ἐς θυσίαν] ὑπὲρ τᾶς πόλιος, Ἁ-
25
[λασαρνίταις δὲ τριακατίας(?). ἅδε ἁ διαγραφὰ ἁ περὶ τᾶ]ν ἱαρεωσυνᾶν τ-
[ᾶν δαμοτελέων κυρία διαμενέτω ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνο]ν̣· αἰ δέ τίς κα μετ-
[αθῆι τι τῶν ἐν τᾶιδε τᾶι διαγραφᾶι γεγραμμένων, ὥστε τ]ὰμ πόλιν ἐξ ὧμ μ-
[ετετέθη βλάπτεσθαι ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ μὴ καλῶς συντελεῖσ]θαι, ζαμιούντω
[τοὶ προστάται δραχμαῖς χιλίαις· αἰ δέ τίς κα τῶν ἱα]ρέων ἢ τᾶν ἱαρε-
30
[ιᾶν μὴ ἁγνεύηται συνουσίας παιδὸς ἢ ἀνδρὸς ἢ παρθ]έ̣νο ἢ γυναικὸς
[πρὸ μὲν τᾶν θυσιᾶν τριῶν ἁμερᾶν, πρὸ δὲ τᾶν πανηγυρίων τ]ριάκοντα ἁμε-
[ρᾶν, ζαμιούσθω δραχμαῖς χιλίαις καὶ καταλυέσθω τᾶς ἱαρε]ωσύνας τ̣[ᾶ]-
[ς δαμοτελέος· αἰ δέ κα ἱέρεια μὴ ἁγνεύηται ἀπὸ ἔρσενος τόκου τ]ριάκ[ον]-
[τα ἁμερᾶν ἢ ἀπὸ θήλεος τεσσαράκοντα ἁμερᾶν, ζημιούσθω δρα]χ̣μ̣[αῖς χ]-
35
[ιλίαις καὶ καταλυέσθω τᾶς ἱαρεωσύνας τᾶς δαμοτελέος — — — — — — —]
ὃ δ’ ἀσφαλέως θέει ἔμπεδον, εἷος ἵκηται ἰσόπεδον, τότε δ’ οὔ τι κυλίνδεται ἐσσύμενός περ·
Τρῶες δὲ προὔτυψαν ἀολλέες, ἦρχε δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ Ἕκτωρ
ἀντικρὺ μεμαώς, ὀλοοίτροχος ὣς ἀπὸ πέτρης,
ὅν τε κατὰ στεφάνης ποταμὸς χειμάρροος ὤσῃ
ῥήξας ἀσπέτῳ ὄμβρῳ ἀναιδέος ἔχματα πέτρης:
140 ὕψι δ᾽ ἀναθρῴσκων πέτεται, κτυπέει δέ θ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
ὕλη: ὃ δ᾽ ἀσφαλέως θέει ἔμπεδον, εἷος ἵκηται
ἰσόπεδον, τότε δ᾽ οὔ τι κυλίνδεται ἐσσύμενός περ:
ὣς Ἕκτωρ εἷος μὲν ἀπείλει μέχρι θαλάσσης
ῥέα διελεύσεσθαι κλισίας καὶ νῆας Ἀχαιῶν
145 κτείνων: ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ πυκινῇς ἐνέκυρσε φάλαγξι
στῆ ῥα μάλ᾽ ἐγχριμφθείς: οἳ δ᾽ ἀντίοι υἷες Ἀχαιῶν
νύσσοντες ξίφεσίν τε καὶ ἔγχεσιν ἀμφιγύοισιν
ὦσαν ἀπὸ σφείων: ὃ δὲ χασσάμενος πελεμίχθη.
ἤϋσεν δὲ διαπρύσιον Τρώεσσι γεγωνώς:
150Τρῶες καὶ Λύκιοι καὶ Δάρδανοι ἀγχιμαχηταὶ
παρμένετ᾽: οὔ τοι δηρὸν ἐμὲ σχήσουσιν Ἀχαιοὶ
καὶ μάλα πυργηδὸν σφέας αὐτοὺς ἀρτύναντες,
ἀλλ᾽ ὀΐω χάσσονται ὑπ᾽ ἔγχεος, εἰ ἐτεόν με
ὦρσε θεῶν ὤριστος, ἐρίγδουπος πόσις Ἥρης.
Then the Trojans drave forward in close throng and Hector led them, pressing ever forward, like a boulder from a cliff that a river swollen by winter rains thrusteth from the brow of a hill, when it has burst with its wondrous flood the foundations of the ruthless stone; [140] high aloft it leapeth, as it flies, and the woods resound beneath it, and it speedeth on its course and is not stayed until it reacheth the level plain, but then it rolleth no more for all its eagerness; even so Hector for a time threatened lightly to make his way even to the sea through the huts and ships of the Achaeans, [145] slaying as he went, but when he encountered the close-set battalions, then was he stayed, as he drew close against them. And the sons of the Achaeans faced him, thrusting with swords and two-edged spears, and drave him back from them, so that he gave ground and was made to reel. Then he uttered a piercing shout, calling aloud to the Trojans: [150] “Ye Trojans and Lycians and Dardanians that fight in close combat, stand ye fast. No long space shall the Achaeans hold me back, for all they have arrayed themselves in fashion like a wall; nay, methinks, they will give ground before my spear, if verily the highest of gods hath urged me on, the loud-thundering lord of Hera.”
ὃ δ’ ἔμπεδον ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ θρῴσκων ἄλλοτ’ ἐπ’ ἄλλον ἀμείβεται, οἳ δὲ πέτονται·
οὐδ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἔτ᾽ Αἴαντι μεγαλήτορι ἥνδανε θυμῷ
675 ἑστάμεν ἔνθά περ ἄλλοι ἀφέστασαν υἷες Ἀχαιῶν:
ἀλλ᾽ ὅ γε νηῶν ἴκρι᾽ ἐπῴχετο μακρὰ βιβάσθων,
νώμα δὲ ξυστὸν μέγα ναύμαχον ἐν παλάμῃσι
κολλητὸν βλήτροισι δυωκαιεικοσίπηχυ.
ὡς δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἀνὴρ ἵπποισι κελητίζειν ἐῢ εἰδώς,
680 ὅς τ᾽ ἐπεὶ ἐκ πολέων πίσυρας συναείρεται ἵππους,
σεύας ἐκ πεδίοιο μέγα προτὶ ἄστυ δίηται
λαοφόρον καθ᾽ ὁδόν: πολέες τέ ἑ θηήσαντο
ἀνέρες ἠδὲ γυναῖκες: ὃ δ᾽ ἔμπεδον ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ
θρῴσκων ἄλλοτ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλον ἀμείβεται, οἳ δὲ πέτονται:
‘685 ὣς Αἴας ἐπὶ πολλὰ θοάων ἴκρια νηῶν
φοίτα μακρὰ βιβάς, φωνὴ δέ οἱ αἰθέρ᾽ ἵκανεν,
αἰεὶ δὲ σμερδνὸν βοόων Δαναοῖσι κέλευε
νηυσί τε καὶ κλισίῃσιν ἀμυνέμεν. οὐδὲ μὲν Ἕκτωρ
μίμνεν ἐνὶ Τρώων ὁμάδῳ πύκα θωρηκτάων:
690ἀλλ᾽ ὥς τ᾽ ὀρνίθων πετεηνῶν αἰετὸς αἴθων
ἔθνος ἐφορμᾶται ποταμὸν πάρα βοσκομενάων
χηνῶν ἢ γεράνων ἢ κύκνων δουλιχοδείρων,
ὣς Ἕκτωρ ἴθυσε νεὸς κυανοπρῴροιο
ἀντίος ἀΐξας: τὸν δὲ Ζεὺς ὦσεν ὄπισθε
695χειρὶ μάλα μεγάλῃ, ὄτρυνε δὲ λαὸν ἅμ᾽ αὐτῷ.
’
Now was it no more pleasing to the soul of great-hearted Aias [675] to stand in the place where the rest of the sons of the Achaeans stood aloof, but he kept faring with long strides up and down the decks of the ships, and he wielded in his hands a long pike for sea-fighting, a pike jointed with rings, of a length two and twenty cubits. And as a man well-skilled in horsemanship [680] harnesseth together four horses chosen out of many, and driveth them in swift course from the plain toward a great city along a highway, while many marvel at him, both men-folk and women, and ever with sure step he leapeth, and passeth from horse to horse, while they speed on; [685] even so Aias kept ranging with long strides over the many decks of the swift ships, and his voice went up to heaven, as ever with terrible cries he called to the Danaans to defend their ships and huts. Nor did Hector abide amid the throng of the mail-clad Trojans, [690] but as a tawny eagle darteth upon a flock of winged fowl that are feeding by a river's bank—a flock of wild geese, or cranes, or long-necked swans, even so Hector made for a dark-prowed ship, rushing straight thereon; and from behind Zeus thrust him on [695] with exceeding mighty hand, and aroused the host together with him.
ἥ τ’ ἐπὶ τύμβῳ ἀνέρος ἑστήκῃ τεθνηότος ἠὲ γυναικός, ὣς μένον ἀσφαλέως περικαλλέα δίφρον ἔχοντες οὔδει ἐνισκίμψαντε καρήατα·
ὣς ἄρα τις εἴπεσκε, μένος δ᾽ ὄρσασκεν ἑκάστου.
ὣς οἳ μὲν μάρναντο, σιδήρειος δ᾽ ὀρυμαγδὸς
425χάλκεον οὐρανὸν ἷκε δι᾽ αἰθέρος ἀτρυγέτοιο:
ἵπποι δ᾽ Αἰακίδαο μάχης ἀπάνευθεν ἐόντες
κλαῖον, ἐπεὶ δὴ πρῶτα πυθέσθην ἡνιόχοιο
ἐν κονίῃσι πεσόντος ὑφ᾽ Ἕκτορος ἀνδροφόνοιο.
ἦ μὰν Αὐτομέδων Διώρεος ἄλκιμος υἱὸς
430πολλὰ μὲν ἂρ μάστιγι θοῇ ἐπεμαίετο θείνων,
πολλὰ δὲ μειλιχίοισι προσηύδα, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἀρειῇ:
‘τὼ δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἂψ ἐπὶ νῆας ἐπὶ πλατὺν Ἑλλήσποντον
ἠθελέτην ἰέναι οὔτ᾽ ἐς πόλεμον μετ᾽ Ἀχαιούς,
ἀλλ᾽ ὥς τε στήλη μένει ἔμπεδον, ἥ τ᾽ ἐπὶ τύμβῳ
435ἀνέρος ἑστήκῃ τεθνηότος ἠὲ γυναικός,
ὣς μένον ἀσφαλέως περικαλλέα δίφρον ἔχοντες
οὔδει ἐνισκίμψαντε καρήατα: δάκρυα δέ σφι
θερμὰ κατὰ βλεφάρων χαμάδις ῥέε μυρομένοισιν
ἡνιόχοιο πόθῳ: θαλερὴ δ᾽ ἐμιαίνετο χαίτη
440ζεύγλης ἐξεριποῦσα παρὰ ζυγὸν ἀμφοτέρωθεν.
μυρομένω δ᾽ ἄρα τώ γε ἰδὼν ἐλέησε Κρονίων,
κινήσας δὲ κάρη προτὶ ὃν μυθήσατο θυμόν:
ἆ δειλώ, τί σφῶϊ δόμεν Πηλῆϊ ἄνακτι
θνητῷ, ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἐστὸν ἀγήρω τ᾽ ἀθανάτω τε;
445ἦ ἵνα δυστήνοισι μετ᾽ ἀνδράσιν ἄλγε᾽ ἔχητον;
οὐ μὲν γάρ τί πού ἐστιν ὀϊζυρώτερον ἀνδρὸς
πάντων, ὅσσά τε γαῖαν ἔπι πνείει τε καὶ ἕρπει.
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μὰν ὑμῖν γε καὶ ἅρμασι δαιδαλέοισιν
Ἕκτωρ Πριαμίδης ἐποχήσεται: οὐ γὰρ ἐάσω.
450ἦ οὐχ ἅλις ὡς καὶ τεύχε᾽ ἔχει καὶ ἐπεύχεται αὔτως;
σφῶϊν δ᾽ ἐν γούνεσσι βαλῶ μένος ἠδ᾽ ἐνὶ θυμῷ,
ὄφρα καὶ Αὐτομέδοντα σαώσετον ἐκ πολέμοιο
νῆας ἔπι γλαφυράς: ἔτι γάρ σφισι κῦδος ὀρέξω
κτείνειν, εἰς ὅ κε νῆας ἐϋσσέλμους ἀφίκωνται
455δύῃ τ᾽ ἠέλιος καὶ ἐπὶ κνέφας ἱερὸν ἔλθῃ:
Thus would one speak and arouse the might of each. So they fought on, [425] and the iron din went up through the unresting air to the brazen heaven. But the horses of the son of Aeacus being apart from the battle were weeping, since first they learned that their charioteer had fallen in the dust beneath the hands of man-slaying Hector. In sooth Automedon, valiant son of Diores, [430] full often plied them with blows of the swift lash, and full often with gentle words bespake them, and oft with threatenings; yet neither back to the ships to the broad Hellespont were the twain minded to go, not yet into the battle amid the Achaeans. Nay, as a pillar abideth firm that standeth on the tomb [435] of a dead man or woman, even so abode they immovably with the beauteous car, bowing their heads down to the earth. And hot tears ever flowed from their eyes to the ground, as they wept in longing for their charioteer, and their rich manes were befouled, [440] streaming from beneath the yoke-pad beside the yoke on this aide and on that. And as they mourned, the son of Cronos had sight of them and was touched with pity, and he shook his head, and thus spake unto his own heart: “Ah unhappy pair, wherefore gave we you to king Peleus, to a mortal, while ye are ageless and immortal? [445] Was it that among wretched men ye too should have sorrows? For in sooth there is naught, I ween, more miserable than man among all things that breathe and move upon earth. Yet verily not upon you and your car, richly-dight, [450] shall Hector, Priam's son, mount; that will I not suffer. Sufficeth it not that he hath the armour and therewithal vaunteth him vainly? Nay, in your knees and in your heart will I put strength, to the end that ye may also bear Automedon safe out of the war to the hollow ships; for still shall I vouchsafe glory to the Trojans, to slay and slay, until they come to the well-benched ships, [455] and the sun sets and sacred darkness cometh on.”
ἀλλ’ ἔχει ἀσφαλέως καὶ τὸν προὔχοντα δοκεύει.
‘ ἀλλ᾽ ὃς μέν θ᾽ ἵπποισι καὶ ἅρμασιν οἷσι πεποιθὼς
320 ἀφραδέως ἐπὶ πολλὸν ἑλίσσεται ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα,
ἵπποι δὲ πλανόωνται ἀνὰ δρόμον, οὐδὲ κατίσχει:
ὃς δέ κε κέρδεα εἰδῇ ἐλαύνων ἥσσονας ἵππους,
αἰεὶ τέρμ᾽ ὁρόων στρέφει ἐγγύθεν, οὐδέ ἑ λήθει
ὅππως τὸ πρῶτον τανύσῃ βοέοισιν ἱμᾶσιν,
325 ἀλλ᾽ ἔχει ἀσφαλέως καὶ τὸν προὔχοντα δοκεύει.
σῆμα δέ τοι ἐρέω μάλ᾽ ἀριφραδές, οὐδέ σε λήσει.
ἕστηκε ξύλον αὖον ὅσον τ᾽ ὄργυι᾽ ὑπὲρ αἴης
ἢ δρυὸς ἢ πεύκης: τὸ μὲν οὐ καταπύθεται ὄμβρῳ,
λᾶε δὲ τοῦ ἑκάτερθεν ἐρηρέδαται δύο λευκὼ
330 ἐν ξυνοχῇσιν ὁδοῦ, λεῖος δ᾽ ἱππόδρομος ἀμφὶς
ἤ τευ σῆμα βροτοῖο πάλαι κατατεθνηῶτος,
ἢ τό γε νύσσα τέτυκτο ἐπὶ προτέρων ἀνθρώπων,
καὶ νῦν τέρματ᾽ ἔθηκε ποδάρκης δῖος Ἀχιλλεύς.
τῷ σὺ μάλ᾽ ἐγχρίμψας ἐλάαν σχεδὸν ἅρμα καὶ ἵππους,
335αὐτὸς δὲ κλινθῆναι ἐϋπλέκτῳ ἐνὶ δίφρῳ
ἦκ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀριστερὰ τοῖιν: ἀτὰρ τὸν δεξιὸν ἵππον
κένσαι ὁμοκλήσας, εἶξαί τέ οἱ ἡνία χερσίν.
ἐν νύσσῃ δέ τοι ἵππος ἀριστερὸς ἐγχριμφθήτω,
ὡς ἄν τοι πλήμνη γε δοάσσεται ἄκρον ἱκέσθαι
340κύκλου ποιητοῖο: λίθου δ᾽ ἀλέασθαι ἐπαυρεῖν,
μή πως ἵππους τε τρώσῃς κατά θ᾽ ἅρματα ἄξῃς:
χάρμα δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοισιν, ἐλεγχείη δὲ σοὶ αὐτῷ
ἔσσεται: ἀλλὰ φίλος φρονέων πεφυλαγμένος εἶναι.
εἰ γάρ κ᾽ ἐν νύσσῃ γε παρεξελάσῃσθα διώκων,
345οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅς κέ σ᾽ ἕλῃσι μετάλμενος οὐδὲ παρέλθῃ,
οὐδ᾽ εἴ κεν μετόπισθεν Ἀρίονα δῖον ἐλαύνοι
Ἀδρήστου ταχὺν ἵππον, ὃς ἐκ θεόφιν γένος ἦεν,
ἢ τοὺς Λαομέδοντος, οἳ ἐνθάδε γ᾽ ἔτραφεν ἐσθλοί.
’
ὣς εἰπὼν Νέστωρ Νηλήϊος ἂψ ἐνὶ χώρῃ
350ἕζετ᾽, ἐπεὶ ᾧ παιδὶ ἑκάστου πείρατ᾽ ἔειπε.
“ Another man, trusting in his horses and car, [320] heedlessly wheeleth wide to this side and that, and his horses roam over the course, neither keepeth he them in hand; whereas he that hath crafty mind, albeit he drive worse horses, keepeth his eye ever on the turning-post and wheeleth close thereby, neither is unmindful how at the first to force his horses with the oxhide reins, [325] but keepeth them ever in hand, and watcheth the man that leadeth him in the race. Now will I tell thee a manifest sign that will not escape thee. There standeth, as it were a fathom's height above the ground, a dry stump, whether of oak or of pine, which rotteth not in the rain, and two white stones on either side [330] thereof are firmly set against it at the joinings of the course, and about it is smooth ground for driving. Haply it is a monnment of some man long ago dead, or haply was made the turning-post of a race in days of men of old; and now hath switft-footed goodly Achilles appointed it his turningpost. Pressing hard thereon do thou drive close thy chariot and horses, and thyself lean in thy well-plaited [335] car a little to the left of the pair, and to the off horse do thou give the goad, calling to him with a shout, and give him rein from thy hand. But to the post let the near horse draw close, that the nave of the well-wrought wheel seem to graze the surface thereof— [340] but be thou ware of touching the stone, lest haply thou wound thy horses and wreck thy car; so should there be joy for the rest, but reproach it for thyself. Nay, dear son, be thou wise and on thy guard; for if at the turning-post thou shalt drive past the rest in thy course, [345] there is no man that shall catch thee by a burst of speed, neither pass thee by, nay, not though in pursuit he were driving goodlyArion, the swift horse of Adrastus, that was of heavenly stock, or those of Laomedon, the goodly breed of this land.” So saying Nestor, son of Neleus, sate him down again in his place, [350] when he had told his son the sum of every matter.
ὣς ἔφατ’, Ἀσφαλίων δ’ ἄρ’ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ χεῖρας ἔχευεν, ὀτρηρὸς θεράπων Μενελάου κυδαλίμοιο.
τὸν δ᾽ ἀπαμειβόμενος προσέφη ξανθὸς Μενέλαος:
‘ὦ φίλ᾽, ἐπεὶ τόσα εἶπες, ὅσ᾽ ἂν πεπνυμένος ἀνὴρ
205εἴποι καὶ ῥέξειε, καὶ ὃς προγενέστερος εἴη:
τοίου γὰρ καὶ πατρός, ὃ καὶ πεπνυμένα βάζεις,
ῥεῖα δ᾽ ἀρίγνωτος γόνος ἀνέρος ᾧ τε Κρονίων
ὄλβον ἐπικλώσῃ γαμέοντί τε γεινομένῳ τε,
ὡς νῦν Νέστορι δῶκε διαμπερὲς ἤματα πάντα
210αὐτὸν μὲν λιπαρῶς γηρασκέμεν ἐν μεγάροισιν,
υἱέας αὖ πινυτούς τε καὶ ἔγχεσιν εἶναι ἀρίστους.
ἡμεῖς δὲ κλαυθμὸν μὲν ἐάσομεν, ὃς πρὶν ἐτύχθη,
δόρπου δ᾽ ἐξαῦτις μνησώμεθα, χερσὶ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ
χευάντων. μῦθοι δὲ καὶ ἠῶθέν περ ἔσονται
215Τηλεμάχῳ καὶ ἐμοὶ διαειπέμεν ἀλλήλοισιν.
’
ὣς ἔφατ᾽, Ἀσφαλίων δ᾽ ἄρ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ χεῖρας ἔχευεν,
ὀτρηρὸς θεράπων Μενελάου κυδαλίμοιο.
οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ὀνείαθ᾽ ἑτοῖμα προκείμενα χεῖρας ἴαλλον.
Then fair-haired Menelaus answered him and said: “My friend, truly thou hast said all that a wise man [205] might say or do, even one that was older than thou; for from such a father art thou sprung, wherefore thou dost even speak wisely. Easily known is the seed of that man for whom the son of Cronos spins the thread of good fortune at marriage and at birth, even as now he has granted to Nestor throughout all his days continually that [210] he should himself reach a sleek old age in his halls, and that his sons in their turn should be wise and most valiant with the spear. But we will cease the weeping which but now was made, and let us once more think of our supper, and let them pour water over our hands. Tales there will be in the morning also [215] for Telemachus and me to tell to one another to the full.” So he spoke, and Asphalion poured water over their hands, the busy squire of glorious Menelaus. And they put forth their hands to the good cheer lying ready before them.
Ἀθήνη Οὔλυμπόνδ’, ὅθι φασὶ θεῶν ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ ἔμμεναι·
Ναυσικάα, τί νύ σ᾽ ὧδε μεθήμονα γείνατο μήτηρ;
εἵματα μέν τοι κεῖται ἀκηδέα σιγαλόεντα,
σοὶ δὲ γάμος σχεδόν ἐστιν, ἵνα χρὴ καλὰ μὲν αὐτὴν
ἕννυσθαι, τὰ δὲ τοῖσι παρασχεῖν, οἵ κέ σ᾽ ἄγωνται.
ἐκ γάρ τοι τούτων φάτις ἀνθρώπους ἀναβαίνει
30 ἐσθλή, χαίρουσιν δὲ πατὴρ καὶ πότνια μήτηρ.
ἀλλ᾽ ἴομεν πλυνέουσαι ἅμ᾽ ἠοῖ φαινομένηφι:
καί τοι ἐγὼ συνέριθος ἅμ᾽ ἕψομαι, ὄφρα τάχιστα
ἐντύνεαι, ἐπεὶ οὔ τοι ἔτι δὴν παρθένος ἔσσεαι:
ἤδη γάρ σε μνῶνται ἀριστῆες κατὰ δῆμον
35 πάντων Φαιήκων, ὅθι τοι γένος ἐστὶ καὶ αὐτῇ.
ἀλλ᾽ ἄγ᾽ ἐπότρυνον πατέρα κλυτὸν ἠῶθι πρὸ
ἡμιόνους καὶ ἄμαξαν ἐφοπλίσαι, ἥ κεν ἄγῃσι
ζῶστρά τε καὶ πέπλους καὶ ῥήγεα σιγαλόεντα.
καὶ δὲ σοὶ ὧδ᾽ αὐτῇ πολὺ κάλλιον ἠὲ πόδεσσιν
40ἔρχεσθαι: πολλὸν γὰρ ἀπὸ πλυνοί εἰσι πόληος.
’
ἡ μὲν ἄρ᾽ ὣς εἰποῦσ᾽ ἀπέβη γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη
Οὔλυμπόνδ᾽, ὅθι φασὶ θεῶν ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ
ἔμμεναι. οὔτ᾽ ἀνέμοισι τινάσσεται οὔτε ποτ᾽ ὄμβρῳ
δεύεται οὔτε χιὼν ἐπιπίλναται, ἀλλὰ μάλ᾽ αἴθρη
45 πέπταται ἀνέφελος, λευκὴ δ᾽ ἐπιδέδρομεν αἴγλη:
τῷ ἔνι τέρπονται μάκαρες θεοὶ ἤματα πάντα.
ἔνθ᾽ ἀπέβη γλαυκῶπις, ἐπεὶ διεπέφραδε κούρῃ.
“Nausicaa, how comes it that thy mother bore thee so heedless? Thy bright raiment is lying uncared for; yet thy marriage is near at hand, when thou must needs thyself be clad in fair garments, and give other such to those who escort thee. It is from things like these, thou knowest, that good report goeth up among men, [30] and the father and honored mother rejoice. Nay, come, let us go to wash them at break of day, for I will follow with thee to aid thee, that thou mayest with speed make thee ready; for thou shalt not long remain a maiden. Even now thou hast suitors in the land, the noblest [35] of all the Phaeacians, from whom is thine own lineage. Nay, come, bestir thy noble father early this morning that he make ready mules and a wagon for thee, to bear the girdles and robes and bright coverlets. And for thyself, too, it is far more seemly [40] to go thus than on foot, for the washing tanks are far from the city.” So saying, the goddess, flashing-eyed Athena, departed to Olympus, where, they say, is the abode of the gods that stands fast forever. Neither is it shaken by winds nor ever wet with rain, nor does snow fall upon it, but the air [45] is outspread clear and cloudless, and over it hovers a radiant whiteness. Therein the blessed gods are glad all their days, and thither went the flashing-eyed one, when she had spoken all her word to the maiden.
οἱ δέ τ’ ἐς αὐτὸν τερπόμενοι λεύσσουσιν, ὁ δ’ ἀσφαλέως ἀγορεύει, αἰδοῖ μειλιχίῃ
τὸν δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ὑπόδρα ἰδὼν προσέφη πολύμητις Ὀδυσσεύς:
‘ξεῖν᾽, οὐ καλὸν ἔειπες: ἀτασθάλῳ ἀνδρὶ ἔοικας.
οὕτως οὐ πάντεσσι θεοὶ χαρίεντα διδοῦσιν
ἀνδράσιν, οὔτε φυὴν οὔτ᾽ ἂρ φρένας οὔτ᾽ ἀγορητύν.
ἄλλος μὲν γάρ τ᾽ εἶδος ἀκιδνότερος πέλει ἀνήρ,
170 ἀλλὰ θεὸς μορφὴν ἔπεσι στέφει, οἱ δέ τ᾽ ἐς αὐτὸν
τερπόμενοι λεύσσουσιν: ὁ δ᾽ ἀσφαλέως ἀγορεύει
αἰδοῖ μειλιχίῃ, μετὰ δὲ πρέπει ἀγρομένοισιν,
ἐρχόμενον δ᾽ ἀνὰ ἄστυ θεὸν ὣς εἰσορόωσιν.
ἄλλος δ᾽ αὖ εἶδος μὲν ἀλίγκιος ἀθανάτοισιν,
175 ἀλλ᾽ οὔ οἱ χάρις ἀμφιπεριστέφεται ἐπέεσσιν,
ὡς καὶ σοὶ εἶδος μὲν ἀριπρεπές, οὐδέ κεν ἄλλως
οὐδὲ θεὸς τεύξειε, νόον δ᾽ ἀποφώλιός ἐσσι.
ὤρινάς μοι θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσι φίλοισιν
εἰπὼν οὐ κατὰ κόσμον. ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὐ νῆις ἀέθλων,
180 ὡς σύ γε μυθεῖαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν πρώτοισιν ὀίω
ἔμμεναι, ὄφρ᾽ ἥβῃ τε πεποίθεα χερσί τ᾽ ἐμῇσι.
νῦν δ᾽ ἔχομαι κακότητι καὶ ἄλγεσι: πολλὰ γὰρ ἔτλην
ἀνδρῶν τε πτολέμους ἀλεγεινά τε κύματα πείρων.
ἀλλὰ καὶ ὥς, κακὰ πολλὰ παθών, πειρήσομ᾽ ἀέθλων:
185θυμοδακὴς γὰρ μῦθος, ἐπώτρυνας δέ με εἰπών.
’
ἦ ῥα καὶ αὐτῷ φάρει ἀναΐξας λάβε δίσκον
μείζονα καὶ πάχετον, στιβαρώτερον οὐκ ὀλίγον περ
ἢ οἵῳ Φαίηκες ἐδίσκεον ἀλλήλοισι.
τόν ῥα περιστρέψας ἧκε στιβαρῆς ἀπὸ χειρός,
190βόμβησεν δὲ λίθος: κατὰ δ᾽ ἔπτηξαν ποτὶ γαίῃ
Φαίηκες δολιχήρετμοι, ναυσίκλυτοι ἄνδρες,
λᾶος ὑπὸ ῥιπῆς: ὁ δ᾽ ὑπέρπτατο σήματα πάντων
ῥίμφα θέων ἀπὸ χειρός. ἔθηκε δὲ τέρματ᾽ Ἀθήνη
ἀνδρὶ δέμας ἐικυῖα, ἔπος τ᾽ ἔφατ᾽ ἔκ τ᾽ ὀνόμαζεν:
‘195
καί κ᾽ ἀλαός τοι, ξεῖνε, διακρίνειε τὸ σῆμα
ἀμφαφόων, ἐπεὶ οὔ τι μεμιγμένον ἐστὶν ὁμίλῳ,
ἀλλὰ πολὺ πρῶτον. σὺ δὲ θάρσει τόνδε γ᾽ ἄεθλον:
οὔ τις Φαιήκων τόδε γ᾽ ἵξεται, οὐδ᾽ ὑπερήσει.
[165] Then with an angry glance from beneath his brows Odysseus of many wiles answered him: “Stranger, thou hast not spoken well; thou art as one blind with folly. So true is it that the gods do not give gracious gifts to all alike, not form nor mind nor eloquence. For one man is inferior in comeliness, [170] but the god sets a crown of beauty upon his words, and men look upon him with delight, and he speaks on unfalteringly with sweet modesty, and is conspicuous among the gathered people, and as he goes through the city men gaze upon him as upon a god. Another again is in comeliness like the immortals, [175] but no crown of grace is set about his words. So, in thy case, thy comeliness is preeminent, nor could a god himself mend it, but in mind thou art stunted. Thou hast stirred the spirit in my breast by speaking thus unmannerly. I am not unskilled in sports [180] as thou pratest, nay, methinks I was among the first so long as I trusted in my youth and in my hands. But now I am bound by suffering and pains; for much have I endured in passing through wars of men and the grievous waves. But even so, though I have suffered much, I will make trial of the contests, [185] for thy word has stung me to the heart, and thou hast provoked me with thy speech.” He spoke, and, leaping up with his cloak about him as it was, seized a discus larger than the rest and thick, no little heavier than those with which the Phaeacians were wont to contend one with another. This with a whirl he sent from his stout hand, [190] and the stone hummed as it flew; and down they crouched to the earth, the Phaeacians of the long oars, men famed for their ships, beneath the rush of the stone. Past the marks of all it flew, speeding lightly from his hand, and Athena, in the likeness of a man, set the mark, and she spoke and addressed him: [195] “Even a blind man, stranger, could distinguish this mark, groping for it with his hands, for it is in nowise confused with the throng of the others, but is far the first. Be thou of good cheer for this bout at least: no one of the Phaeacians will reach this, or cast beyond it.”
ἡ δὲ μάλ’ ἀσφαλέως θέεν ἔμπεδον·
αὐτὰρ ἐπεί ῥ᾽ ἐπὶ νῆα κατήλυθον ἠδὲ θάλασσαν,
αἶψα τά γ᾽ ἐν νηῒ γλαφυρῇ πομπῆες ἀγαυοὶ
δεξάμενοι κατέθεντο, πόσιν καὶ βρῶσιν ἅπασαν:
κὰδ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ Ὀδυσσῆϊ στόρεσαν ῥῆγός τε λίνον τε
νηὸς ἐπ᾽ ἰκριόφιν γλαφυρῆς, ἵνα νήγρετον εὕδοι,
75 πρυμνῆς: ἂν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐβήσετο καὶ κατέλεκτο
σιγῇ: τοὶ δὲ καθῖζον ἐπὶ κληῗσιν ἕκαστοι
κόσμῳ, πεῖσμα δ᾽ ἔλυσαν ἀπὸ τρητοῖο λίθοις.
εὖθ᾽ οἱ ἀνακλινθέντες ἀνερρίπτουν ἅλα πηδῷ,
καὶ τῷ νήδυμος ὕπνος ἐπὶ βλεφάροισιν ἔπιπτε,
80 νήγρετος, ἥδιστος, θανάτῳ ἄγχιστα ἐοικώς.
ἡ δ᾽, ὥς τ᾽ ἐν πεδίῳ τετράοροι ἄρσενες ἵπποι,
πάντες ἅμ᾽ ὁρμηθέντες ὑπὸ πληγῇσιν ἱμάσθλης,
ὑψόσ᾽ ἀειρόμενοι ῥίμφα πρήσσουσι κέλευθον,
ὣς ἄρα τῆς πρύμνη μὲν ἀείρετο, κῦμα δ᾽ ὄπισθε
85 πορφύρεον μέγα θῦε πολυφλοίσβοιο θαλάσσης.
ἡ δὲ μάλ᾽ ἀσφαλέως θέεν ἔμπεδον: οὐδέ κεν ἴρηξ
κίρκος ὁμαρτήσειεν, ἐλαφρότατος πετεηνῶν.
ὣς ἡ ῥίμφα θέουσα θαλάσσης κύματ᾽ ἔταμνεν,
ἄνδρα φέρουσα θεοῖς ἐναλίγκια μήδε᾽ ἔχοντα:
90 ὃς πρὶν μὲν μάλα πολλὰ πάθ᾽ ἄλγεα ὃν κατὰ θυμὸν
ἀνδρῶν τε πτολέμους ἀλεγεινά τε κύματα πείρων,
δὴ τότε γ᾽ ἀτρέμας εὗδε, λελασμένος ὅσσ᾽ ἐπεπόνθει.
[70] But when they had come down to the ship and to the sea, straightway the lordly youths that were his escort took these things, and stowed them in the hollow ship, even all the food and drink. Then for Odysseus they spread a rug and a linen sheet on the deck of the hollow ship [75] at the stern, that he might sleep soundly; and he too went aboard, and laid him down in silence. Then they sat down on the benches, each in order, and loosed the hawser from the pierced stone. And as soon as they leaned back, and tossed the brine with their oarblades, sweet sleep fell upon his eyelids, [80] an unawakening sleep, most sweet, and most like to death. And as on a plain four yoked stallions spring forward all together beneath the strokes of the lash, and leaping on high swiftly accomplish their way, even so the stern of that ship leapt on high, and in her wake [85] the dark wave of the loud-sounding sea foamed mightily, and she sped safely and surely on her way; not even the circling hawk, the swiftest of winged things, could have kept pace with her. Thus she sped on swiftly and clove the waves of the sea, bearing a man the peer of the gods in counsel, [90] one who in time past had suffered many griefs at heart in passing through wars of men and the grievous waves; but now he slept in peace, forgetful of all that he had suffered.
οὐδέ μιν ἐκτὸς ἀταρπιτοῦ ἐστυφέλιξεν, ἀλλ’ ἔμεν’ ἀσφαλέως.
νῦν μὲν δὴ μάλα πάγχυ κακὸς κακὸν ἡγηλάζει,
ὡς αἰεὶ τὸν ὁμοῖον ἄγει θεὸς ὡς τὸν ὁμοῖν.
πῇ δὴ τόνδε μολοβρὸν ἄγεις, ἀμέγαρτε συβῶτα,
220 πτωχὸν ἀνιηρόν δαιτῶν ἀπολυμαντῆρα;
ὃς πολλῇς φλιῇσι παραστὰς θλίψεται ὤμους,
αἰτίζων ἀκόλους, οὐκ ἄορας οὐδὲ λέβητας:
τόν κ᾽ εἴ μοι δοίης σταθμῶν ῥυτῆρα γενέσθαι
σηκοκόρον τ᾽ ἔμεναι θαλλόν τ᾽ ἐρίφοισι φορῆναι,
225 καί κεν ὀρὸν πίνων μεγάλην ἐπιγουνίδα θεῖτο.
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὖν δὴ ἔργα κάκ᾽ ἔμμαθεν, οὐκ ἐθελήσει
ἔργον ἐποίχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ πτώσσων κατὰ δῆμον
βούλεται αἰτίζων βόσκειν ἣν γαστέρ᾽ ἄναλτον.
ἀλλ᾽ ἔκ τοι ἐρέω, τὸ δὲ καὶ τετελεσμένον ἔσται:
230 αἴ κ᾽ ἔλθῃ πρὸς δώματ᾽ Ὀδυσσῆος θείοιο,
πολλά οἱ ἀμφὶ κάρη σφέλα ἀνδρῶν ἐκ παλαμάων
πλευραὶ ἀποτρίψουσι δόμον κάτα βαλλομένοιο.
’
ὣς φάτο, καὶ παριὼν λὰξ ἔνθορεν ἀφραδίῃσιν
ἰσχίῳ: οὐδέ μιν ἐκτὸς ἀταρπιτοῦ ἐστυφέλιξεν,
235 ἀλλ᾽ ἔμεν᾽ ἀσφαλέως: ὁ δὲ μερμήριξεν Ὀδυσσεὺς
ἠὲ μεταΐξας ῥοπάλῳ ἐκ θυμὸν ἕλοιτο,
ἦ πρὸς γῆν ἐλάσειε κάρη ἀμφουδὶς ἀείρας.
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπετόλμησε, φρεσὶ δ᾽ ἔσχετο: τὸν δὲ συβώτης
νείκεσ᾽ ἐσάντα ἰδών, μέγα δ᾽ εὔξατο χεῖρας ἀνασχών:
‘240
νύμφαι κρηναῖαι, κοῦραι Διός, εἴ ποτ᾽ Ὀδυσσεὺς
ὔμμ᾽ ἐπὶ μηρί᾽ ἔκηε, καλύψας πίονι δημῷ,
ἀρνῶν ἠδ᾽ ἐρίφων, τόδε μοι κρηήνατ᾽ ἐέλδωρ,
ὡς ἔλθοι μὲν κεῖνος ἀνήρ, ἀγάγοι δέ ἑ δαίμων:
τῷ κέ τοι ἀγλαΐας γε διασκεδάσειεν ἁπάσας,
245τὰς νῦν ὑβρίζων φορέεις, ἀλαλήμενος αἰεὶ
ἄστυ κάτ᾽: αὐτὰρ μῆλα κακοὶ φθείρουσι νομῆες.
’
“Lo, now, in very truth the vile leads the vile. As ever, the god is bringing like and like together. Whither, pray, art thou leading this filthy wretch,1 thou miserable swineherd, [220] this nuisance of a beggar to mar our feasts? He is a man to stand and rub his shoulders on many doorposts, begging for scraps, not for swords or cauldrons.2 If thou wouldest give me this fellow to keep my farmstead, to sweep out the pens and to carry young shoots to the kids, [225] then by drinking whey he might get himself a sturdy thigh. But since he has learned only deeds of evil, he will not care to busy himself with work, but is minded rather to go skulking through the land, that by begging he may feed his insatiate belly. But I will speak out to thee, and this word shall verily be brought to pass. [230] If he comes to the palace of divine Odysseus, many a footstool, hurled about his head by the hands of those that are men, shall be broken on his ribs3 as he is pelted through the house.” So he spoke, and as he passed he kicked Odysseus on the hip in his folly, yet he did not drive him from the path, [235] but he stood steadfast. And Odysseus pondered whether he should leap upon him and take his life with his staff, or seize him round about,4 and lift him up, and dash his head upon the ground. Yet he endured, and stayed him from his purpose. And the swineherd looked the man in the face, and rebuked him, and lifted up his hands, and prayed aloud: [240] “Nymphs of the fountain, daughters of Zeus, if ever Odysseus burned upon your altars pieces of the thighs of lambs or kids, wrapped in rich fat, fulfil for me this prayer; grant that he, my master, may come back, and that some god may guide him. Then would he scatter all the proud airs [245] which now thou puttest on in thy insolence,ever roaming about the city, while evil herdsmen destroy the flock.”
τῇ αὐτῇ ψήφῳ τάς τε οὐσίας αὐτῶν ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ κατέστησαν
[35] τοῦτο δ᾽, εἰ βούλει, τὸ πρώην ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν πραχθὲν τοῦ ἐξελθόντος μηνὸς πῶς οὐ μεγάλου ἐπαίνου ἄξιόν ἐστι; φήναντος γὰρ Λυσάνδρου τὸ Ἐπικράτους μέταλλον τοῦ Παλληνέως (1) ἐντὸς (2) τῶν μέτρων τετμημένον, ὃ ἠργάζετο μὲν ἤ[δ]η τρία ἔτη, μετεῖχον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ οἱ πλους[ιώ]τατοι σχεδόν τι τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει, ὁ δὲ Λ[ύσα]νδρος ὑπισχνεῖτ[ο τρι]ακόσια τάλαντα εἰς[πράξει]ν (3) τῇ πόλει τ[οσαῦτα] (4) γὰρ εἰληφέναι α[ὐτοὺς (5) ἐ]κ (6) τοῦ μετάλλου:
[36] ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οἱ δικασταὶ οὐ πρὸς τὰς τοῦ κατηγόρου ὑποσχέσεις ἀποβλέποντες, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ δίκαιον, ἔγνωσαν ἴδιον εἶναι τὸ μέταλλον, καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ ψήφῳ τάς τε οὐσίας αὐτῶν ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ κατέστησαν, καὶ τὴν ὑπόλοιπον ἐργασίαν τοῦ μετάλλου ἐβεβαίωσαν. τοιγαροῦν αἱ καινοτομίαι (7) πρότερον ἐκλελειμμέναι διὰ τὸν φόβον νῦν ἐνεργοί, καὶ τῆς πόλεως αἱ πρόσοδοι αἱ ἐκεῖθεν πάλιν αὔξονται, ἃς ἐλυμήναντό τινες τῶν ῥητόρων ἐξ[απ]ατήσαντες τὸν δῆμον καὶ δασμολ[ογή]σαντες τοὺς ἐκ[εῖθεν]. (8)
1 PostΠαλληνέωςadd.ὡςCobet./ 2 ἐντὸς] ἐκτὸςCobet, et apud Dem. xxxvii, 36./ 3 εἰσπράξεινSchneidewin./ 4 τοσαῦταBabington./ 5 αὐτοὺςCobet:αὐτὸνBabington./ 6 Column 28/ 7 Postκαινοτομίαιadd.αἱCobet./ 8 ἐκεῖθενLightfoot.
[35] Or take a recent instance, if you like, the verdict given by the jury last month, surely a most commendable decision. I refer to the case of Lysander, who reported that the mine of Epicrates of Pallene had been bored beyond the boundaries. It had already been worked for three years and virtually the richest men in Athens had shares in it. Lysander promised to secure three hundred talents for the city, since that, he claimed, was the sum which they had made from the mine.
[36] In spite of this the jury were governed, not by the accusers promises, but by the claims of justice. They decided that the mine was within its proper limits, and in one and the same verdict assured the safety of the men's estates and guaranteed their working of the mine for the remainder of the period. That is why the excavation of new mines, neglected previously because men were afraid, is now in progress, and the city's revenues from these are again being increased, revenues which some of our orators impaired by misleading the people and subjecting the mine-workers to tribute.
ἀσφαλέστατον δ᾽ εἶναι τ[ῇ πόλει] τά τε χρήματα [καὶ τὸν] ἄνδρα φυλάτ[τειν]
ἐπ]ειδὴ γὰρ ἦλ[θεν, ὦ ἄν]δρες δικα[σταί, Ἅρπα]λος εἰς τὴν [Ἀττική]ν, καὶ οἱ πα[ρὰ Φιλοξέ]νου ἐξαι[τοῦντες αὐ]τὸν ἅμα [προσήχθης]αν πρὸς [τὸν δῆμον, τότε παρελθὼν Δημ]οσθένης [διεξῆλθεν] μακρὸν [λόγον, φά]σκων οὔτε [τοῖς παρ]ὰ Φιλοξέ[νου ἐλθο]ῦσι καλῶς [ἔχειν τὸν] Ἅρπαλον [ἐκδοῦναι τ]ὴν πόλιν, [οὔτε δεῖν] αἰτίαν οὐ[δεμίαν τ]ῷ δήμῳ [δι᾽ ἐκεῖνο]ν παρ᾽ Ἀ[λεξάνδρο]υ [Col. 9] καταλείπεσθαι, ἀσφαλέστατον δ᾽ εἶναι τ[ῇ πόλει] (1) τά τε χρήματα [καὶ τὸν] ἄνδρα φυλάτ[τειν], καὶ ἀναφέρει[ν τὰ χρή]ματα ἅπα[ντα] εἰς [τὴν] ἀκρόπολιν, ἃ ἦλθ[εν] ἔχων Ἅρπαλος εἰ[ς τὴν] Ἀττικήν, ἐν τῇ αὔρι[ον] ἡμέρᾳ: Ἅρπαλο[ν δ᾽ ἤ]δη ἀποδεῖξαι τὰ [χρή]ματα, ὁπόσα ἐστ[ίν]: οὐχ ὅπως πύθο[ιτο] τὸν ἀριθμὸν αὐτῶν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὁπόσα ἦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα εἰδῇ ἀφ᾽ ὅσων αὐτὸν δεῖ τὸν μισθὸν πράττεσθαι. καὶ καθήμενος κάτω ὑπὸ τῇ κατατομῇ, οὗπερ [εἴω]θε κα[θῆς]θ[αι], ἐκέλευ[ε Μνης]ίθεον τὸν χορευτὴν ἐρωτῆσαι τὸν Ἅρπαλον, ὁπόσα εἴη τὰ χρήματα τὰ ἀνοισθησόμενα εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. ὁ δ᾽ ἀπεκρίνατο ὅτι ἑπτα[κόσια τάλαντα] 25 [τὰ χρήματα εἶναι τη]λικ[αῦτα]26 αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ δ[ήμῳ] πρὸς ὑμᾶς ε[ἰπών], ἀναφερομέν[ων τρια]κοσίων ταλά[ντων] καὶ πεντ[ήκοντα ἀν]θ᾽ ἑπτακοσίων, λ[αβὼν] τὰ εἴκοσι τάλα[ντα οὐ]δένα λόγον ἐπ[οιήσα]το ἐν τῷ δήμῳ ἑ[πτα]κόσια φήσας εἶν[αι] τάλαντα, νῦν τὰ ἡ[μί]ση ἀναφέρεις, κα[ὶ]...
1 Col. 9 composuit Sauppe et Kenyon, plerumque restituit Kenyon.
When Harpalus arrived in Attica, gentlemen of the jury, and the envoys from Philoxenus demanding him were, at the same time, brought into the Assembly, Demosthenes came forward and made a long speech in which he argued that it was not right for Athens to surrender Harpalus to the envoys from Philoxenus, and that Alexander must not be left with any cause for complaint, on his account, against the people; the safest course for the city was to guard the money and the person of Harpalus, and to take up all the money, with which Harpalus had entered Attica, to the Acropolis on the following day, while Harpalus himself should announce then and there how much money there was. His real purpose, it seems, was not simply to learn the figure, but to find out from how large a sum he was to collect his commission. Sitting below in his usual place in the niche, he told Mnesitheus the dancer to ask Harpalus how much money there would be to take up to the Acropolis. The answer given was seven hundred talents. . . . He had told you himself in the Assembly that that was the correct figure; and yet when the total brought up to the Acropolis was three hundred and fifty talents instead of seven hundred, having by then received his twenty, he did not utter a word. . . . After saying before the Assembly that there were seven hundred talents you now bring up half. . .
ἄ[ξειν τὸν λοιπὸν] βίον κα[ὶ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ]
[30] τίς <γὰρ> (1) κα<ι>ρὸς ἐν ᾧ τῆς τούτων ἀρετῆς οὐ μνημονεύσομεν; τίς τόπος ἐν ᾧ ζήλου καὶ τῶν ἐντιμοτάτων ἐπαίνων τυγχάνοντας οὐκ ὀψόμεθα; πότερον οὐκ ἐν τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγαθοῖς; ἀλλὰ τὰ διὰ τούτους γεγονότα τ[ίνας] ἄλλους ἢ τούτους ἐπαινεῖσθ[αι] καὶ μνήμης τυγχάνειν ποιήσει; ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐν ταῖς ἰδίαις εὐπραξίαις; ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῇ τούτων ἀρετῇ βεβαίως αὐτῶν ἀπολαύσομεν.
[31] παρὰ ποίᾳ δὲ τῶν ἡλικιῶν οὐ μακαριστοὶ (2) γενήσο[νται; πότερον οὐ πα]ρὰ (3) τοῖς π[ρεσβυτέροις, (4) οἳ ἄ]φοβον ἄ[ξειν τὸν λοιπὸν] βίον κα[ὶ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ] γεγενῆς[θαι νομίζουσι] (5) διὰ τούτ[ους; ἀλλ᾽ οὐ παρὰ τοῖς] ἡλικιώτ[αις;] ... τελευτὴ φ ... καλῶς ὠ ... παρὰ πο ... αι γεγον ... [ἀλλ᾽ οὐ παρὰ τοῖς] νεωτέρο[ις καὶ παισίν;
1 γὰρadd. Cobet./ 2 Column 11/ 3 Col. 11 plerumque restituit Blass./ 4 πρεσβυτέροιςCobet:γεραιτέροιςSauppe./ 5 νομίζουσιJensen:ἡγήσονταιBlass.
[30] On what occasion shall we fail to recollect the prowess of these men, in what place fail to see them win their due of emulation and the highest praise? What if the city prospers? Surely the successes, which they have earned, will bring their praises, and none other's, to our lips and to our memories. Shall we then forget them in times of personal satisfaction? We cannot; for it is through their valor that we shall have the safe enjoyment of those moments.
[31] Will there be men of any age who will not count them blessed? What of the older generation, who think that through the efforts of these men they have been placed in safety and will pass the rest of their lives free from dread? Consider their compeers . . .(1)
1 The sense is supplied by Kenyon as follows: “To them it has been given, because these died in battle, to enjoy their lives in honor and safety.”
διαβάλλουσιν τοὺ<ς> πολίτας τὸ τῶν πολιτῶν ἀσφαλές
[25] φέρει γὰρ πᾶσαν εὐδαιμονίαν (1) ... ἄνευ τῆς αὐτονομίας. ο<ὐ> γὰρ ἀνδρὸς ἀπειλήν, ἀλλὰ νόμου φωνὴν κυριεύειν δεῖ τῶν εὐδαιμόνων, οὐδ᾽ αἰτίαν φοβερὰν εἶναι τοῖς ἐλευθέροις, ἀλλ᾽ ἔλεγχον, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς κολακεύουσιν τοὺς δυνάστας καὶ διαβάλλουσιν τοὺ<ς> πολίτας τὸ τῶν πολιτῶν ἀσφαλές, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν νόμων πίστει γενέσθαι.
[26] ὑπὲρ ὧν ἁπάντων οὗτοι πόνους πόνων διαδόχους ποιούμενοι, καὶ τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν κινδύνοις τοὺ<ς> εἰς τὴν ἅπαντα χρόνον φόβους τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων παραιρούμενοι, τὸ ζῆν ἀνήλωσαν εἰς τὸ τοὺς ἄλλους καλῶς ζῆν.
1 Intercidisse aliquid videtur: anteπᾶσανadd.οὐδὲνFritzsche: alii alia.
[25] If men are to be happy, the voice of law, and not a ruler's threats, must reign supreme; if they are free, no groundless charge, but only proof of guilt, must cause them apprehension; nor must the safety of our citizens depend on those who slander them and truckle to their masters but on the force of law alone.
[26] Such were the aims with which these men accepted labor upon labor, and with the dangers of the passing hour dispelled the terrors which the whole future held for citizens and Greeks, sacrificing their lives that others might live well.
col. I.1
Π-
ο-
σ-
ε-
5
ι-
δ-
ῶ-
ν-
ο-
10
ς
col. II.1
Ἀ-
σ-
φ-
α-
5
λ-
ε-
ί-
ο-
υ.
19) ἔστω̣ δὲ | [ἀ]σφάλεια Μαχάονι καὶ Ἱέρωνι καὶ Σωπόλιδι καὶ τοῖς τούτων στρατιώταις / 26) τὴ̣[ν] | αὐ̣τὴ̣ν̣ ἀσφάλειαν ἥμπερ ε[—] προσε̣ῖ̣ναι
1
[—]ου[—]εποσ̣υ̣λ[․․․]
[—] Πολεμαῖον
[—] δ[ε]δ̣ό̣χθαι [τῆι]
[βουλῆι κ]α̣ὶ̣ τῶι δήμωι τῶ[ν Ἰασέων —]
5
[—]
[—] Π̣[ολ]ε̣μ̣α̣ῖος ἐλεύθερον [καὶ]
[αὐτόνομον καὶ ἀφρούρητον καὶ ἀφορολόγητον — Μα]χά̣ων καὶ οἱ̣
[τούτου στρατιῶται καὶ Ἱέρων καὶ οἱ τούτου στ]ρατιῶται καὶ Σώπολις
[καὶ οἱ τούτου] σ̣τ̣ρ̣α̣[τιῶται —]α̣ν̣[․]υσινεα̣μ̣[․․․] ἀ̣ξίως [․․․]
10
[—] Πολεμαῖ̣ον̣ [—] Πολεμαίωι Πο[λ]εμαίου [․c.5․]
[— Πολ]εμαῖος̣ ἀποδώσει[ν] τὰς ἄκ̣ρ̣α̣[ς]
[καὶ τὴν πόλιν —·] ἀποδώσειν δὲ [κ]αὶ τὰ ἐν
[ταῖ]ς ἄ[κ]ρα̣ι̣ς̣ ὄντα π̣άντ̣α [—·] τ̣ὰ̣ς̣ δὲ σι̣τ̣α̣ρ̣χ̣ίας [κ]αὶ τοὺς
[μ]ι̣σθοὺ̣ς̣ τ̣ο̣ὺς ὀφειλομένους Μα[χάονι καὶ Ἱέρωνι κ]αὶ Σωπόλ̣ιδι καὶ τοῖς τ̣ο̣ύ̣-
15
[τ]ω̣ν̣ σ[τ]ρ[ατι]ώταις ἀποδοῦναι Ἰασεῖς τ̣οι̣σ̣κ̣ν̣λ̣ουσα[․]ο[․] ὅσου̣ αὐτοῖς ὀφεί-
[λ]ητα[ι] ἐν ἡμέραις δεκαπέντε ἀφ’ ἧς ἂν οἱ πρὸς Πτ̣ο̣λ̣εμαῖον ἀποσταλέντε[ς]
παραγένωνται, ἀποδόντας δὲ κομίσασθαι παρὰ Μαχάονος τὰς ἄκρας
[καὶ] τὰ ἐν ταῖς ἄκραις ὄντα καὶ τὴμ πόλιν καθάπερ ὡ̣μολόγηται· ἔστω̣ δὲ
[ἀ]σφάλεια Μαχάονι καὶ Ἱέρωνι καὶ Σωπόλιδι καὶ τοῖς τούτων στρατιώταις
20
[κ]α̣[τ]οικοῦσιν ἐν τῆι πόλει καὶ ἐπιδημοῦσιν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους τοὺς Ἰασέων
[καὶ] ἀπαλλασσομένοις ὅπου ἂν βούλωνται καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν· ἀ[φ]ε̣ῖ̣σ̣-
θ̣αι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐγκλημάτων πάντων αὐτούς τε καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας τῶν
πρὸς Ἰασεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐν Ἰασῶι [κατοικοῦν]τας, καὶ Ἰασεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐν Ἰασῶι [κατ]ο̣ι̣-
24
κ̣οῦντας τῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς κ̣α̣[ὶ] τ̣[οὺς στρα]τιώτας αὐτῶν τῶν ἐν τ̣ο̣ῖ̣ς
25
ἔ̣μπροσθεν χρόνοις γεγενη[μένων πρὸ τ]ῶν συμβολαίων· εἶνα[ι] δὲ τὴ̣[ν]
αὐ̣τὴ̣ν̣ ἀσφάλειαν ἥμπερ ε[—] προσε̣ῖ̣ναι τῆι Ἀριστοκλείους
γυναικὶ καὶ τοῖς Ἀριστο[κλείους —]α̣δι καὶ τοῖς Μόλωνος παιδίοις
[κ]α̣ὶ Σύρωι καὶ Ἰσχυρ̣[— θυγ]α̣τρὶ καὶ τῆι Ἑστιαίου γυναικὶ καὶ τοῖς
παιδίοις καὶ τοῖς [ἐκγόνοις —· ὀμόσ]α̣ι̣ δὲ Ἰασεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῆι πόλει κατοικοῦν-
30
τας Πτολεμαί[ωι, ἐλευθέρους ὄν]τ̣ας καὶ αὐτονόμους καὶ ἀφρουρήτους καὶ ἀφορο-
λογήτους, συ[μμάχους] ἔσεσθαι Πτολεμαίωι καὶ τοῖς ἐγγόνοις αὐτοῦ ε[ἰς] τὸν
ἀεὶ χρόνον· ὀμόσαι δὲ καὶ Μαχάονα καὶ Ἱέρωνα καὶ Σώπολιν καὶ τοὺς τούτων
στρατιώτας Ἰασεῦσιν, καὶ Ἰασεῖς Μαχάονι καὶ Ἱέρωνι καὶ Σωπόλιδι καὶ τοῖς τού-
των στρατιώταις· ὁ δ’ ὅρκος ἔστω Μαχάονι̣ μὲν καὶ Ἱέρωνι καὶ Σωπόλιδι καὶ
35
τοῖς στρατιώταις ὅδε· ὀμνύω Δία Γῆν Ἥλιον Ποσειδῶ Ἀπόλλω Δήμητρα
[Ἄ]ρη Ἀθηνᾶν Ἀρείαν θεοὺς πάντας καὶ πάσας καὶ τὴν Ταυροπόλον· ἐμμενῶ ταῖς
ὁμολογίαις ἃς πεποίημαι πρὸς Ἰασεῖ̣ς κ̣α̣ὶ̣ οὐ παραδέξομαι στρατιώτην πα-
ρ̣’ οὐθενὸς ἐν ἡμέραις τέσσαρσιν ἀφ’ ἧς ἂν οἱ πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἀποσταλῶσι̣ν
οὐθ’ ὕστερον ἄνευ Ἰασέων· ἄνευ δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης· εὐορκοῦντι μέμ μοι εὖ εἴη,
40
ἐπιορκοῦντι δὲ τἀναντία τούτων· ὀμόσαι δὲ καὶ Ἰασεῖς
Μαχάονι καὶ Σωπόλιδ[ι]
καὶ Ἱέρωνι καὶ τοῖς τούτων στρατιώταις τὸν αὐτὸν ὅρκον· ὀμόσαι δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖον
τὸν ὅρκον τόνδε· ὀμνύω Δία Γῆν Ἥλιον Ποσειδῶ Ἀπόλλωνα Δήμητρα Ἄρη
Ἀθηνᾶν Ἀρείαν θεοὺς πάντας καὶ πάσας καὶ τὴν Ταυροπόλον· διαφυλάξω τὰς
45
ὁμολογίας ἃς πεποίηνται Ἰασεῖς πρὸς Μαχάονα καὶ Ἱέρωνα καὶ Σώπολιν καὶ τοὺς
45
τούτων στρατιώτας καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ὁμολογίαις γεγραμμένους·
ἄνευ δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης· εὐορκοῦντι μέμ μοι εὖ εἴη, ἐπιορκοῦντι δὲ τἀναντία τούτων·
ὀμόσαι δὲ καὶ Ἰασεῖς Πτολεμαίωι καὶ Πτολεμαῖον Ἰασεῦσιν· ὁ δ’ ὅρκος ἔστω
ὅδε· ὀμνύω Δία Γῆν Ἥλιον Ποσειδῶνα Ἀπόλλωνα Δήμητρα Ἄρη Ἀθηνᾶν Ἀρείαν
θεοὺς πάντας καὶ πάσας καὶ τὴν Ταυροπόλον· εὐνοήσω Πτολεμαίωι καὶ συμμαχήσω
50
κ̣αὶ αὐτῶι καὶ ἐγγόνοις εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον, ἐλεύθερος ὢν καὶ αὐτόνομος καὶ ἀφρούρη-
τος καὶ ἀφορολόγητος· ἄνευ δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης· εὐορκοῦντι μέμ μοι εὖ εἴη καὶ
γένει, ἐπιορκοῦντι δὲ τἀναντία τούτων· Πτολεμαῖον δὲ ὀμόσαι Ἰασεῦσι [τὸν ὅρ]-
κον τόνδε· ὀμ[νύω Δία Γῆν Ἥλ]ι̣ον Ποσειδῶ Ἀπόλλωνα Δήμητρα Ἄρη Ἀ[θηνᾶν Ἀρείαν]
θεοὺς πάν[τας καὶ πάσας καὶ τ]ὴν Ταυροπόλον· διαφυλάξω [τὴν πόλιν τὴν Ἰασέων]
55
[— ἐλευθέραν καὶ αὐτόνομ]ον καὶ ἀφρούρητον κα[ὶ ἀφορολόγητον —]
[—]ν[—]
[—]εωσδε[—]
[—]διοσ[—]
[—] τοὺς νεωποίας ἀνα̣[γράψαι —]
60
[—]οσ̣τ̣α̣[—]σ[—]
[—] καὶ στῆν̣αι ἐν τῶι τοῦ Διὸς ἱ̣ερῶ̣ι̣.
Text: McCabe, Donald F.: Iasos Inscriptions. Texts and List. «The Princeton Project on the Inscriptions of Anatolia», The Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton. Packard Humanities Institute CD #6, 1991. — Includes: Wolfgang Blümel. Die Inschriften von Iasos. 2 vols. «Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien», 28,1-2. Bonn 1985.
frg. d.1 [․․․․․․․․․․․․․․31․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ ἐπειδὲ ἄνδρες ἀγα]θ̣[οί ε]-
[ἰσιν Πολυκλε̑ς καὶ Περαιεὺς καὶ Μανδρόβολος καὶ ἔργ]οι καὶ λ[ό]-
[γοι περὶ τὸν δε̑μον τὸν Ἀθεναίον καὶ νῦν καὶ ἐν το̑ι πρό]σθεν χρό-
[νοι καὶ ἀποφαίνοσιν αὐτὸς ℎοι στρατεγοὶ ὄντας προθύμ]ος ποιε̑ν
5 [ὅ τι δύνανται ἀγαθὸν Ἀθεναίον τὲν πόλιν καὶ τὸν δε̑μο]ν καὶ τε̑ι
[στρατιᾶι χρεσίμος ὄντας, ἐ̑ναι μὲν αὐτοῖς Ἀθένεσι ἀτ]έλειαν τ-
[ο̑ μετοικίο, ἕος ἂν κατίοσιν, ․․․․․․․․․․22․․․․․․․․․․]ς Ἀθένε-
[σι — — —]
frg. e.9 [․․․․․․․․․20․․․․․․․․․]ισ[․․․․․․․․․․․․․28․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
10 [․․․․․․15․․․․․․․ νομ]ιζόμενα [․․․․․․․․․․․24․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․․․․17․․․․․․․․ ἐ]πιμέλεσθ[αι δὲ αὐτο̑ν τὲν βολὲν τὲν αἰεὶ]
[βολεύοσαν καὶ τὸς στρ]ατεγὸς οἳ [ἂν αἰεὶ στρατεγο̑σιν ․․․7․․․]
[․․․․․․․․19․․․․․․․․․] Ἀθεναίο[․․․․․․․․․․․24․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․․․․․․21․․․․․․․․․․]ονα#⁷[․․․․․․․․․․․25․․․․․․․․․․․․]
frg. a-c.15 — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — ς π̣έ̣ρ̣[ι ℎόπος ἂν ℎος ἄρ]ιστ̣α ἔχει ἀνφο-
[τέροι]ς· ἐς [δ]ὲ Ἑ[λ]λέσπον̣[τον] ὁς τὸς στρατεγὸ[ς ἀπο]στελάντον Πολ-
[υκλέ]α καὶ Περαιᾶ καὶ Μ̣[ανδρ]όβολον ℎοι ἐνθάδ[ε] στρατεγοὶ ℎος ἄ-
[ν δύνο]νται τάχιστα κα[ὶ ἀσφ]αλέστατα ἐπὶ τριέρος συνπράξοντ-
[ας καὶ] ξυνβουλεύσοντ[ας] ℎ̣ό τι ἂν δύνονται ἀγαθὸν Ἀθεναίοις· τ-
20 [ὸ δὲ φσ]έφισμα τόδε ἀνα[γρ]άφσαι τὸν γραμματέα τε̑ς βολε̑ς ἐν στέ-
[λει λι]θίνει καὶ καταθε̑[ν]αι ἐν πόλει· τὰ δὲ περὶ Τιμάνθος γεγρα-
[μμένα] ἐ̣ν πόλει ἐκκολαφ[σ]άντον ℎοι ταμίαι ℎοι τε̑ς θεο̑ ἐκ τε̑ς στ-
[έλες· κα]λ̣έσαι δὲ Πολ[υ]κλέα καὶ Περαιᾶ καὶ τὸς μετ’ αὐτο̑ν καὶ ἐπὶ
[χσένια εἰς] τὸ πρυτανεῖον ἐς αὔριον vacat
25 vacat 0.13
[— — — — — — — — — — — ἐξελ]ελυθότον
vacat 0.145
face B back.frg. c.1 [— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — ἐγραμμάτ]ευε.
[ἔδοχσεν τε̑ι βολε̑ι καὶ το̑ι δέμοι· ℎιπποθοντὶς] ἐπρυτά-
[νευε, ․․․c.10․․․ ἐγραμμάτευε, ․․․c.10․․․] ἐπεστάτε,
[․․․․c.12․․․․ εἶπε· ἐπαινέσαι μὲν Κολοφονί]ος, ὅτι ἐ̑σ-
5 [αν ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ περὶ τὸν δε̑μον τὸν Ἀθεναίον] ἐν το̑ι π-
[ρόσθεν χρόνοι καὶ νῦν ․․․․․․․․18․․․․․․․․]τον τενδ-
[․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․33․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ Ἀθε]ναίος πα-
[․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․36․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]ος νομιζ-
[․․․․․․․․․․․․․․31․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․· τε̑ς δ]ὲ θεορία[ς]
10 [․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․35․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]οι ἐπιμε[λ]-
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
lacuna
frg. ab.11 [․․․․․․15․․․․․․․ Κ]ολοφ̣[ον ․․․․․․․․․21․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․․․․16․․․․․․․] ἀγαθε[․․․․․․․․․․22․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․11․․․․․ θεορ]ὸς δὲ τὸς α[․․․․․․․․․20․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․․12․․․․․ ℎό]σπερ ἂν Ἀθεν[αίοις δοκε̑ι ․․․․9․․․․]
15 [․․․․․13․․․․․․]ι αὐτοῖς ℎο#⁷[․․․․․․․․․20․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․7․․․ ℎόπος ἂ]ν ἀσφαλέστ[ατα ․․․․․․․․18․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․․12․․․․․] τὲν στέλεν [․․․․․․․․․․22․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․5․․ καταθε̑]ναι ἐμ πόλε[ι ․․․․․․․16․․․․․․․· τὸν δὲ γ]-
[ραμματέα τε̑ς β]ολε̑ς ἀναγ[ράφσαι ․․․․․․․17․․․․․․․․]
20 [․․․․10․․․․] ἀ̣ργύ̣ρ̣ιον κ[․․․․․․․․18․․․․․․․․· καλέσα]-
[ι δὲ τὸς ?θεορ]ὸς ἐς τὸ πρ[υτανεῖον ἐπὶ χσένια ἐς αὔριον].
vacat 0.015
— — — — — — — — — — Ο․Σ․․ΣΥΜ — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
[Π]ρέπις Εὐφέρο ἐγραμμάτευε.
ἔδοχσεν τε̑ι βολε̑ι καὶ το̑ι δέμοι·
Αἰγεὶς ἐπρυτάνευε, Πρέπις ἐγρα-
[μ]μάτευε, Πατροκλε̑ς ἐπεστάτε, Θε-
5 α̣ίος εἶπε· τὸν Ῥετὸν τὸμ παρὰ το̑ ἄ̣-
στεος γεφυρο̣̑σαι λίθοις χρομέ[ν]-
ος Ἐλευσινό̣θεν το̑γ καθειρεμέν̣-
ον ἐκ το̑ νεὸ το̑ ἀρχαίο, ℎὸς ἔλιπον
ἐς τὸ τεῖχος ἀναλίσκοντες, ℎος ἂ-
10 ν τὰ ℎιερὰ φέροσιν ℎαι ℎιέρεαι ἀ-
σφαλέστατα. πλάτος δὲ ποιόντον
[π]εντέποδα, ℎίνα μὲ ℎάμαχσαι διε-
λαύνονται ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἰο̑σιν ἐ̑ι βα-
δ̣ίζεν ἐπὶ τὰ ℎιερά. λίθοις δὲ κατ-
15 [ακ]αλύφσαι τὰς διαρροὰς το̑ Ρρε[τ]-
ο̣̑ καθότι ἂν χσυγγρ<ά>φσει Δεμομέλ-
[ες ὁ ἀρχιτέκτον]. ἐ̣ὰν [δ]ὲ μὲ ὁ̑σιν ε[․]
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
θ[ε]οί.
ἐκ τοῦ μητρώιου· vvv ἐπὶ Ἱέ[ρ]ωνος ἄρχον-
τος ἐν Δελφοῖς· πυλαίας ἐαρινᾶς· ἱερομνα-
μονούντων Θεσσαλῶν Ἱπ[π]οδά[μα], Λέοντος· Α[ἰ]-
5
τωλῶν Λυκέα, Δωριμάχου· [Β]οιωτ[ῶν Ἀ]σώπωνο[ς],
Διονυσίδου· [Φω]κέω[ν Εὐφ]ρέα Χα[ρέα]· ἔδοξ[εν]
τοῖς Ἀμφικτ[ίοσιν καὶ τοῖ]ς ἱερομν[άμοσ]ιν κα[ὶ]
τοῖς ἀγορατ[ροῖς· ὅπως ἦι εἰ]ς πάντ[α χρόνον ἀσυ]-
λία καὶ ἀτέ[λεια τοῖς τεχνίτα]ις τ[οῖς ἐν Ἀθήναις]
10
καὶ μὴ ἦι ἀ[γ]ώγι[μος μηθεὶς μηθαμόθεν μήτε πολέ]-
μου μήτε εἰρήνης μήτε [τὰ χρήματα αὐτῶν, ἀλλ’ ἦι]
αὐτοῖς ἀτέλεια καὶ ἀσφάλε[ια εἰς πάντα χρόνον ἡ συν]-
κεχωρημένη ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν Ἑλλ[ήνων βεβαία, εἶναι]
δὲ τοῦς τεχνίτας ἀτελεῖς στρατε[ίας πεζικᾶς]
15
καὶ ναυτικᾶς, ὅπως τοῖς θεοῖς αἱ τιμ[αὶ καὶ αἱ θυσίαι ἐ]-
φ’ ἅς εἰσι τεταγμένοι οἱ τεχνῖται συντ[ελῶνται ἐν]
τοῖς καθήκουσιν χρόνοις ὄντων αὐτῶ[ν ἀπολυπρα]-
[γ]μονήτων καὶ ἱερῶν πρὸς ταῖς τῶν θεῶ[ν λειτουργί]-
αις· μὴ ἐξέστω δὲ μηδενὶ ἄγειν τὸν τ[εχνίταν μήτε]
20
πολέμου μήτε εἰρήνας μη̣δὲ συλᾶν [εἴ κα μὴ χρέ]-
ος ἔχων πόλει ἦι ὑπόχρεως, καὶ ἐὰν ἰδ[ίου ἦι συνβολαί]-
ου ὑπόχρεος ὁ τεχνίτας· v ἐὰν δέ τι[ς παρὰ ταῦτα ποι]-
ῆι, ὑπόδικος ἔστω ἐν Ἀμφικτίοσιν [αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ πό]-
λις ἐν ἇι ἂν τὸ ἀδίκημα κατὰ τοῦ τ[εχνίτα συντελεσ]-
25
θῆι· εἶμεν δὲ τὰν ἀτέλειαν καὶ τὰ[ν ἀσφάλειαν τὰν]
δεδομέναν ὑπὸ Ἀμφικτιόνων τ[οῖς ἐν Ἀθήναις τε]-
χνίταις εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον οὖσι[ν ἀπολυπραγμονή]-
τοις· v τοὺς δὲ γραμματεῖς ἀνα[γράψαι τὸ δόγμα]
εἰστήλαν λιθίναν καὶ στῆσαι ἐν [Δελφοῖς· πέμψαι]
30
δὲ καὶ ποτὶ Ἀθηναίους τοῦ δόγματο[ς τοῦδε ἀντίγρα]-
φον ἐσφραγισμένον, ἵνα εἰδῶντι ο[ἱ τεχνῖται ὅτι οἱ]
Ἀμφικτίονες πλείσταν ἔχοντι πρόν[οιαν ὑπὲρ τᾶς]
πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβείας καὶ κατα[κολουθήκαντι]
τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν τεχν[ιτᾶν, πειράσον]-
35
ται δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ταῦτά τε φυλά[σσειν εἰς τὸν ἅ]-
παντα χρόνον καὶ ἄλλο ὅ τι ἂν ἔχωντι [ἀγαθὸν προσαύ]-
ξειν ὑπὲρ τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τ[εχνιτᾶν. πρέσσ]-
[β]εις· Ἀστυδάμας ποιητὴς τραγωι[διῶν. Νεοπτόλε]-
μος τραγωιδός.
40
ἐκ τοῦ μητρώιου· ἐπὶ Δημοστράτου [ἄρχοντος μηνὸς Βοη]-
δρομιῶνος· τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἀμφικτιό[νων Ἀθηναίων τεῖ]
βουλεῖ καὶ τῶι δήμωι χαίρειν· πρεσβευ[σάντων πρὸς ἡ]-
μᾶς παρὰ τῶν τεχνιτῶν τῶν μετεχ[όντων τῆς παρ’ ὑ]-
μῖν συ〚ο〛νόδου {²⁶συνόδου}²⁶ Διονυσίου τοῦ Νύμφι[δος τραγικοῦ ὑ]-
45
ποδιδασκάλου, Θυμοτέλου τοῦ Φιλο[κλέους τραγικοῦ]
ποιητοῦ, Ἐλπινίκου τοῦ Ἐπικράτου τραγ[ικοῦ ὑποδιδασ]-
κάλου, Φιλίωνος τοῦ Φιλομήλου τραγικοῦ [ὑποδιδασκάλου],
Ἀρίστωνος τοῦ Ζήνωνος τραγικοῦ ὑποδι[δασκάλου καὶ]
ἣν ἔλαβον ἀπόκρισιν παρ’ ἡμῶν οἰηθέντω[ν δεῖν πέμπειν]
50
καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὑπογεγράφαμεν ὑμῖν τοῦ γ[εγενημένου]
ὑφ’ ἡμῶν δόγματος τὸ ἀντίγραφον. vacat
ἄρχοντος ἐν Δελφοῖς Ἀριστίωνος τοῦ Ἀνα[ξανδρίδου μη]-
νὸς Βουκατίου, Πυθίοις· ἔδοξεν τοῖς Ἀμφικτ[ίοσιν τοῖς συνελ]-
θοῦσιν ἱερομνημονούντων παρὰ μὲν Θεσσ[αλῶν Λέοντος τοῦ]
55
Κλεΐππου Ἀτραγίου, Πολλίχου τοῦ Φρύνου Γ[ομφέως, παρὰ δὲ Ἀ]-
χαιῶν Φθιωτῶν Μνασάρχου τοῦ Λέοντ[ος] Λα[ρισαίου, Λαμπρο]-
μάχου τοῦ Πολίτου Μελιταιέως, παρ[ὰ δὲ Μαλιέων — — νου]
[τ]οῦ Ξενολάου Ἐχιναίου, παρὰ δὲ Δολό[πων Δεξάνδρου τοῦ]
Κλεωνύμου Ἀγγειάτου, παρὰ δὲ Δελφῶ[ν Ἄγωνος τοῦ Ἀριστί]-
60
ωνος, Ἁβρομάχου τοῦ Μαντίου, παρὰ δὲ Φ[ωκέων Τιμοκράτους]
καὶ Φαΰλλου τῶν Ἐπινίκου Λιλαιέων, πα[ρὰ δὲ Βοιωτῶν Ἀθα]-
νίου τοῦ Ὀφέλτου Θηβαί[ου], Δημοκρίτου το[ῦ Εὐθύμου Θεσπιέως],
παρὰ δὲ Μαγνήτων Θεο[δό]του τοῦ Διογένο[υ, Δημητρίου τοῦ Ἑστι]-
αίου Δημητριέων, παρὰ δ[ὲ] Αἰνιάνων Μοσ[χίωνος τοῦ Σιττύρα καὶ]
64a
vacat 0.105 = spatium 5 fere versuum
[παρὰ δὲ Δωριέ]-
65
ων τῶν ἐγ Μητροπόλεως Τεισέου τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρο[υ Κυτινιέως],
παρὰ δὲ Περραιβῶν Χαριδήμου τοῦ Φιλοκράτου Γον[νέως, παρὰ]
δὲ Δωριέων τῶν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου Διοίτα τοῦ Νικο[στράτου Σι]-
κυωνίου, [π]αρὰ δὲ Εὐβοέων Ἀντ[ιλ]έοντος τοῦ Πολιά[γρου Χαλκι]-
69
δέως· v ἐπειδὴ οἱ περὶ τὸν Διόνυ[σ]ον τεχνῖται οἱ ἐν [Ἀθήναις ψή]-
70
φισμα καὶ πρεσβευτὰς ἀποσ[τεί]λαντες Διονύσ[ιον Νύνφιδος]
τραγικὸν ὑποδιδάσκαλον, Θυ[μοτέ]λην Φιλοκλέου[ς τραγικὸν ποι]-
ητήν, Ἐλπίνικον Ἐπικράτου τρα[γικ]ὸν ὑποδιδάσκ[αλον, Φιλίωνα]
Φιλομήλου τραγικὸν ὑποδιδάσκα[λ]ον, Ἀρίστωνα Ζ[ήνωνος τραγι]-
κὸν ὑποδιδάσκαλον ἀνανενέων[ται] τὴν δεδομέν[ην τοῖς τεχνί]-
75
ταις τοῖς ἐν Ἀθήναις πρότερον ὑπὸ [τῶν Ἀ]μφικτιόνω[ν ἀσυλίαν καὶ ἀσ]-
φάλειαν κατὰ τὸ δόγμα καὶ παρακ[αλοῦ]σιν τοὺς Ἀμφ[ικτίονας ἀκόλου]-
θα πράττοντας τῆ[ι τ]ῶν προγόνων αἱρέσει συντηρῆσα[ι τὰ ψηφισθέν]-
τα ἑαυτοῖς φιλάνθρωπα· ὅπως οὖν καὶ οἱ Ἀμφικτίονες [φαίνωνται τὰ]
πρότερον δεδογμένα βεβαιοῦντες, δεδόχθαι τοῖς [Ἀμφικτίοσιν εἶ]-
80
ναι τοῖς ἐν Ἀθήναις τεχνίταις τήν τε ἀσυλίαν [κ]αὶ τὴ[ν ἀσφάλειαν εἰς]
τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον καθὰ καὶ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπῆρχεν, καὶ ε[ἶνα]ι αὐ[τοὺς στρατείας]
[ἀ]τελεῖς καὶ μὴ ἐξεῖναι μηθενὶ ἄγειν τὸν τεχ[νί]τη[ν τὸν μετέχον]-
τα τῆς ἐν Ἀθήναις συνόδου μήτε πολέμου μήτ[ε] ε[ἰρήνης μηδὲ συ]-
λᾶν μηδὲ ῥυσιάζειν ἀλλ’ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἱεροὺς καὶ [ἀπολυπραγμο]-
85
νήτους, ἐὰν μή τις ἄγῃ τινὰ τούτων πρὸ[ς] ἱδίον χρέ[ος· ἐὰν δέ τις πα]-
ρὰ ταῦτα ποιῆι, ὑπόδικος ἔστω ἐν Ἀμφικ[τί]οσιν καὶ [αὐτὸς καὶ ἡ πό]-
λις, ἐν ἧι ἂν τὸ ἀδίκημα κατὰ τοῦ τεχνί[του] συντ[ε]λε[σθῆι, ἵνα τού]-
των γινομένων ὑπάρχηι ἥ τε ἀσυλία καὶ ἡ ἀ[σ]φάλεια τ[οῖς τεχνίταις]
τοῖς ἐν Ἀθήναις καὶ οἱ Ἀμφικτίονες φαίνωνται ἀκόλο[υθα] πρά[ττον]-
90
τες τῆι τῶν προγόνων αἱρέσει. ἀναγράψαι δὲ τὸ δόγμα ἐ[ν Δ]ελφοῖς, ὁ-
[μ]οίως δὲ καὶ διαποστείλασθαι τοῦ δόγματος τοῦδε ἀντί[γ]ραφον πρὸς
τὸν δῆμον τὸν Ἀθηναίων, ὅπως παρακολουθῆι τὰ δεδογμέ[ν]α φιλάν-
θρωπα παρὰ τῶν Ἀμφικτιόνων τοῖς ἐν Ἀθήναις τεχνίτα[ις· ε]ἶναι δὲ
ταῦτα τοῖς ἐν Ἀθήναις τεχνίταις, ἐὰν μή τι Ῥωμαίοις ὑπ[εν]αντίον ἦ[ι].
95
vacat 0.13
[Δημαρχ]οῦντος Ὀνήτορος
[ἄρχ]οντος δὲ Ἀρχίππ[ου]. vacat
[ἔδ]οξεν Ἐλευσ[ινί]ων [τῶι δήμωι]
[κα]ὶ Ἀθηναίο[ι]ς [τοῖς ἐν τῆι φυλ]-
5 [α]κῆ[ι]· τύχη[ι ἀγα]θ[ῆι· ․․․]ρ[οκλῆς]
[Ε]ὐθ[υ]δήμ[ου Ἐλευ]σ[ί]ν[ιος εἶπεν]·
[ἐπει]δὴ ὁ [νό]μ[ος κ]ελεύε[ι] πρ[οσγ]-
[ρ]άφειν ἐν [τῶι ψ]ηφίσ[ματι τὸν λ]-
[α]μ[β]άνοντα δ[ω]ρεὰν ὅ[τι] ε[ὐεργέ]-
10 [τ]ηκεν τὴν πό[λι]ν, Ξενοκλῆ[ς δὲ π]-
ερ[ί] τε τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖν θεοῖν [καὶ]
μυστηρ[ίων ἐ]πιμελητὴς χειρ[ο]-
τονηθε[ὶς εὐσ]εβῶς κατ[ήκουσε?]
καὶ φιλοτίμ[ω]ς τὰ ἐν τ[αῖς ἀρχα]-
15 ῖς ἔπραξεν· [κ]αὶ ὅ[πω]ς τ[ὰ] ἱερὰ ἀσ-
φαλῶς καὶ καλῶ[ς π]ορε[ύ]ητα[ι] κα-
ὶ ἡ πανήγυρι[ς τῶν] ε[ἰσα]φι[κ]νο[υ]-
μένων [Ἑ]λλήν[ων Ἐλευ]σ[ῖ]νάδε κα-
ὶ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, [καὶ] οἱ τὸ προάστ-
20 ιον οἰκοῦν[τ]ε[ς καὶ] οἱ γεω[ρ]γοὶ
σώιζωνται, γέ[φυρα]ν [λ]ιθ[ί]νην κ-
ατασκευάζει [παρ’ ἑαυ]το[ῦ] χρήμ-
ατα 〚προ〛αναλί[σκων], καὶ δ[η]μόσι-
α διαχειρίσας χρ[ή]ματα πρότε-
25 ρόν τε καὶ νῦν ἐπ[ὶ] δικαιοσύνε-
ι στεφανοῦται [κα]ὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς λε-
ιτουργίαις ἐξ[․․․․11․․․․․ δ]-
[ῆ]μος — — — — — — —
[θ]ε̣[οί].
[Κηφισοφῶν Κεφαλίωνος] Ἀ̣φιδναῖος εἶπεν· ἀγαθῆι τύχηι τοῦ [δήμου τοῦ Ἀθηναίων· ὅπως ἂν ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․42․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․․․․17․․․․․․․․ κα]ὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἠτιώνειαν καὶ τὸν ἄλλο[ν Πειραιᾶ ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․55․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․․․․17․․․․․․․․ δ̣ὲ καὶ τὰ ἔλλοιπα τῶν λιθίνων τειχῶν μ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․63․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
5 [․․․․․․14․․․․․․ ἐπ]ισκευασθῶσιν, ἐπισκευάζηται δὲ καὶ τὰ [μακρὰ τείχη ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․53․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
․․․․․․14․․․․․․α̣ δεδόχθαι τοῖς νομοθέταις τοὺς μὲν ἀρχι[τέκτονας τοὺς παρὰ τῆς πόλειως μισθοφοροῦντας καὶ ἄλλον τὸμ βουλόμενον εἰ]-
[σενεγκεῖν συγγρα]φὰς συγγράψαντας καθ’ ἕκαστον τῶν ἔργων [․․․․․․․․․․․․27․․․․․․․․․․․․․ παραδιδόναι τοῖς πρυτάνεσι καὶ τῶι γραμμα]-
[τεῖ, τοὺς δὲ πρυτάν]εις καὶ τὸγ γραμματέα παραλαβόντας ἐκτ[ιθέναι ἐν τῶι βουλευτηρίωι ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․39․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ κ]-
[αὶ προγράφειν ἕδρ?]αν αὐτὸ καθ’ αὑτὸ περὶ τούτων, τὴν δὲ βουλὴν ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․62․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․
10 [․․․․․12․․․․․ ὁπ]ο̣ίας δ’ ἂν χειροτονήσει ἡ βουλή, κατὰ ταύτα[ς ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․62․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
․․․․․․․16․․․․․․․ ταλάντων ἔργα σὺν τῶι ἐπὶ Φυλὴν διδομέ[νωι, ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․60․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․9․․․․ οἰκοδο]μηθῆι τὰ τείχη. ὅπως δ’ ἂν καὶ χρήματα εἰς τὰ̣ [ἔργα ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․58․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․8․․․․ κατὰ τὸ]ν̣ ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστον ἐκ τοῦ προτέρου νόμο εΙ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․62․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․
․․․․․․15․․․․․․․ν τοῦ διαμέσου χώματος ἀρξάμενον ἀπὸ τοῦ ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․62․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․
15 ․․․․․․14․․․․․․ καὶ μὴ ἀνήλωται εἰς τὰ τείχη. ὑπάρχειν δὲ κα[ὶ ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․62․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․9․․․․ πεντη]κοντάρχους, ἐπειδὴ οὐ γίγνεται ἡ αἵρεσις α․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․62․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․
․․․․․․14․․․․․․ τ̣ὰς ὑπερεσίας παρὰ τὸ ἐς Σάμωι ἐκ τοῦ ἐνιαυ[τοῦ ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․59․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․․․12․․․․․ το]ῦ̣ δανεισθέντος ἐκ τῶν τειχοποιικῶν ταλάντο̣[υ ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․60․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
․․․․․․15․․․․․․․ ἐλλείπηι εἰς τὰ δέκα τάλαντα, μερίζειν τοὺ[ς ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․60․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
20 ․․․․․․14․․․․․․ εἰσφέρειν δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετοίκους τὸ ἕκτον μέ[ρος ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․58․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
․․․․․13․․․․․․ τ̣ὰ ὑπάρχοντα χρήματα ἐν τῶιδε τῶι νόμωι τειχ[οποιικὰ· καὶ γίγνεσθαι τὴν μὲν πρώτην καταβολὴν ἐπὶ τῆς πρώτης πρυτανεία]-
[ς, τὴν δὲ δευτέρα]ν ἐπὶ τῆς πέμπτης, τὴν δὲ τρίτην [ἐ]πὶ τῆς ἐνάτης· δ[․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․51․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ τοὺς ἡιρημ]-
[ένους ἐπὶ τὴν ἐπ]ι̣μέλειαν τῶν τειχῶν καὶ τὸν ἀντιγραφέα τὰ ἀνα[λισκομένα ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․51․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․6․․․ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐ]νάτης πρυτανείας πρὸ τῆς καταβολῆς. ὅπως δ’ ἂν τ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․60․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․
25 [․․․8․․․․ λε]λ̣ο̣γισμένων τῶγ χρημάτων εἰδότες καταβάλλωσιν ο[ἱ μέτοικοι ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․51․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․ τοὺς τ]αμίας καὶ τοὺς ἐπιμελητὰς τῶμ μετοικικῶν [σ]υμμοριῶ[ν ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․50․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ βουλῆς ἕδρ]-
[αν πρὸ τ]ῆς καταβολῆς τῶγ χρημάτων μίαν ἡμέραν περὶ τοῦ λογισμ[οῦ ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․39․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ ἐπιμελῖσθαι ὅπως ἂν ἡ]
[ἕδρ]α̣ [γ]ένηται ἢ ὀφείλειν ἕκαστον τῶμ προέδρων ἑκατὸν δραχμὰς [ἱερὰς τῆι Ἀθηναίαι· χειροτονῆσαι δὲ τὸν δῆμον αὐτίκα μάλα ἐπιστάτας δύο]
[ἄνδ]ρας̣ ἐξ Ἀθηναίων ἁπάντων, οἵτινες ἐπιμελήσονται τῶν ἔργων [τῶν εἰς τὰ μακρὰ τείχη καὶ εἰς τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἠτιώνειαν καὶ τὸν ἄλλον Πειραιᾶ],
30 [ὅπ]ως ἂν ἐξεργάζωνται οἱ μισθοσάμενοι κατὰ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκασ[τον ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․48․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ διδόναι δὲ]
[ἑκ]ατέρωι αὐτῶν τρεῖς ὀβολοὺς τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκ τῶν τειχοποιικῶν, τοὺ[ς δὲ θεσμοθέτας ․․․․․․․․19․․․․․․․․․ διδόναι τοῖς τειχοποιοῖς καὶ το]-
[ῖ]ς ἡιρημένοις ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη ἡγεμονίαν δικαστηρίου ὅταμ̣ παραγ[ίγνηταί τι παρὰ τὰς συγγραφὰς καὶ τὴν μίσθωσιν· ὅταν δὲ οἱ μισθωσάμενοι μ]-
ὴ ἐξεργάζωνται, εἶναι κατ’ αὐτῶν τὰς αὐτὰς τιμωρίας καθάπερ περ[ὶ ․․․․․․․․․․23․․․․․․․․․․․ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι δὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη ἡιρημένο]-
υς μετὰ τῶν τειχοποιῶν καὶ τῶν ταμιῶν καὶ τῶμ μακρῶν τειχῶν καὶ [τῶμ περὶ τὴν Ἠτιώνειαν καὶ τὸν ἄλλον Πειραιᾶ, ὅπως οἱ μισθωσάμενοι ἐξερ]-
35 [γ]άζωνται τὰ ἔργα καὶ εἴ τινες τῶμ μισθωσαμένων ἢ ἐγγυησαμένων ἀ̣[πειθοῦσιν? ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․42․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ εἰσάγει]-
[ν] τούτους εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον. τὴν δὲ βουλὴν τὴν ἀεὶ βουλεύουσαν ε․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․58․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․
ν μίαν ἡμέραν τῆς πρυτανείας ἑκάστης βουλῆς ἕδραν περὶ τῶν τειχ[οποιικῶν ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․49․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ τ]-
οὺς ἡιρημένους καὶ τοὺς ταμίας τῆς θεο̑ καὶ τοὺς τειχοποιούς. ὅτ[αν δὲ συντελεσθῆι δόκιμον τέλος ἔχον κατὰ τὰς συγγραφὰς ἕκαστον τῶν ἔρ]-
γων διδόναι εἰς ἀνάθημα τῆι μὲν βουλῆι πεντακοσίας δραχμὰς, τοῖς δ[ὲ τειχοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιτέκτοσι τριακοσίας· μερίσαι δὲ τοὺς ταμί]-
40 ας ἐκ τῶν τειχοποιικῶν χρημάτων. ὅπως δ’ ἂν καὶ οἱ λιμένες κλείωνται [κλείθροις ὡς ἀσφαλεστάτοις εἰσενεγκεῖν τοὺς ἀρχιτέκτονας τοὺς πα]-
ρὰ τῆς πόλεως μισθοφοροῦντας καὶ ἄλλον τὸμ βουλόμενον συγγραφὰ[ς συγγράψαντας ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․37․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ τῆι βουλ]-
ῆι τῶν συγγραφῶν χειροτονῆσαι καθ’ ἅστινας ἂν δοκῆι αὐτῆι ἐγδιδό[ναι τὰ ἔργα ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․31․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ τοὺς δὲ ἡιρημένους ἐ]-
πὶ τὴν ἐπ̣ιμέλειαν τῶν τειχῶν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι καὶ τούτων τῶν ἔ̣ργων ὅ[πως ἂν ἐξεργάζωνται οἱ μισθωσάμενοι, λαμβάνοντες ὀβολὸν(?) ․․6․․․ παρ]-
[ὰ] τῆς πόλεως, τὸ δὲ ἀργύριον εἶναι εἰς ταῦ[τ]α ἐκ τῶν χρημάτων τῶν τει[χοποιικῶν. ἀποδιδόναι δὲ τὸ ἀργύριον τοὺς τειχοποιοὺς μετὰ τῶν κεχε]-
45 [ι]ροτονημένων ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμο τοῖς μισθοσαμένοις τὰ ἔργα λαμβάνον[τας ἐκ τῶν τειχοποιικῶν (34 litt.) Διότ(?)]-
[ι]μος Τιμωνίδο Ἁλαιεύς, Φιλόδημος Ἀυτοκλέους Ἑροιάδης· Διόδωρος [patr. dem., nomen patr. dem. ἀρχιτέκτονες].
col. I.47
[σ]υ̣γγραφαὶ τοῦ τείχους τοῦ Μονιχ-
[ί]ασι. οἱ μισθωσάμενοι τὰς τομὰς τῶ-
ν λίθων ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη τεμοῦσιν πέτ-
50 ρας ὁπόθεν ἂν ἕκαστος μισθώσητα-
ι ὁμαλοῦς καὶ ὑγιοῦς καὶ πελεκήσ-
ουσιν ὀρθοὺς πανταχῆι καὶ εὐγων-
ίους πρὸς τὰ μέτρα ἃ ἂν μισθώσητα-
ι ἕκαστος καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀναγραφέ-
55 ας οὓς ἂν οἱ τὴν ἐργασίαν μισθωσά-
μενοι κελεύωσιν, καὶ κομιοῦσι πρ-
ὸς τὸ ἔργον ἄγοντες ὁποίους ἂν κε-
λεύωσι πρώτους οἱ τὴν ἐργασίαν μ-
[ι]σθωσάμενοι, καὶ καθαιρήσονται
60 π̣ρὸς τὸ ἔργον τὸ λίθον ἕκαστον ο-
ὗ ἂν οἱ τὴν ἐργασίαν μισθωσάμενο-
ι κελεύωσιν, οὗ ἂν ἦι ζεύγει πρόσο-
δ̣ος· ἐὰν δέ τις τῶν λίθων ἔχει τι κρ-
οιὸν μὴ μεῖζον ἢ ἡμιποδίου, ὃ μὴ ἔστ-
65 [αι φ]ανερὸν κειμένου τοῦ λίθου, ἔσ-
[ται δό]κ̣ι̣μος. τέμνειν δὲ καὶ κομίζ-
[ειν τοὺς λιθο]ὺς πρὸς τὸ ἔργον τοὺ-
[ς ἄνδρας ὡς ἂν ἕκ]α̣στος μισθώσητα-
[ι ἱκανοὺς κατὰ τὴ]ν̣ ἡμέραν ἑκάστη-
70 [ν ἐπιμελουμένους] ὅπως ἂν κομίζω-
[νται οἱ λίθοι ἐν τ]οῖς χρόνοις τοῖ-
[ς γεγραμμένοις, ἄρχε]ιν δ̣ὲ τοῦ κομ-
[ίζειν τοὺς λίθους τὴν] δ̣εκάτην ἡμ-
[έραν ἀφ’ ἧς ἂν ἡμέρας παρα]λάβηι τὰ
75 [μέτρα ․․․․․․14․․․․․․ γ]έ̣νηται π-
․․․․․․․․․21․․․․․․․․․․αμενοι
[․․․․․․․․․21․․․․․․․․․․ μ]αλακη
․․․․․․․․․․․24․․․․․․․․․․․η εν
․․․․․․․․․․․․26․․․․․․․․․․․․#⁷
col. II.80 ποιῶν τὰ μέτωπα τῶν κλιμακτήρω[ν]
λεῖα καὶ ὀρθὰ καὶ ἐξαμησάμενο<ς> [τ]-
ὴν λατύπην τὴν ἐγκεχωμένην ἐκ τ[ο̑]
στρογγύλο πύργο ἅπασαν, πληρώσ[α]-
ς τὸμ πύργον λίθοις μὴ ἐλάττοσι[ν]
85 ἢ δίποσιν, ἐὰμ μή που ἀνάγκηι ἦι θε[ῖ]-
ναι ἐλάττω πρὸς τὸ χωρίον, τὸ δὲ̣ [ὕψ]-
ος ἴσους τῶι στοίχωι τῶι ἔξωθ[εν, σ]-
υντιθεὶς ἁρμόττοντας πρὸς [ἀλλή]-
λους πανταχῆι, ποιῶν τοὺς ἁ[ρμοὺς]
90 τοῦ πληρώματος τούτο ἀπότ[ους. λί]-
θοις δὲ χρῆσθαι εἰς τὸ πλήρω[μα το]-
ῖς ὑπάρχουσιν ἐν τῆι Μουνιχ[ίαι, π]-
λὴν ὁπόσοι ἂν ἐπισημανθῶσιν [χρή]-
σιμοι ὄντες εἰς τὴν οἰκοδομ[ίαν τ]-
95 ῶν νεωρίων, καὶ ἐπικόπτειν τ[ὰ πλη]-
ρώματα ὀρθὰ κατὰ κεφαλὴν πρ[ὸς τὸ]-
ν τοῖχον τοῦ πύργου τὸν ἔξω ἐ[φ’ ἑκά]-
στης τῆς ἐφόδου. ταῦτα οἱ μισ[θωσά]-
μενοι ἀποδώσουσιν πεποιημ[ένα ἅ]-
100 παντα ὀρθὰ καὶ ἁρμόττοντα πα[ντα]-
χῆι καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἔντορνον στρ[ογγ]-
ύλα καὶ τὰς προσαγωγὰς ὁμοία[ς κύ]-
κλωι ὅπως ἂν ἦι ὀρθὰ τὰ μεταπύ[ργι]-
α καὶ οἱ πύργοι ἁπανταχῆι καὶ α[ἱ κ]-
105 λίμακες, παρεχόμενοι αὐτοὶ αὑ̣[το]-
ῖς καὶ τοῖς λιθοτόμοις ἀναγρα[φέ]-
ας καὶ τἆλλα πάντα ὧν ἂν δέωντα[ι ε]-
ἰς τὸ ἔργον· τοὺς λίθους τοὺς εἰ[ς τ]-
ὸ πλήρωμα τῶι πύργωι προσάξετ̣[αι]
110 αὐτὸς αὑτῶι ἅπαντας ὅσων ἂν [δέητ]-
αι. ἀποδώσουσιν ταῦτα ἅπαν[τα πεπ]-
οιημένα κατὰ τὰ γεγραμμέ[να ․․․․]
[․]#⁷κ․․#⁷ι̣κ․․ρ̣․․․․ν̣ι̣τ̣ωι #⁷․․6․․․
col. III.113a
col. III periit
col. IV.113b
col. IV periit
[․․․7․․․ ἐν στήληι λιθίν]ηι καὶ στῆ[σ]-
[αι ἐν ἀκροπόλει παρὰ τὴ]ν τοῦ πατρὸ[ς]
[στήλην, ἑλέσθαι δὲ κα]ὶ πρεσβευτὴν ἕ-
[να ἄνδρα, ἐξ Ἀθηναί]ων ἁπάντων, ὅστις
5 [ἀπαγγελεῖ πρὸς Ἰ]ατροκλέα τὴν εὔνο-
[ιαν, ἣν ὁ δῆμος ἔχ]ει πρὸς αὐτὸν, καὶ ὅσ-
․․․․․13․․․․․․ι τῶν χρημάτων ὑπολ-
[․․․․9․․․․ συνε]πιμεληθῆναι Ἰατρο-
[κλέα τῶι πρεσβε]υτῆι, ὅπως ἂν σωθῆι. δ-
10 [ο̑ναι δὲ τῶι αἱρε]θέντι πρεσβευτῆι ἐ-
[φόδια τὸν ταμί]αν τοῦ δήμου ΔΔ δραχμ-
[ὰς, ἔτι δὲ εἰς τὴ]ν στήλην ΔΔ ἑτέρας τῶ-
[ι γραμματεῖ τῶ]ι κατὰ πρυτανείαν ἐκ
[τῶν κατὰ ψηφίσ]ματ’ ἀναλισκομένων τ-
15 [ῶι δήμωι· καλέσ]αι δὲ τὸν ἥκοντα παρὰ
[Ἰατροκλέους ἐ]πὶ ξένια εἰς τὸ πρυτα-
[νεῖον εἰς αὔριο]ν· ἐπιμεληθῆναι δὲ Α-
[ὐτοκλέα? τὸν στρα]ηγὸν τῆς κομιδῆς
[τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ, ὅπως ἂν] ὡς ἀσφαλέσ[τ]-
20 [ατα — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]ΕΙ․․
δὲ αὐτῶν τὴμ β- |5 [ουλὴν ὅπως ἂν σώως οἰ]κῶσιν ἤδη καὶ ὡς ἀσφ- | [αλέστατα. ἐπαινέσαι δ]ὲ αὐτοὺς ἀνδραγαθ-
[— — — — — — ἀναγράψαι — — — — —]
1 [․․6․․․ τὸν γραμματέα τῆς βουλ]ῆς ἐν στήλ-
[ηι λιθίνηι καὶ στῆσαι] ἐν ἀκροπόλει δέκα
[ἡμερῶν. στῆσαι δὲ καὶ ἐ]ν Σηστῶι τὸν ἄρχον-
[τα ․․․8․․․․· ἐπιμελη]θῆν[α]ι δὲ αὐτῶν τὴμ β-
5 [ουλὴν ὅπως ἂν σώως οἰ]κῶσιν ἤδη καὶ ὡς ἀσφ-
[αλέστατα. ἐπαινέσαι δ]ὲ αὐτοὺς ἀνδραγαθ-
[ίας ἕνεκα τῆς εἰς τὸν δ]ῆμον τὸν Ἀθηναίων
[καὶ καλέσαι ἐπὶ δεῖπν]ον εἰς τὸ πρυτανεῖ-
[ον εἰς αὔριον]. vacat
καὶ εἶμε[ν αὐτοῖς] | 10 [ἀσφάλει]αν κα[ὶ ἀσυλίαν]
ἔ̣[δο]ξε βουλᾶι καὶ δάμω[ι]
[Ἐπιδ]αυρίων· πρόξε̣ν̣ον
[εἶμεν κ]αὶ εὐεργέτα̣[ν]
τᾶς πόλιος τᾶς Ἐπ[ιδαυ]-
5 [ρίων κ]αὶ θεαροδόκο[ν τοῦ]
Ἀσ̣κλαπιοῦ Ναυσί-
μανδ̣ρον Νικολά[ου καὶ]
[ἐκγό]ν̣ους αὐτ̣οῦ [(ethnicum)]
[․․ο]υς, καὶ εἶμε[ν αὐτοῖς]
10 [ἀσφάλει]αν κα[ὶ ἀσυλίαν]
[καὶ ἐμ πο]λέμ[ωι καὶ ἐν]
[εἰράναι — — — — — — —]
πά- | ντα χρόνον καὶ ἔνκτησ- | [ι]ν γᾶς καὶ οἰκίας καὶ ἀ- | σφάλειαν καὶ κατὰ γᾶν | 10 καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν
ἀγαθᾶι τύχαι· Λαμιεῖς
ἔδωκαν προξενίαν πολ-
ιτείαν Ἱπποκράτει, Δα-
<μ>ο[κρ]ίτωι, Σιμμίᾳ Θεσσ-
5 αλοῖς ἐξ Λαρίσας αὐτο-
ῖς καὶ ἐκγόνοις τὸμ πά-
ντα χρόνον καὶ ἔνκτησ-
[ι]ν γᾶς καὶ οἰκίας καὶ ἀ-
σφάλειαν καὶ κατὰ γᾶν
10 καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν καὶ
εἰράνας καὶ πολέμου κ-
αὶ ὅσα τοῖς ἄλλοις προ-
ξένοις δίδοται. ἀρχόν-
των Ξενοκ̣λέα, Τιμαρχί-
15 δα, Ἀπολλωνίδα, Ἀλκίδα,
[σ]τραταγέοντος Πασιξ-
[ένου, ἱ]ππαρχέοντος Φι-
[․․․7․․․ γρ]α[μ]ματεύον-
[τος ․․․․10․․․․] ἔ[γ]γυ[ο]-
20 [ς τᾶς προξενίας] Ε̣․ΓΥ․
[— — — — — — — — —]
ἐπινομία- | 10 ν, ἀσυλίαν, ἀτέλειαν, ἀσφάλει- | αν καὶ ἐμ πολέμωι καὶ ἐν εἰρή- | νηι
[θ]εός· τύχη.
ἔδοξε τῆι πόλει τῶν Τεγεατῶ-
ν Ἁγήσανδρον Νικοστράτου Θ-
εσσαλὸν ἐξ Σκοτούσσης Τεγε-
5 ατῶν πρόξενον εἶναι καὶ εὐε-
ργέτην αὐτὸν καὶ ἐγγόνους, κ-
αὶ εἶναι αὐτῶι ὡς εὐεργέτηι
ὄντι ἰσοπολιτείαν καὶ ἔμπα-
σιν οἰκίας καὶ γῆς, ἐπινομία-
10 ν, ἀσυλίαν, ἀτέλειαν, ἀσφάλει-
αν καὶ ἐμ πολέμωι καὶ ἐν εἰρή-
νηι καὶ αὐτῶι καὶ γένει. προ-
στάτα<ι> τοῦ δάμου· Λύκιος, Θεό-
κριτος, Ἀλέξανδρος, στραταγο-
15 ί· Οἴκιος, Δυαῖος, Κάμπας, Κλεα-
ίνετος, Φιλέας, Εὐδοξίδας, Ξε-
νοκλῆς, Ἱππίας, Κλεόκριτος, Ὑ-
λαῖος, Αὐτοκλῆς, ἵππαρχος· Τεί-
σανδρος, γραμματεύς· Ἁγέας,
20 ἱερεὺς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς· Εὐαίνετος.
[καὶ ἀσφάλειαν] καὶ πολέμω [καὶ εἰράνας καὶ]
[θεός ∶ ἔδοξε τᾶι πόλι τῶλ Λο]υσιατᾶ[ν ․․․]
․․․․․․․․c.20․․․․․․․․ πρόξενο[ν ἦ]-
[ναι? καὶ εὐεργέτ]αν τ[ᾶς πόλιος τῶ]λ Λουσια[τᾶν]
[καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ] ἐγγόνο[υς ․․․․․․]ς· ἦ[ναι? δὲ]
5 [καὶ ἀσφάλειαν] καὶ πολέμω [καὶ εἰράνας καὶ]
[ἀσυλίαν αὐτ]ῶι κα[ὶ] τοῖς αὐ[τοῦ χρήμασι κα]-
7 [θάπερ τ]οῖς ἄλλοις προ[ξένοις καὶ εὐερ]-
[γέται]ς ∶ ἐπὶ δαμιοργο[ῦ ․․․․․12․․․․․]
[τοῦ Ν]ικοδάμο[υ].
ἀσφά|λειαν αὐτοῖς εἲμεν καὶ π|ολέμου καὶ εἰράνας καὶ χ|ρήμ[[ασι]
ἔδοξε τᾶι πόλι τῶλ Λουσ|ιατᾶν· Ὀλύμπιχον Πολυκλέ|ος Χαραδρέα θεαροδόκον| καὶ πρόξενον εἶμεν αὐτ|ὸν καὶ [ἐ]γγόνους καὶ ἀσφά|λειαν αὐτοῖς εἶμεν καὶ π|ολέμου καὶ εἰράνας καὶ χ|ρήμ[[ασι]· εἶ[μ]εν δὲ καὶ ἐπι|[ν]ο[μίαν αὐ]τοῖς καὶ τἂλλ|α ὅσα [καὶ] τοῖς ἄλλοις προ|ξένο[ις] καὶ θεαροδόκοις·
Ποσειδῶνι Ἀσφαλείωι | Δαμοφῶν ἀνέθηκε.
Ποσειδῶνι Ἀσφαλείωι
Δαμοφῶν ἀνέθηκε.
[εν] αὐτοῖ ἀτέλε[ιαν] κα[ὶ ἀσφ]- | [ά]<λ>ιαν καὶ [ἀ]σ[υλίαν]
[— — — — — — — — — —]
1 [δεδόχθη] τ̣οῖ δ[άμοι, — —]
[— —]λωνος Βυζ[άντιον]
[Βοι]ω̣τῶν πρόξενον εἶ[μεν]
[κ]αὶ εὐεργέταν, καὶ ε[ἶμ]-
5 [εν] αὐτοῖ ἀτέλε[ιαν] κα[ὶ ἀσφ]-
[ά]<λ>ιαν καὶ [ἀ]σ[υλίαν]
[καὶ π]ολέμ[ω καὶ εἰράν]-
[ας ἰώσ]ας καὶ κατ[ὰ γᾶν καὶ]
[κατ]ὰ θάλασ[σα]ν κα[ὶ]
10
[γ]ᾶς καὶ οἰκίας ἔγκτησι[ν]
καὶ αὐτῶι καὶ ἐγγόνο[ι]-
ς ⋮ βοιωταρχιόντων
Ἀ̣σωποδώρο̄, Μαληκί-
δαο, Διογίτ[ο]νος, Μιξί-
15
αο, Ἀμινά[δ]α̣ο, Ἱππίαο,
Αἰτώνδαο.
Sammeldatensatz vieler Texte
viele Texte
viele Texte unter einem Datensatz…
ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος
Μνησικλείδην Ἐπίανακτος
ἐπιμεληθέντα
τῆς ἐπανορθώσεως τῶν τειχῶν
5
καὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν πόλ[ι]ν ἀσφαλ<ε>ίας
προνοηθέντα
ἐκτενῶς καὶ φιλοτίμως καὶ ἀρετῆς ἕνεκεν
καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς πρὸς τὴν πα[τ]ρίδα φιλοστοργίας.
Ἀρτεμι, σοὶ τόδε ἄγαλμα Τελεστοδί[κη ἀνέθηκεν]
Ἀσφαλίο μήτηρ, Θερσέλεω θυγάτηρ.
το̑ Παρίο ποίημα Κριτωνίδεω εὔχομ[αι εἶναι].
Ποσειδῶνος Ἀσφαλείου.
[ἐπειδὴ Ἀδείμαντος Ἀνδροσθένους]-
1
[Λαμψακηνὸς διατρίβων παρὰ τῶι β]ασιλ-
[εῖ Δημητρίωι — — — — — — — κ]αὶ τἆλλ-
[α πάντα οὐδὲν ἐνλείπων τῆ]ς εὐνοίας τ-
[ε καὶ συναγωνιζόμενος τοῖ]ς Ἕλλησιν δια-
5
[τελεῖ καὶ περὶ τὸν δῆ]μον τὸν Ἐρετριέ-
[ων εὔνους ὢν καὶ λέγω]ν καὶ πράττων ἀεὶ
[— — — — —]ω̣ν̣ τὰ συμφέροντα Ἐρετρ-
[ιέων πόλει· ἔδοξεν] τῶι δήμωι ἐπαινέσαι μ-
[ὲν Ἀδείμαντον Ἀ]ν̣δροσθένους Λαμψακην-
10
[ὸν ἀρετῆς ἕνεκα] καὶ φιλοτιμίας τῆς εἰς τ-
[ὴμ πόλιν τὴν Ἐρε]τριέων καὶ εἶναι πολίτ-
[ην τοῦ δήμου αὐ]τὸγ καὶ ἐγγόνους καὶ με-
[τεῖναι αὐτοῖς τῶν] ἱερῶν καὶ τῶν̣ ἄλλων ἁπά-
[ντων ὧπνερ καὶ το]ῖς ἄλλοις Ἐρετριεῦσι
15
[μέτεστι· εἶναι δ]ὲ καὶ πρόσοδον αὐτοῖς
[πρὸς τὴμ βουλὴν κ]αὶ τὸν δῆμον πρώτοις μ-
[ετὰ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ ἀτ]έλειαν εἰσάγουσι καὶ
[ἐξάγουσι ἐκ τῆς] χώρας ὅσα ἐπὶ χρήσει αὐ-
[τοῖς καὶ ἀσφάλει]αν καὶ ἀσυλ{υλ}ίαν {²⁶ἀσυλίαν}²⁶ καὶ εἰ-
20
[σπλέουσι καὶ ἐκ]πλέουσι καὶ εἰρήνης κ-
[αὶ πολέμου· τοὺς δ]ὲ προβούλους τοὺς ἀεὶ
[ὄντας ἐπιμελεῖσθ]αι Ἀδειμάντου καὶ τῶ-
[ν ἐγγόνων, ὅπως ἐν Ἐ]ρετρίαι μηθ’ ὑφ’ ἑνὸς ἂν
[ἀδικηθῶσιν· στ]ῆσαι δὲ καὶ εἰκόνα
25
[Ἀδειμάντου ὅπου ἂν] βούληται· ἑλέσθαι
[δὲ καὶ ἄνδρας τρεῖς ἐ]ξ ἁπάντων Ἐρετριέ-
[ων, οἵτινες ἐπιμελήσον]ται τῆς εἰκόνος
[τῆς κατασκευῆς Ἀδε]ιμάντου· ὁ δὲ ταμ-
[ίας καταβαλέτω τὸ ἀργύρ]ιον, καθ’ ὅτι ἂν οἱ
30
[πρόβουλοι γράφωσιν· χειρ]οτονῆσαι δὲ καὶ
[πρεσβευτὴν ἕνα ἐκ πάντων] Ἐρετριέων, ὅσ-
[τις ἀποδώσει Ἀδειμάντωι τὰ ἐψ]ηφισμένα
[Ἐρετριεῦσιν καὶ τὴν εὔνοιαν ἐμ]φανιεῖ,
[ἣν ὁ δῆμος ἔχει εἰς αὐτόν, δηλώσει δὲ] ὅτι
35
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — —]ον.
[— — — — γῆς καὶ οἰ]κίας ἔ-
[γκτησιν καὶ ἀσφάλε]ιαν καὶ
[ἀσυλίαν καὶ πολέμ]ου καὶ εἰ-
[ρήνης καὶ κατὰ γῆν] καὶ κατὰ θ-
5
[άλατταν καὶ πρ]όσοδον πρὸς
[τὴν βουλὴν κ]αὶ τὸν δῆμον πρώ-
[τοις μετὰ τὰ ἱ]ερὰ καὶ ἀτέλε[ι]-
[αν εἰσάγουσι]ν καὶ ἐξάγουσ-
[ιν καθάπερ τοῖ]ς ἄλλοις Ἐρε-
10
[τριεῦσιν· ἀναγρ]άψαι δὲ τόδ-
[ε τὸ ψήφισμα ἐν στ]ήληι λιθ[ί]-
[νηι καὶ στῆσαι ἐν] τῶι ἱερῶ[ι]
[τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ] Δαφνη[φό]-
[ρου].
ηι[— — — — — — — — Τανα]-
γραίο̣[υς προξένους εἶναι]
Ἐρετριέων αὐτοὺς [καὶ ἐκ]-
γόνους καὶ εἶναι αὐτ[οῖς π]-
5
[ρ]όσοδ[ο]ν̣ πρὸς τὴμ βουλὴ̣[ν κα]-
ὶ τὸν [δῆ]μον πρώτοις μετ[ὰ]
τὰ ἱ[ερ]ὰ, ἄν τινος δέωνται,
[καὶ γῆ]ς ἔγκτησιν καὶ ἀτέ-
[λειαν] καὶ εἰσάγουσι καὶ ἐξ-
10
[άγου]σ̣ι καθάπερ τοῖς ἄλλοι-
[ς Ἐρετρ]ιεῦσι καὶ ἀσφάλει-
[αν εἰσπλ]έουσι καὶ ἐκπλέο-
[υσιν καὶ πολ]έμου καὶ εἰρή[νης]
vacat
μήτε κτήσασθαι ὄφελλον, | Ἀσφαλίων·
#⁹⁰⁰ Θ(εοῖς) #⁹⁰⁰ Κ(αταχθονίοις). #⁹⁰⁰
παῖς ἔτι νηπίαχος Ἱερώνυμος ἐνθάδε κεῖται,
ὃς τριέτης ἔθανεν ἡμέρηι ἑβδομάτηι·
κάλλιπε δ’ ἡμῖν πένθος ἐπώδυνον εἰς ὅσον αἰών,
5
ἔξοχα δ’ αὖ γενέτῃσιν ἐπεὶ μοῦνος γένετ’ αὐτοῖς.
αἴθε σε μήτ’ ἰδέειν μήτε κτήσασθαι ὄφελλον,
Ἀσφαλίων· μέλλες γὰρ ἀνιάσειν με ὅσον ἥσθην
στωμυλίαισι τεαῖς νηπιαχευομένου.
[Σωτ]έλης | [Ἀθη]ναῖος | [Πο]ειδῶ- | [νι Ἀσ]φαλ- |5 [είῳ].
[Σωτ]έλης
[Ἀθη]ναῖος
[Πο]ειδῶ-
[νι Ἀσ]φαλ-
5
[είῳ].
Text: Canali De Rossi, Filippo. Iscrizioni dello estremo oriente greco. Un repertorio. «Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien», 65. Bonn 2004. Additional commentary: Jenseits des Euphrat: griechische Inschriften. Ein epigraphisches Lesebuch. Zusammengestellt, übersetzt und erklärt von Reinhold Merkelbach und Josef Stauber. München—Leipzig 2005.
μαλλον και ασφαλεστερον διαμενειν
[․․․8․․․․ σπουδὴν] ἐποιού[μ]εθα [περὶ τῆς τῶν]
[Ἑλλήνων ἐλ]ευθερίας· ἄλλα τε οὐ μικ[ρ]ὰ δι[ὰ]
[τοῦτο συγχ]ωροῦντες καὶ χρήματα προσδια-
[․․․7․․․, κα]ὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων συναπεστείλαμε[ν]
5
[μετὰ Δημά]ρχου Αἰσχύλον· ἕως δὲ συνωμολογ-
[εῖτο ἐπὶ τ]ούτοις τὴν ἔντευξιν ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἑλλη[σ]-
[πόντου] ἐπ<ο>ιούμεθα· καὶ εἰ μὴ κωλυταὶ τι-
[νες ἐγέ]νοντο, τότε ἂν συνετελέσθη ταῦτα·
[νῦν δὲ] γενομένων λόγων Κασσάνδρωι καὶ Πτο-
10
[λεμαί]ωι ὑπὲρ <δ>ιαλύσεων· καὶ πρὸς ἡμᾶς πα-
[ραγε]νομένων· Πρεπελάου καὶ Ἀριστοδήμου
[ὑπὲ]ρ τούτων· καίπερ ὁρῶντές τινα· ὧν ἠξί-
[ου] Κάσσανδρος ἐργωδέστερα ὄντα· ἐπεὶ τὰ
[π]ερὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας συνωμολογεῖτο· ἀναγ-
15
[κ]αῖον ὤιμεθα εἶναι παριδεῖν· ἵνα τοῦ τὰ ὅ-
λα συντελεσθῆναι τὴν ταχίστην· ἐπεὶ πρὸ
πολλοῦ γ’ ἂν ἐποιησάμεθ’ ἅπαντα διοικῆσα[ι]
τοῖς Ἕλλησιν καθὰ προειλόμεθα· διὰ τὸ δὲ
μακρότερον τοῦτο γίνεσθαι· ἐν δὲ τῶι χρο-
20
νίζειν ἐνίοτε πολλὰ καὶ παράλογα συμβαί-
νειν· φιλοτιμεῖσθαι δὲ ἐφ’ ἡμῶν τὰ πρὸς το[ὺς]
Ἕλληνας συντελεσθῆναι, ὤιμεθα δεῖν μηδὲ
μικρὰ κινδυνεῦσαι τὰ ὅλα μὴ διοικηθῆναι·
ὅσην δὲ σπουδὴν πεποήμεθα περὶ ταῦτα, φανε-
25
ρὸν οἶμαι ἔσεσθαι καὶ ὑμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις
ἅπασιν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν διοικημένων· ὄντων δ’ [ἡ]-
μῖν τῶν πρὸς Κάσσανδρον καὶ Λυσίμαχον συν-
τετελεσμένων· πρὸς <ἃ> Πρεπέλαον ἔπεμψαν αὐ-
τοκράτορα· ἀπέστειλεν Πτολεμαῖος πρὸς ἡ-
30
μᾶς πρέσβεις, ἀξιῶν καὶ τὰ πρὸς αὑτὸν διαλυ-
θῆναι καὶ εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν ὁμολογίαν γραφῆναι·
[ἡ]με<ῖ>ς δὲ οὐ μικρὸμ μὲν ἑ[ω]ρῶμεν τὸ μεταδιδό-
[ναι φιλ]οτιμίας ὑ[π]ὲρ ἧς πράγματα οὐκ ὀλίγα
ἐσχ[ήκαμεν κ]α[ὶ] χρήματα πολλὰ ἀνηλώκαμε[ν],
35
καὶ τα[ῦτ]α τῶν πρὸς Κά[σ]σανδρον κ[αὶ Λ]υ̣σ̣ί̣[μα]-
χον ἡμῖν διωικημένων· καὶ εὐχερεσ[τέρας]
οὔσης τῆς λοιπῆ[ς π]ραγματείας· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
διὰ τὸ ὑπολαμ[β]άνειν καὶ τῶν πρὸς τοῦτον
συντελεσθέ[ν]των· τὰ πρὸς Πολυπέρχοντα
40
θ̣ᾶσσον ἂν διοικηθῆναι, μηθενὸς αὐτῶι συν-
ορκοῦτος· καὶ διὰ τὴν οἰκειότητα τὴν ὑπάρ-
χουσαν ἡμῖν πρὸς αὐτόν· ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς ὁ-
ρῶντες κα[ὶ] τοὺς ἄλλους συμμάχους ἐνοχλου-
μένους ὑπό τε τῆς στρατείας καὶ τῶν δαπανη-
45
μάτων· ὤιμεθα καλῶς ἔχειν συγχωρῆσαι καὶ
τὰ[ς δ]ιαλ[ύσ]εις ποήσασθαι καὶ πρὸς τοῦτον·
σ[υνο]μολογησόμενον δὲ ἀπεστείλαμεν Ἀρισ-
τό[δ]ημον καὶ Αἰσχύλον καὶ Ἡγησίαν· οὗτοι
τε δὴ παρεγένοντο λαβόντες τὰ πιστὰ καὶ οἱ
50
παρὰ Πτολεμαίου οἱ περὶ Ἀριστόβουλον ἦλ-
θον ληψόμενοι παρ’ ἡμῶν· ἴστε οὖν συντετε-
λεσμένας τὰς διαλύσεις καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην γε-
γενημένην· γεγράφαμεν δὲ ἐν τῆι ὁμολογίαι
ὀμόσαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας πάντας συνδιαφυλάσ-
55
σειν ἀλλήλοις τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτ[ο]-
[ν]ομίαν, ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἐφ’ ἡμῶν μὲν ὅσα ἀν-
[θ]ρωπίνωι λογισμῶι διαφυλάσσεσθαι ἂν τα[ῦ]-
[τ]α· εἰς δὲ τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἐνόρκων γενο-
μένων τῶν τε Ἑλλήνων πάντων καὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς
60
[π]ράγμασιν ὄντων μᾶλλον ἂν καὶ ἀσφαλέστε-
[ρ]ον διαμενεῖν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν·
[κ]αὶ τὸ συνδιαφυλάξειν δὲ προσομνύναι ἃ ἡ-
[μ]εῖς ὡμολογήκαμεν πρὸς ἀλλήλους· οὐκ ἄδο-
ξον οὐδὲ ἀσύμφερον τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἑωρῶμεν
65
ὄν· καλῶς δή μοι δοκεῖ ἔχειν ὀμόσαι ὑμᾶς
τὸν ὅρκον ὃν ἀφεστάλκαμεν· πειρασόμεθα δὲ
καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ὅτι ἂν ἔχωμεν τῶν συμφε-
ρόντων καὶ ὑμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησιν πα-
ρασκευάζειν· ὑπὲρ δὴ τούτων καὶ γράψαι μοι
70
ἐδόκει καὶ ἀποστεῖλαι Ἄκιον <τὸν> διαλεξόμε-
νον· φέρει δὲ ὑμῖν καὶ τῆς ὁμολογίας ἧς πε-
ποήμεθα καὶ τοῦ ὅρκου ἀντίγραφα· ἔρρωσθε.
Text: Inschriften Mysia & Troas [IMT], eds. Matthias Barth and Josef Stauber. Leopold Wenger Institut. Universität München. Version of 25.8.1993 (Ibycus). Packard Humanities Institute CD #7, 1996. — Troas, «Skamander und Nebentäler», nos. 101-398. — Includes: Peter Frisch. Die Inschriften von Ilion. «Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien», 3. Bonn 1975.
μάλιστα μὲν πειρῶ ζῆν κατὰ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν
[43] μᾶλλον εὐλαβοῦ ψόγον ἢ κίνδυνον: δεῖ γὰρ εἶναι φοβερὰν τοῖς μὲν φαύλοις τὴν τοῦ βίου τελευτήν, τοῖς δὲ σπουδαίοις τὴν ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἀδοξίαν. μάλιστα μὲν πειρῶ ζῆν κατὰ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν: ἐὰν δέ ποτέ σοι συμβῇ κινδυνεύειν, ζήτει τὴν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου σωτηρίαν μετὰ καλῆς δόξης, ἀλλὰ μὴ μετ᾽ αἰσχρᾶς φήμης: τὸ μὲν γὰρ τελευτῆσαι πάντων ἡ πεπρωμένη κατέκρινε, τὸ δὲ καλῶς ἀποθανεῖν ἴδιον τοῖς σπουδαίοις ἀπένειμεν.
[43] Be more careful in guarding against censure than against danger; for the wicked may well dread the end of life, but good men should dread ignominy during life. Strive by all means to live in security, but if ever it falls to your lot to face the dangers of battle, seek to preserve your life, but with honor and not with disgrace; for death is the sentence which fate has passed on all mankind, but to die nobly is the special honor which nature has reserved for the good.
βασιλείας ἀσφαλεστάτης ἡγησάμενος
[18] καὶ πρῶτον μὲν Θησεύς, ὁ λεγόμενος μὲν Αἰγέως, γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος, ἰδὼν αὐτὴν οὔπω μὲν ἀκμάζουσαν, ἤδη δὲ τῶν ἄλλων διαφέρουσαν, τοσοῦτον ἡττήθη τοῦ κάλλους ὁ κρατεῖν τῶν ἄλλων εἰθισμένος, ὥσθ᾽ ὑπαρχούσης αὐτῷ καὶ πατρίδος μεγίστης καὶ βασιλείας ἀσφαλεστάτης ἡγησάμενος οὐκ ἄξιον εἶναι ζῆν ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀγαθοῖς ἄνευ τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνην οἰκειότητος,
[18] In the first place Theseus, reputedly the son of Aegeus, but in reality the progeny of Poseidon, seeing Helen not as yet in the full bloom of her beauty, but already surpassing other maidens, was so captivated by her loveliness that he, accustomed as he was to subdue others, and although the possessor of a fatherland most great and a kingdom most secure, thought life was not worth living amid the blessings he already had unless he could enjoy intimacy with her.
εἶναι φυλακὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην τήν τε περὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν
[15] ἤρξατο μὲν οὖν ἐντεῦθεν, ὅθεν περ χρὴ τοὺς εὖ φρονοῦντας, ἅμα τόν τε τόπον ὡς κάλλιστον καταλαβεῖν καὶ τροφὴν ἱκανὴν τοῖς περὶ αὑτὸν ἐξευρεῖν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διελόμενος χωρὶς ἑκάστους τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς ἱερωσύνας κατέστησε, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰς τέχνας ἔτρεψε, τοὺς δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον μελετᾶν ἠνάγκασεν, ἡγούμενος τὰ μὲν ἀναγκαῖα καὶ τὰς περιουσίας ἔκ τε τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν τεχνῶν δεῖν ὑπάρχειν, τούτων δ᾽ εἶναι φυλακὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην τήν τε περὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν.
[15] So Busiris thus began, as wise men should, by occupying the fairest country and also by finding sustenance sufficient for his subjects. Afterwards, he divided them into classes: some he appointed to priestly services, others he turned to the arts and crafts, and others he forced to practise the arts of war. He judged that, while necessities and superfluous products must be provided by the land and the arts, the safest means of protecting these was practice in warfare and reverence for the gods.
ἃ τὴν μὲν ἀσφάλειαν ὁμοίαν ἔχει τῇ τροφῇ τῇ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν
[22] μεθ᾽ ὧν ἐκεῖνοι βιοτεύοντες τοῖς μὲν σώμασιν ἰατριguten κὴν ἐξεῦρον ἐπικουρίαν, οὐ διακεκινδυνευμένοις φαρμάκοις χρωμένην ἀλλὰ τοιούτοις, ἃ τὴν μὲν ἀσφάλειαν ὁμοίαν ἔχει τῇ τροφῇ τῇ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν, τὰς δ᾽ ὠφελείας τηλικαύτας ὥστ᾽ ἐκείνους ὁμολογουμένως ὑγιεινοτάτους εἶναι καὶ μακροβιωτάτους, ταῖς δὲ ψυχαῖς φιλοσοφίας ἄσκησιν κατέδειξαν, ἣ καὶ νομοθετῆσαι καὶ τὴν φύσιν τῶν ὄντων ζητῆσαι δύναται.
[22] And the priests, because they enjoyed such conditions of life, discovered for the body the aid which the medical art affords, not that which uses dangerous drugs, but drugs of such a nature that they are as harmless as daily food, yet in their effects are so beneficial that all men agree the Egyptians are the healthiest and most long of life among men; and then for the soul they introduced philosophy's training, a pursuit which has the power, not only to establish laws, but also to investigate the nature of the universe.
ἔχων γὰρ βασιλείαν ἀσφαλεστάτην καὶ μεγίστην
[127] μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἀδύνατον, τὰ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐπελθόντα τὸν χρόνον εἰς τοῦτον ἀποθέσθαι τὸν καιρόν, ὃν οὐ προῄδειν ἐσόμενον. ἐκεῖνα μὲν οὖν ἐάσομεν, ἐπειδὴ πρὸς τὸ παρὸν αὐτοῖς κατεχρησάμην, μιᾶς δὲ μόνον μνησθήσομαι πράξεως, ᾗ συμβέβηκε μήτ᾽ εἰρῆσθαι πρότερον μήτε πεπρᾶχθαι μηδ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἄλλου πλὴν ὑπὸ Θησέως, σημεῖον δ᾽ εἶναι μέγιστον τῆς ἀρετῆς τῆς ἐκείνου καὶ φρονήσεως.
[128] ἔχων γὰρ βασιλείαν ἀσφαλεστάτην καὶ μεγίστην, ἐν ᾗ πολλὰ καὶ καλὰ διαπεπραγμένος ἦν καὶ κατὰ πόλεμον καὶ περὶ διοίκησιν τῆς πόλεως, ἅπαντα ταῦθ᾽ ὑπερεῖδεν, καὶ μᾶλλον εἵλετο τὴν δόξαν τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν πόνων καὶ τῶν ἀγώνων εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον μνημονευθησομένην ἢ τὴν ῥᾳθυμίαν καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τὴν διὰ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐν τῷ παρόντι γιγνομένην.
[127] But it was difficult, or rather impossible, to postpone the things which at that time occurred to me to say to the present occasion, which I could not foresee would come to me. Therefore I shall pass over this topic, since I have already exhausted it for my present purpose, and shall mention only a single course of action which, as it happens, has neither been discussed by anyone before nor been achieved by any other man but Theseus, and which is a signal proof of his virtue and wisdom.
[128] For although he ruled over the securest and greatest of kingdoms (1) and in the exercise of this power had accomplished many excellent things both in war and in the administration of the state, he disdained all this and chose the glory which, in consequence of his labours and his struggles, would be remembered for all time in preference to the ease and felicity which, because of his royal power, were at his command for the term of his life.
1 Repeated from Isoc. 10.18.
εἰ νομίζουσιν ἀσφαλῶς πολιτεύεσθαι μετὰ τούτων οἰκοῦντες
[178] τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἄλλους συνοίκους ἔχειν ἐν τῇ πόλει τοὺς στασιάσαντας καὶ κοινωνοὺς ἁπάντων πλὴν τῶν ἀρχῶν καὶ τῶν τιμῶν: οὓς οὐκ εὖ φρονεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι Σπαρτιατῶν τοὺς νοῦν ἔχοντας, εἰ νομίζουσιν ἀσφαλῶς πολιτεύεσθαι μετὰ τούτων οἰκοῦντες, περὶ οὓς τὰ μέγιστα τυγχάνουσιν ἐξημαρτηκότες: αὐτοὺς δ᾽ οὐδὲν τούτων ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ παρὰ σφίσι μὲν αὐτοῖς ἰσονομίαν καταστῆσαι καὶ δημοκρατίαν τοιαύτην, οἵαν περ χρὴ τοὺς μέλλοντας ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον ὁμονοήσειν, τὸν δὲ δῆμον περιοίκους ποιήσασθαι, καταδουλωσαμένους αὐτῶν τὰς ψυχὰς οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ τὰς τῶν οἰκετῶν:
[177] When, then, the Dorians who invaded the Peloponnesus divided into three parts both the cities and the lands which they had taken from their rightful owners, those of them who received Argos and Messene as their portions ordered their affairs very much as did the Hellenes in general. But the third division of them, whom we now call Lacedaemonians, were, according to close students of their history, more embroiled in factional strife than any other people of Hellas. Moreover, the party which looked down upon the multitude, having got the upper hand, did in no wise adopt the same measures regarding the issues of that conflict as the other Hellenes who had gone through a similar experience.
[178] For the latter suffered the opposing party to live with them and share in all the privileges of the state, excepting the offices and the honors, whereas the intelligent class among the Spartans held that such men were foolish in thinking that they could live in the same city with those against whom they had committed the greatest wrongs and yet govern the state in security; they themselves did nothing of the sort, but instead set up amongst their own class the only kind of equality and democracy (1) which is possible if men are to be at all times in complete accord, while reducing the mass of the people to the condition of Perioeci, subjecting their spirits to a bondage no less abject than that endured by slaves.
1 Those who enjoyed citizenship in Sparta are called by Aristotle Aristot. Pol. 8.7 ὅμοιοι, “equals.” Cf. Isoc. 7.61.
πρὸς μὲν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν εὖ βουλευόμενοι
[5] ὃ δὲ πάντων καταγελαστότατον, ὅτι παρὰ μὲν ὧν δεῖ λαβεῖν αὐτούς, τούτοις μὲν ἀπιστοῦσιν, οἷς μέλλουσι τὴν δικαιοσύνην παραδώσειν, ὧν δ᾽ οὐδεπώποτε διδάσκαλοι γεγόνασι, παρὰ τούτοις τὰ παρὰ τῶν μαθητῶν μεσεγγυοῦνται, πρὸς μὲν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν εὖ βουλευόμενοι, τῷ δ᾽ ἐπαγγέλματι τἀναντία πράττοντες.
[5] But what is most ridiculous of all is that they distrust those from whom they are to get this money—they distrust, that is to say, the very men to whom they are about to deliver the science of just dealing—and they require that the fees advanced by their students be entrusted for safe keeping (1) to those who have never been under their instruction, being well advised as to their security, but doing the opposite of what they preach.
(1) For their security, they required that the fees charged to their students be deposited with third parties until the end of the discourse.
τοῖς λόγοις ἀσφαλεστέροις χρῇ πρὸς αὐτούς
[142] “οὕτω γάρ” ἔφη “τινὲς ὑπὸ τοῦ φθόνου καὶ τῶν ἀποριῶν ἐξηγρίωνται καὶ δυσμενῶς ἔχουσιν, ὥστ᾽ οὐ ταῖς πονηρίαις ἀλλὰ ταῖς εὐπραγίαις πολεμοῦσι, καὶ μισοῦσιν οὐ μόνον τῶν ἀνθρώπων τοὺς ἐπιεικεστάτους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων τὰ βέλτιστα, καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις κακοῖς τοῖς μὲν ἀδικοῦσι συναγωνίζονται καὶ συγγνώμην ἔχουσιν, οἷς δ᾽ ἂν φθονήσωσιν ἀπολλύουσιν, ἤν περ δυνηθῶσι.
[143] ταῦτα δὲ δρῶντες οὐκ ἀγνοοῦσι περὶ ὧν τὴν ψῆφον οἴσουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀδικήσειν μὲν ἐλπίζοντες, ὀφθήσεσθαι δ᾽ οὐ προσδοκῶντες: σώζοντες οὖν τοὺς ὁμοίους σφίσιν αὐτοῖς βοηθεῖν νομίζουσι.
“τούτου δ᾽ ἕνεκά σοι ταῦτα διῆλθον, ἵνα προειδὼς ἄμεινον προσφέρῃ καὶ τοῖς λόγοις ἀσφαλεστέροις χρῇ πρὸς αὐτούς, ἐπεὶ νῦν γε τίνα χρὴ προσδοκᾶν γνώμην ἕξειν τοὺς τοιούτους, ὅταν τόν τε βίον τὸν σαυτοῦ καὶ τὰς πράξεις διεξίῃς μηδὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ὁμοίας οὔσας ταῖς τούτων, ἀλλ᾽ οἵας περ πρὸς ἐμὲ λέγειν ἐπιχειρεῖς;
[142] “Some men,” he said, “have been so brutalized by envy and want and are so hostile that they wage war, not on depravity, but on prosperity; they hate not only the best men but the noblest pursuits; and, in addition to their other faults, they take sides with wrong-doers and are in sympathy with them, while they destroy, whenever they have the power, those whom they have cause to envy.
[143] They do these things, not because they are ignorant of the issues on which they are to vote, but because they intend to inflict injury and do not expect to be found out; and so, by protecting those of their own kind, they think they are providing for their own safety.
“I have told you this in order that, being forewarned, you may be able to handle your case to better advantage and to use less dangerous arguments before the jury. For as things are, what judgement can you expect such men to reach when you tell them of your life and your conduct, which are not in the least degree like their own, but such as you are attempting to describe to me?
(es geht um die geheime Wahl...)
ἐνομίζετο τὸ πλουτεῖν ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι
[159] ἐνθυμοῦμαι δὲ μεταξὺ λέγων, ὅσον τὰ τῆς πόλεως μεταπέπτωκε, καὶ τὰς διανοίας ὡς οὐδὲν ὁμοίας περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων οἱ νῦν τοῖς πρότερον πεπολιτευμένοις ἔχουσιν. ὅτε μὲν γὰρ ἐγὼ παῖς ἦν, οὕτως ἐνομίζετο τὸ πλουτεῖν ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι καὶ σεμνὸν ὥστ᾽ ὀλίγου δεῖν πάντες προσεποιοῦντο πλείω κεκτῆσθαι τὴν οὐσίαν ἧς ἔχοντες ἐτύγχανον,
[160] βουλόμενοι μετασχεῖν τῆς δόξης ταύτης: νῦν δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ πλουτεῖν ὥσπερ τῶν μεγίστων ἀδικημάτων ἀπολογίαν δεῖ παρασκευάζεσθαι καὶ σκοπεῖν, εἰ μέλλει τις σωθήσεσθαι. πολὺ γὰρ δεινότερον καθέστηκε τὸ δοκεῖν εὐπορεῖν ἢ τὸ φανερῶς ἀδικεῖν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἢ συγγνώμης ἔτυχον ἢ μικροῖς ἐζημιώθησαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἄρδην ἀπόλλυνται, καὶ πλείους ἂν εὕροιμεν τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ὄντων ἐκπεπτωκότας ἢ τοὺς δίκην ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων δεδωκότας.
[159] It occurs to me as I am speaking what a change has come over Athens; people nowadays do not look at things in the same way as those who lived in the city in former times. For, when I was a boy, wealth was regarded as a thing so secure as well as admirable that almost every one affected to own more property than he actually possessed, because he wanted to enjoy the standing which it gave.
(Contrast the conditions described in Isoc. 7.34 ff.)
[160] Now, on the other hand, a man has to be ready to defend himself against being rich as if it were the worst of crimes, and to keep on the alert if he is to avoid disaster; for it has become far more dangerous to be suspected of being well off than to be detected in crime; for criminals are pardoned or let off with slight penalties, while the rich are ruined utterly, and it will be found that the number of men who have been spoiled of their property is greater than those who have been punished for their misdeeds.
ἀλλὰ φανερῶς ἀδικῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἂν ἔζων ἕνεκά γε τῶν συκοφαντῶν
[162] ὅτε δ᾽ οὖν, ὥσπερ εἶπον, ἠρχόμην πλησιάζειν τισίν, ᾠόμην, εἰ δυνηθείην πλείω κτήσασθαι καὶ περιποιήσασθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν βίον ὁρμησάντων, ἀμφότερα δόξειν, καὶ περὶ τὴν φιλοσοφίαν διαφέρειν καὶ κοσμιώτερον βεβιωκέναι τῶν ἄλλων. ἐμοὶ δὲ τοὐναντίον ἀποβέβηκεν.
[163] εἰ μὲν γὰρ μήτ᾽ ἄξιος μηδενὸς ἐγενόμην μήτε περιεποιησάμην μηδέν, οὐδεὶς ἄν μοι πράγματα παρεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ φανερῶς ἀδικῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἂν ἔζων ἕνεκά γε τῶν συκοφαντῶν: νῦν δ᾽ ἀντὶ τῆς δόξης ἧς προσεδόκων ἀγῶνες περί με καὶ κίνδυνοι καὶ φθόνοι καὶ διαβολαὶ γεγόνασιν.
[162] when, as I have said, I began to attach pupils to myself, I thought that if I could acquire a greater competence and attain a higher position than others who had started in the same profession, I should be acclaimed both for the superiority of my teaching and for the excellence of my conduct.
[163] But the result has been the very opposite; for if I had turned out to be worthless and had excelled in nothing, no one would have made trouble for me; nay, I might have been a flagrant offender and yet lived secure—from the sycophants, at any rate. But now, instead of the acclaim which I expected, I have been rewarded with trials and perils and envy and calumny.
...τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς προγόνους μηδ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς ἐγγένοιτο ἐπιβιῶναι
[166] ὑμεῖς δ᾽, εἰς οὓς ἀνήλωκα τἀμαυτοῦ, δίκην ἐπιθυμήσαιτε παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ λαβεῖν. ἔτι δὲ δεινότερον, εἰ Πίνδαρον μὲν τὸν ποιητὴν οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν γεγονότες ὑπὲρ ἑνὸς μόνον ῥήματος, ὅτι τὴν πόλιν ἔρεισμα τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὠνόμασεν, οὕτως ἐτίμησαν ὥστε καὶ πρόξενον ποιήσασθαι καὶ δωρεὰν μυρίας αὐτῷ δοῦναι δραχμάς, ἐμοὶ δὲ πολὺ πλείω καὶ κάλλιον ἐγκεκωμιακότι καὶ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς προγόνους μηδ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς ἐγγένοιτο ἐπιβιῶναι τὸν ἐπίλοιπον χρόνον.
[166] you on whom I have spent my means should desire to penalize me. It would be even more absurd if, whereas Pindar, the poet, was so highly honored by our forefathers because of a single line of his in which he praises Athens as “the bulwark of Hellas” (1) that he was made ”proxenos“ and given a present of ten thousand drachmas, I, on the other hand, who have glorified Athens and our ancestors with much ampler and nobler encomiums, should not even be privileged to end my days in peace.
1 Of Pindar's encomium on Athens there is preserved a fragment 76 46: Ὦ ταὶ λιπαραὶ καὶ ἰοστέφανοι καὶ ἀοίδιμοι, Ἑλλάδος ἔρεισμα, κλειναὶ Ἀθᾶναι, δαιμόνιον πτολίεθρον “O splendid, violet-crowned, famed in song, glorious/ Athens, bulwark of Hellas, a wondrous city.”
ᾠόμεθα γὰρ μάλιστα ταύτην τὴν νῆσον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν
[18] καὶ περὶ μὲν τῶν παλαιῶν πολὺ ἂν ἔργον εἴη λέγειν: ὅτε δὲ Πασῖνος Πάρον κατέλαβεν, ἔτυχεν αὐτοῖς ὑπεκκείμενα τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς οὐσίας παρὰ τοῖς ξένοις τοῖς ἐμοῖς: ᾠόμεθα γὰρ μάλιστα ταύτην τὴν νῆσον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν. ἀπορούντων δ᾽ ἐκείνων καὶ νομιζόντων αὔτ᾽ ἀπολωλέναι, πλεύσας ἐγὼ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐξεκόμις᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰ χρήματα, κινδυνεύσας περὶ τοῦ σώματος: ἐφρουρεῖτο μὲν γὰρ ἡ χώρα,
[19] συγκατειληφότες δ᾽ ἦσάν τινες τῶν ἡμετέρων φυγάδων τὴν πόλιν, οἳ μιᾶς ἡμέρας ἀπέκτειναν αὐτόχειρες γενόμενοι τόν τε πατέρα τὸν ἐμὸν καὶ τὸν θεῖον καὶ τὸν κηδεστὴν καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἀνεψιοὺς τρεῖς. ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὐδέν με τούτων ἀπέτρεψεν, ἀλλ᾽ ᾠχόμην πλέων, ἡγούμενος ὁμοίως με δεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων κινδυνεύειν ὥσπερ ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ.
[18] It would be a long story to tell of the events of long ago; but when Pasinus took Paros, it chanced that my friends had the greatest part of their fortune deposited as a pledge with my guest-friends there; for we thought that this island was by far the safest. When they were at their wits' end and believed that their property was lost, I sailed thither by night and got their money out at risk of my life;
[19] for the country was occupied by a garrison, and some of the exiles from our island participated in the seizure of the city, and these, in one day and with their own hands, had slain my father, my uncle, my brother-in-law and, in addition, three cousins. However, I was deterred by none of these risks, but I took ship, thinking I ought to run the risk as much for my friends' sake as for my own.
φυλακὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην ἡγοῦ τοῦ σώματος εἶναι
[20] τὰ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ποίει μὲν ὡς οἱ πρόγονοι κατέδειξαν, ἡγοῦ δὲ θῦμα τοῦτο κάλλιστον εἶναι καὶ θεραπείαν μεγίστην, ἂν ὡς βέλτιστον καὶ δικαιότατον σαυτὸν παρέχῃς: μᾶλλον γὰρ ἐλπὶς τοὺς τοιούτους ἢ τοὺς ἱερεῖα πολλὰ καταβάλλοντας πράξειν τι παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἀγαθόν. τίμα ταῖς μὲν ἀρχαῖς τῶν φίλων τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους, ταῖς δ᾽ ἀληθείαις αὐταῖς τοὺς εὐνουστάτους.
[21] φυλακὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην ἡγοῦ τοῦ σώματος εἶναι τήν τε τῶν φίλων ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν τῶν πολιτῶν εὔνοιαν καὶ τὴν σαυτοῦ φρόνησιν: διὰ γὰρ τούτων καὶ κτᾶσθαι καὶ σώζειν τὰς τυραννίδας μάλιστ᾽ ἄν τις δύναιτο. κήδου τῶν οἴκων τῶν πολιτικῶν, καὶ νόμιζε καὶ τοὺς δαπανῶντας ἀπὸ τῶν σῶν ἀναλίσκειν καὶ τοὺς ἐργαζομένους τὰ σὰ πλείω ποιεῖν: ἅπαντα γὰρ τὰ τῶν οἰκούντων τὴν πόλιν οἰκεῖα τῶν καλῶς βασιλευόντων ἐστί.
[20] In the worship of the gods, follow the example of your ancestors, but believe that the noblest sacrifice and the greatest devotion is to show yourself in the highest degree a good and just man; for such men have greater hope of enjoying a blessing from the gods than those who slaughter many victims. Honor with office those of your friends who are nearest of kin, but honor in very truth those who are the most loyal.
[21] Believe that your staunchest body-guard lies in the virtue of your friends, the loyalty of your citizens and your own wisdom; (1) for it is through these that one can best acquire as well as keep the powers of royalty. Watch over the estates of your citizens, and consider that the spenders are paying from your pocket, and the workers are adding to your wealth; for all the property of those who live in the state belongs to kings who rule them well.
(1) vgl. Isokr. 10.37
ἅπασι μὲν τοῖς ξένοις ἀσφαλῆ τὴν πόλιν πάρεχε
[22] διὰ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου τὴν ἀλήθειαν οὕτω φαίνου προτιμῶν, ὥστε πιστοτέρους εἶναι τοὺς σοὺς λόγους μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς τῶν ἄλλων ὅρκους. ἅπασι μὲν τοῖς ξένοις ἀσφαλῆ τὴν πόλιν πάρεχε καὶ πρὸς τὰ συμβόλαια νόμιμον, περὶ πλείστου δὲ ποιοῦ τῶν ἀφικνουμένων μὴ τοὺς σοὶ δωρεὰς ἄγοντας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς παρὰ σοῦ λαμβάνειν ἀξιοῦντας: τιμῶν γὰρ τοὺς τοιούτους μᾶλλον παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις εὐδοκιμήσεις.
[22] Throughout all your life show that you value truth so highly that your word is more to be trusted than the oaths of other men. To all foreigners, see that the city offers security and good faith in its engagements; and in your treatment of those who come from abroad, make the most, not of those who bring you gifts, but of those who expect to receive gifts from you; for by honoring such men you will have greater esteem from the rest of the world.
πειρῶ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν καὶ σαυτῷ καὶ τῇ πόλει διαφυλάττειν: ἐὰν δ᾽ ἀναγκασθῇς κινδυνεύειν, αἱροῦ καλῶς τεθνάναι
[36] δεινὸν ἡγοῦ τῶν μὲν ἰδιωτῶν τινας ἐθέλειν ἀποθνήσκειν, ἵνα τελευτήσαντες ἐπαινεθῶσι, τοὺς δὲ βασιλεῖς μὴ τολμᾶν χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασι τούτοις, ἐξ ὧν ζῶντες εὐδοκιμήσουσιν. βούλου τὰς εἰκόνας τῆς ἀρετῆς ὑπόμνημα μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ σώματος καταλιπεῖν. μάλιστα μὲν πειρῶ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν καὶ σαυτῷ καὶ τῇ πόλει διαφυλάττειν: ἐὰν δ᾽ ἀναγκασθῇς κινδυνεύειν, αἱροῦ καλῶς τεθνάναι μᾶλλον ἢ ζῆν αἰσχρῶς.
[36] Consider that where there are common men who are ready to lay down their lives that they may be praised after they are dead, it is shameful for kings not to have the courage to pursue a course of conduct from which they will gain renown during their lives. Prefer to leave behind you as a memorial images of your character rather than of your body. Put forth every effort to preserve your own and your state's security, but if you are compelled to risk your life, choose to die with honor rather than to live in shame.
τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἂν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀσφαλεστέρας, τοῖς δὲ τὰς πολιτείας πραοτέρας ποιήσειεν
[8] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τό γ᾽ ἐπιχείρημα καλῶς ἔχει, τὸ ζητεῖν τὰ παραλελειμμένα καὶ νομοθετεῖν ταῖς μοναρχίαις: οἱ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς ἰδιώτας παιδεύοντες ἐκείνους μόνον ὠφελοῦσιν: εἰ δέ τις τοὺς κρατοῦντας τοῦ πλήθους ἐπ᾽ ἀρετὴν προτρέψειεν, ἀμφοτέρους ἂν ὀνήσειε, καὶ τοὺς τὰς δυναστείας ἔχοντας καὶ τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὄντας: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἂν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀσφαλεστέρας, τοῖς δὲ τὰς πολιτείας πραοτέρας ποιήσειεν.
[8] And yet the mere attempt is well worth while—to seek a field that has been neglected by others and lay down principles for monarchs; for those who educate men in private stations benefit them alone, but if one can turn those who rule over the multitude toward a life of virtue, he will help both classes, both those who hold positions of authority and their subjects; for he will give to kings a greater security in office and to the people a milder government.
τὸν βίον τὸν ὑμέτερον αὐτῶν ἀσφαλέστερον καταστήσετε
[18] καὶ γὰρ περὶ τοῦ παρόντος πράγματος ὀρθῶς γνώσεσθε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας κοσμιωτέρους ποιήσετε καὶ τὸν βίον τὸν ὑμέτερον αὐτῶν ἀσφαλέστερον καταστήσετε. ἔστι δὲ δικαστῶν νοῦν ἐχόντων περὶ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων τὰ δίκαια ψηφιζομένους ἅμα καὶ τὰ σφέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν εὖ τίθεσθαι.
[18] Indeed in the present case you will thus render the correct judgement, will cause our other citizens to be more decorous in conduct, and will make your own lives more secure. And it is the part of intelligent judges, while casting their votes for justice in causes not their own, at the same time to safeguard their own interests also.
ἀσφαλέστερον τοὺς οἴκους τοὺς ὑμετέρους αὐτῶν κεκτῆσθε
[49] οὕτω σπουδάζετε περὶ αὐτῶν. κήδεσθε μηδὲν ἧττον τῶν ἐμῶν ἢ τῶν ὑμετέρων αὐτῶν, καὶ μὴ νομίζετε μικρὸν ἀγαθὸν εἶναι τὰς τιμὰς ἃς ἔχουσιν οἱ καλῶς τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐπιστατοῦντες. ἀπέχεσθε τῶν ἀλλοτρίων, ἵν᾽ ἀσφαλέστερον τοὺς οἴκους τοὺς ὑμετέρους αὐτῶν κεκτῆσθε. τοιούτους εἶναι χρὴ περὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, οἷόν περ ἐμὲ περὶ ὑμᾶς ἀξιοῦτε γίγνεσθαι.
[49] Display no less concern in my interests than in your own, and do not think that the honors enjoyed by those who successfully administer my affairs are a small reward. Keep your hands off the possessions of others in order that you may be more secure in the possession of your own estates. You should be such in your dealings with others as you expect me to be in my dealings with you.
τὴν ἐμὴν φιλίαν ἀσφαλεστάτην καὶ βεβαιοτάτην εἶναι νομίζετε
[54] ἑταιρείας μὴ ποιεῖσθε μηδὲ συνόδους ἄνευ τῆς ἐμῆς γνώμης: αἱ γὰρ τοιαῦται συστάσεις ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἄλλαις πολιτείαις πλεονεκτοῦσιν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς μοναρχίαις κινδυνεύουσιν. μὴ μόνον ἀπέχεσθε τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων τῶν τοιούτων ἐν οἷς ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν ὑποψίαν ἐγγίγνεσθαι. τὴν ἐμὴν φιλίαν ἀσφαλεστάτην καὶ βεβαιοτάτην εἶναι νομίζετε. διαφυλάττετε τὴν παροῦσαν κατάστασιν,
[55] καὶ μηδεμιᾶς ἐπιθυμεῖτε μεταβολῆς, εἰδότες ὅτι διὰ τὰς ταραχὰς ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἀπόλλυσθαι καὶ τοὺς οἴκους τοὺς ἰδίους ἀναστάτους γίγνεσθαι. μὴ μόνον τὰς φύσεις αἰτίας νομίζετε τοῦ χαλεποὺς ἢ πράους εἶναι τοὺς τυράννους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν τρόπον τὸν τῶν πολιτῶν: πολλοὶ γὰρ ἤδη διὰ τὴν τῶν ἀρχομένων κακίαν τραχύτερον ἢ κατὰ τὴν αὑτῶν γνώμην ἄρχειν ἠναγκάσθησαν.
[54] Do not form political societies or unions without my sanction; for such associations may be an advantage in the other forms of government, but in monarchies they are a danger. Abstain not merely from wrongdoing, but also from such conduct as must needs arouse suspicion. Believe that my friendship is very sure and abiding.
[55] Preserve the present order and do not desire any change, knowing that revolutions inevitably destroy states and lay waste the homes of the people. Do not think that it is their natural dispositions alone which make rulers harsh or gentle, but the character of the citizens as well; for many before now have been compelled by the depravity of their subjects to rule more harshly than they wished.
τὴν ἐμὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἄδειαν ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς εἶναι νομίζετε
[56] θαρρεῖτε μὴ μᾶλλον διὰ τὴν πραότητα τὴν ἐμὴν ἢ διὰ τὴν ὑμετέραν αὐτῶν ἀρετήν. τὴν ἐμὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἄδειαν ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς εἶναι νομίζετε: καλῶς γὰρ τῶν περὶ ἐμὲ καθεστώτων τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ τὰ περὶ ὑμᾶς ἕξει. ταπεινοὺς μὲν εἶναι χρὴ πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἐμήν, ἐμμένοντας τοῖς ἔθεσι καὶ διαφυλάττοντας τοὺς νόμους τοὺς βασιλικούς, λαμπροὺς δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως λειτουργίαις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ προσταττομένοις.
[56] Be confident, but less because of my mildness than because of your own goodness. Consider that in my safety lies your own security; for while my fortunes are on a firm foundation, your own will be likewise. You should be self-effacing in your attitude toward my authority, abiding by our customs and preserving the royal laws, but conspicuous in your services on behalf of the state and in the other duties which are assigned to you by my command.
ἀσφαλέστερον κατέβησαν τῶν περὶ φιλίας ὡς αὐτὸν πρεσβευόντων
[149] κεφάλαιον δὲ τῶν εἰρημένων: ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ οὐκ ἐπὶ λείαν ἐλθόντες οὐδὲ κώμην καταλαβόντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα στρατεύσαντες, ἀσφαλέστερον κατέβησαν τῶν περὶ φιλίας ὡς αὐτὸν πρεσβευόντων. ὥστε μοι δοκοῦσιν ἐν ἅπασι τοῖς τόποις σαφῶς ἐπιδεδεῖχθαι τὴν αὑτῶν μαλακίαν: καὶ γὰρ ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ τῆς Ἀσίας πολλὰς μάχας ἥττηνται, καὶ διαβάντες εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην δίκην ἔδοσαν οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν κακῶς ἀπώλοντο, οἱ δ᾽ αἰσχρῶς ἐσώθησαν, καὶ τελευτῶντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τοῖς βασιλείοις καταγέλαστοι γεγόνασιν.
[149] Let me sum up the whole matter: These men did not set out to get plunder or to capture a town, but took the field against the King himself, and yet they returned in greater security than ambassadors who go to him on a friendly mission. Therefore it seems to me that in every quarter the Persians have clearly exposed their degeneracy; for along the coast of Asia they have been defeated in many battles, and when they crossed to Europe they were duly punished, either perishing miserably or saving their lives with dishonor; and to crown all, they made themselves objects of derision under the very walls of their King's palace.
ἀσφαλῶς ἅπασαν τὴν Ἀσίαν καρπωσόμεθα
[166] εἰδότες ὅτι καὶ βασιλεὺς οὐχ ἑκόντων ἄρχει τῶν ἠπειρωτῶν, ἀλλὰ μείζω δύναμιν περὶ αὑτὸν ἑκάστων αὐτῶν ποιησάμενος: ἧς ἡμεῖς ὅταν κρείττω διαβιβάσωμεν, ὃ βουληθέντες ῥᾳδίως ἂν ποιήσαιμεν, ἀσφαλῶς ἅπασαν τὴν Ἀσίαν καρπωσόμεθα. πολὺ δὲ κάλλιον ἐκείνῳ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας πολεμεῖν, ἢ πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀμφισβητεῖν.
[166] knowing that the King holds sway over the people of the continent, not because they are his willing subjects, but because he has surrounded himself with a force which is greater than any of those which they severally possess. So whenever we transport thither a force stronger than his, which we can easily do if we so will, we shall enjoy in security the resources of all Asia. Moreover, it is much more glorious to fight against the King for his empire than to contend against each other for the hegemony.
ἐξ ὧν τάς τε πόλεις ἀσφαλέστερον οἰκήσομεν
[173] δεῖ δὲ ταύτας τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς ἐκποδὼν ποιησαμένους ἐκείνοις τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπιχειρεῖν, ἐξ ὧν τάς τε πόλεις ἀσφαλέστερον οἰκήσομεν καὶ πιστότερον διακεισόμεθα πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτούς. ἔστι δ᾽ ἁπλοῦς καὶ ῥᾴδιος ὁ λόγος ὁ περὶ τούτων: οὔτε γὰρ εἰρήνην οἷόν τε βεβαίαν ἀγαγεῖν, ἢν μὴ κοινῇ τοῖς βαρβάροις πολεμήσωμεν, οὔθ᾽ ὁμονοῆσαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, πρὶν ἂν καὶ τὰς ὠφελίας ἐκ τῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοὺς ποιησώμεθα.
[173] We must clear from our path these treacherous designs and pursue that course of action which will enable us to dwell in our several cities with greater security and to feel greater confidence in each other. What I have to say on these points is simple and easy: It is not possible for us to cement an enduring peace unless we join together in a war against the barbarians, nor for the Hellenes to attain to concord until we wrest our material advantages from one and the same source and wage our wars against one and the same enemy.
τοῖς δὲ ἀσφαλεστάτην καταφυγήν
[41] τὴν τοίνυν ἄλλην διοίκησιν οὕτω φιλοξένως κατεσκευάσατο καὶ πρὸς ἅπαντας οἰκείως, ὥστε καὶ τοῖς χρημάτων δεομένοις καὶ τοῖς ἀπολαῦσαι τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐπιθυμοῦσιν ἀμφοτέροις ἁρμόττειν, καὶ μήτε τοῖς εὐδαιμονοῦσι μήτε τοῖς δυστυχοῦσιν ἐν ταῖς αὑτῶν ἀχρήστως ἔχειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑκατέροις αὐτῶν εἶναι παρ᾽ ἡμῖν, τοῖς μὲν ἡδίστας διατριβάς, τοῖς δὲ ἀσφαλεστάτην καταφυγήν.
[41] Moreover, she has established her polity in general in such a spirit of welcome to strangers and friendliness to all men, that it adapts itself both to those who lack means and to those who wish to enjoy the means which they possess, and that it fails to be of service neither to those who are prosperous nor to those who are unfortunate in their own cities; nay, both classes find with us what they desire, the former the most delightful pastimes, the latter the securest refuge.
ὅσον διαφέρουσιν αἱ μείζους τῶν συμμαχιῶν πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν
[53] διὸ δὴ καὶ κατηγοροῦσί τινες ἡμῶν ὡς οὐκ ὀρθῶς βουλευομένων, ὅτι τοὺς ἀσθενεστέρους εἰθίσμεθα θεραπεύειν, ὥσπερ οὐ μετὰ τῶν ἐπαινεῖν βουλομένων ἡμᾶς τοὺς λόγους ὄντας τοὺς τοιούτους. οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοοῦντες ὅσον διαφέρουσιν αἱ μείζους τῶν συμμαχιῶν πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν οὕτως ἐβουλευόμεθα περὶ αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων ἀκριβέστερον εἰδότες τὰ συμβαίνοντ᾽ ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων ὅμως ᾑρούμεθα τοῖς ἀσθενεστέροις καὶ παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον βοηθεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς κρείττοσι τοῦ λυσιτελοῦντος ἕνεκα συναδικεῖν.
[53] And it is for this very reason that we are sometimes charged with adopting a foolish policy in that we are accustomed to cultivate the weaker peoples—as though such charges do not support those who desire to sing our praises. For it was not because we failed to appreciate how much more advantageous great alliances are in point of security that we pursued this policy in regard to the weak; no, although we realized much more exactly than our rivals the consequences of such a course, we nevertheless preferred to stand by the weaker even against our interests rather than to unite with the stronger in oppressing others for our own advantage.
οὗτος ἐδόκει πλοῦτον ἀσφαλέστατον κεκτῆσθαι καὶ κάλλιστον
[76] οὐ γὰρ ὠλιγώρουν τῶν κοινῶν, οὐδ᾽ ἀπέλαυον μὲν ὡς ἰδίων, ἠμέλουν δ᾽ ὡς ἀλλοτρίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκήδοντο μὲν ὡς οἰκείων, ἀπείχοντο δ᾽ ὥσπερ χρὴ τῶν μηδὲν προσηκόντων: οὐδὲ πρὸς ἀργύριον τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἔκρινον, ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος ἐδόκει πλοῦτον ἀσφαλέστατον κεκτῆσθαι καὶ κάλλιστον, ὅστις τοιαῦτα τυγχάνοι πράττων ἐξ ὧν αὐτός τε μέλλοι μάλιστ᾽ εὐδοκιμήσειν καὶ τοῖς παισὶ μεγίστην δόξαν καταλείψειν.
[76] For they did not slight the commonwealth, nor seek to profit by it as their own possession, nor yet neglect it as the concern of others; but were as careful of the public revenues as of their private property, yet abstained from them as men ought from that to which they have no right. Nor did they estimate well-being by the standard of money, but in their regard that man seemed to have laid up the securest fortune and the noblest who so ordered his life that he should win the highest repute for himself and leave to his children the greatest name;
πάντας ἡμᾶς εἰς ἀσφάλειαν καταστήσεις
[122] ἔστιν οὖν ἀνδρὸς μέγα φρονοῦντος καὶ φιλέλληνος καὶ πορρωτέρω τῶν ἄλλων τῇ διανοίᾳ καθορῶντος, ἀποχρησάμενον τοῖς τοιούτοις πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους, καὶ χώραν ἀποτεμόμενον τοσαύτην ὅσην ὀλίγῳ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν, ἀπαλλάξαι τε τοὺς ξενιτευομένους τῶν κακῶν ὧν αὐτοί τ᾽ ἔχουσι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις παρέχουσι, καὶ πόλεις ἐξ αὐτῶν συστῆσαι, καὶ ταύταις ὁρίσαι τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ προβαλέσθαι πρὸ ἁπάντων ἡμῶν.
[123] ταῦτα γὰρ πράξας οὐ μόνον ἐκείνους εὐδαίμονας ποιήσεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντας ἡμᾶς εἰς ἀσφάλειαν καταστήσεις. ἢν δ᾽ οὖν τούτων διαμάρτῃς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνό γε ῥᾳδίως ποιήσεις, τὰς πόλεις τὰς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούσας ἐλευθερώσεις.
ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν τούτων πρᾶξαι δυνηθῇς ἢ καὶ μόνον ἐπιχειρήσῃς, οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως οὐ μᾶλλον τῶν ἄλλων εὐδοκιμήσεις, καὶ δικαίως, ἤν περ αὐτός τ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὁρμήσῃς καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας προτρέψῃς:
[122] It is therefore the duty of a man who is high-minded, who is a lover of Hellas, who has a broader vision than the rest of the world, to employ these bands in a war against the barbarians, to strip from that empire all the territory which I defined a moment ago, to deliver these homeless wanderers from the ills by which they are afflicted and which they inflict upon others, to collect them into cities, and with these cities to fix the boundary of Hellas, making of them buffer states to shield us all.
[123] For by doing this, you will not only make them prosperous, but you will put us all on a footing of security. If, however, you do not succeed in these objects, this much you will at any rate easily accomplish,—the liberation of the cities which are on the coast of Asia.
But no matter what part of this undertaking you are able to carry out, or only attempt to carry out, you cannot fail to attain distinguished glory; and it will be well deserved if only you will make this the goal of your own efforts and urge on the Hellenes in the same course.
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἐπίλοιπον χρόνον ἀσφαλῶς ἡμῖν ἐξέσται ζῆ
[107] ἔστι δ᾽ ἁπλοῦν τὸ καλῶς βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τούτων. ἢν μὲν γὰρ ἐθέλωμεν ἀποθνήσκειν ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων. οὐ μόνον εὐδοκιμήσομεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἐπίλοιπον χρόνον ἀσφαλῶς ἡμῖν ἐξέσται ζῆν: εἰ δὲ φοβησόμεθα τοὺς κινδύνους, εἰς πολλὰς ταραχὰς καταστήσομεν ἡμᾶς αὐτούς.
[107] Now it is a simple matter to reach a wise decision on this question. For if we are willing to die for our just rights, not only shall we gain renown, but in time to come we shall be able to live securely; but if we show that we are afraid of danger, we shall plunge ourselves into endless confusion.
οὐκ οἴονται δεῖν κινδυνεύειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵν᾽ αὐτοὶ τὴν σφετέραν αὐτῶν ἀσφαλῶς καρπῶνται
[13] εἰς τοῦτο δ᾽ ἥκουσι πλεονεξίας καὶ τοσαύτην ἡμῶν κατεγνώκασιν ἀνανδρίαν, ὥστε πολλάκις ἡμᾶς ἀξιώσαντες ὑπὲρ τῆς αὑτῶν πολεμεῖν, ὑπὲρ Μεσσήνης οὐκ οἴονται δεῖν κινδυνεύειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵν᾽ αὐτοὶ τὴν σφετέραν αὐτῶν ἀσφαλῶς καρπῶνται, πειρῶνται διδάσκειν ἡμᾶς ὡς χρὴ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς τῆς ἡμετέρας παραχωρῆσαι, καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπαπειλοῦσιν ὡς εἰ μὴ ταῦτα συγχωρήσομεν ποιησόμενοι τὴν εἰρήνην κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς.
[13] So far do they go in their selfish greed, so great is the cowardice which they impute to us, that they, who have time and again called upon us to make war in defense of their own territory, think we ought not to risk battle for Messene, but, in order that they may themselves cultivate their lands in security, seek to convince us that we ought to yield to the enemy a portion of our own; and, besides all that, they threaten that if we do not comply with these terms, they will make a separate peace.
(es geht v.a. um Korinth und Phleious)
ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ εἰς ἀνάγκην καθέσταμεν ὥστε κινδυνεύειν, ἡσυχίας ἐπιθυμοῦμεν καὶ περὶ ἀσφαλείας βουλευόμεθα
[50] οὐδὲν γὰρ τῶν τοιούτων ἐστὶν ἀποτόμως οὔτε κακὸν οὔτ᾽ ἀγαθόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἂν χρήσηταί τις τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ τοῖς καιροῖς, οὕτως ἀνάγκη καὶ τὸ τέλος ἐκβαίνειν ἐξ αὐτῶν. χρὴ δὲ τοὺς μὲν εὖ πράττοντας τῆς εἰρήνης ἐπιθυμεῖν: ἐν ταύτῃ γὰρ τῇ καταστάσει πλεῖστον ἄν τις χρόνον τὰ παρόντα διαφυλάξειεν: τοὺς δὲ δυστυχοῦντας τῷ πολέμῳ προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν: ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ταραχῆς καὶ τῆς καινουργίας θᾶττον ἂν μεταβολῆς τύχοιεν. ὧν ἡμεῖς δέδοικα μὴ τἀναντία πράττοντες φανῶμεν:
[51] ὅτε μὲν γὰρ ἐξῆν ἡμῖν τρυφᾶν, πλείους τοὺς πολέμους ἐποιούμεθα τοῦ δέοντος, ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ εἰς ἀνάγκην καθέσταμεν ὥστε κινδυνεύειν, ἡσυχίας ἐπιθυμοῦμεν καὶ περὶ ἀσφαλείας βουλευόμεθα. καίτοι χρὴ τοὺς βουλομένους ἐλευθέρους εἶναι τὰς μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἐπιταγμάτων συνθήκας φεύγειν ὡς ἐγγὺς δουλείας οὔσας, ποιεῖσθαι δὲ τὰς διαλλαγάς, ὅταν ἢ περιγένωνται τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἢ τὴν δύναμιν τὴν αὑτῶν ἐξισώσωσιν τῇ τῶν πολεμίων: ὡς τοιαύτην ἕκαστοι τὴν εἰρήνην ἕξουσιν, οἵαν περ ἂν τοῦ πολέμου ποιήσωνται τὴν κατάλυσιν.
[50] for nothing of this kind is in itself absolutely either good or bad, but rather it is the use we make of circumstances and opportunities which in either case must determine the result. Those who are prosperous should set their hearts on peace, for in a state of peace they can preserve their present condition for the greatest length of time; those, however, who are unfortunate should give their minds to war, for out of the confusion and innovation resulting from it they can more quickly secure a change in their fortunes. But we, I fear, will be seen to have pursued exactly the opposite course;
[51] for when we might have lived at ease, we made more wars than were necessary, but now, when we have no choice but to risk battle, we desire tranquility and deliberate about our own security. And yet those who wish to be free ought to shun a peace whose terms are dictated by the enemy as being not far removed from slavery, and should make treaties only when they have defeated their adversaries, or when they have made their forces equal to those of the enemy; for the kind of peace which each side will obtain will be decided by the manner in which they conclude the war.
ὥσθ᾽ οἱ περὶ ἀσφαλείας διαλεγόμενοι λελήθασιν αὑτοὺς τὴν μὲν εἰρήνην ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἡμῖν ποιοῦντες
[87] οὐχ οὕτω δ᾽ ἂν προθύμως ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ὑμᾶς παρεκάλουν, εἰ μὴ τὴν εἰρήνην ἑώρων ἐξ ὧν μὲν ἐγὼ λέγω καλὴν καὶ βεβαίαν γενησομένην, ἐξ ὧν δ᾽ ἔνιοί τινες συμβουλεύουσιν, οὐ μόνον αἰσχρὰν ἐσομένην, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ χρόνον οὐδένα παραμενοῦσαν. ἢν γὰρ παρακατοικισώμεθα τοὺς Εἵλωτας καὶ τὴν πόλιν ταύτην περιίδωμεν αὐξηθεῖσαν, τίς οὐκ οἶδεν ὅτι πάντα τὸν βίον ἐν ταραχαῖς καὶ κινδύνοις διατελοῦμεν ὄντες; ὥσθ᾽ οἱ περὶ ἀσφαλείας διαλεγόμενοι λελήθασιν αὑτοὺς τὴν μὲν εἰρήνην ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἡμῖν ποιοῦντες, τὸν δὲ πόλεμον εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον κατασκευάζοντες.
[88] ἡδέως δ᾽ ἂν αὐτῶν πυθοίμην, ὑπὲρ τίνων οἴονται χρῆναι μαχομένους ἡμᾶς ἀποθνήσκειν: οὐχ ὅταν οἱ πολέμιοι προστάττωσί τι παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον καὶ τῆς χώρας ἀποτέμνωνται καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐλευθερῶσι; καὶ τούτους μὲν κατοικίζωσιν εἰς ταύτην ἣν ἡμῖν οἱ πατέρες κατέλιπον, ἡμᾶς δὲ μὴ μόνον τῶν ὄντων ἀποστερῶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις κακοῖς εἰς ὀνείδη καθιστῶσιν;
[89] ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τούτων οὐ μόνον πόλεμον ἀλλὰ καὶ φυγὰς καὶ θανάτους οἴομαι προσήκειν ἡμῖν ὑπομένειν: πολὺ γὰρ κρεῖττον ἐν ταῖς δόξαις αἷς ἔχομεν τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον μᾶλλον ἢ ζῆν ἐν ταῖς ἀτιμίαις, ἃς ληψόμεθα ποιήσαντες ἃ προστάττουσιν ἡμῖν. εἰ δὲ δεῖ μηδὲν ὑποστειλάμενον εἰπεῖν, αἱρετώτερον ἡμῖν ἐστιν ἀναστάτοις γενέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ καταγελάστοις ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν. τοὺς γὰρ ἐν ἀξιώμασι καὶ φρονήμασι τηλικούτοις βεβιωκότας δυοῖν δεῖ θάτερον, ἢ πρωτεύειν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἢ παντάπασιν ἀνῃρῆσθαι, μηδὲν ταπεινὸν διαπραξαμένους ἀλλὰ καλὴν τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ βίου ποιησαμένους.
[87] I should not so earnestly exhort you to carry on the war if I did not see that the peace resulting from my proposals will be honorable and enduring, while that which would result from the counsel of certain men among you will not only be disgraceful, but will last no time at all. For if we permit the Helots to settle on our borders and allow Messene to flourish undisturbed, who does not know that we shall be involved in constant turmoils and dangers all our lives? Therefore, those who talk about “security” are blind to the fact that they are providing us with peace for a few days only, while contriving a state of war which will never end.
[88] I should like to ask these men in what cause they think we ought to fight and die. Is it not cause enough when the enemy make demands that are contrary to justice, when they cut off a portion of our territory, when they free our slaves and settle them in the land which our fathers bequeathed to us, yes, and not only rob us of our possessions but in addition to all our other miseries involve us in disgrace?
[89] For my part, I think that in such a cause as this we ought to endure, not only war, but even exile and death; for it is far better to end our lives in the possession of the high reputation which we now enjoy than to go on living with the infamy which we shall bring upon ourselves if we do what we are commanded to do. In a word, if I may speak without reserve, it is preferable for us to suffer annihilation, rather than derision, at the hands of our foes. For men who have lived in such high repute and in such pride of spirit must do one of two things—either be first among the Hellenes, or perish utterly, having done no ignominious deed but having brought their lives to an honorable close.
αἱ μὲν γὰρ κτήσεις ἀσφαλεῖς ἦσαν
[35] καὶ γάρ τοι διὰ τὴν γνώμην ταύτην οὐδεὶς οὔτ᾽ ἀπεκρύπτετο τὴν οὐσίαν οὔτ᾽ ὤκνει συμβάλλειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἥδιον ἑώρων τοὺς δανειζομένους ἢ τοὺς ἀποδιδόντας. ἀμφότερα γὰρ αὐτοῖς συνέβαινεν, ἅπερ ἂν βουληθεῖεν ἄνθρωποι νοῦν ἔχοντες: ἅμα γὰρ τούς τε πολίτας ὠφέλουν καὶ τὰ σφέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐνεργὰ καθίστασαν. κεφάλαιον δὲ τοῦ καλῶς ἀλλήλοις ὁμιλεῖν: αἱ μὲν γὰρ κτήσεις ἀσφαλεῖς ἦσαν, οἷσπερ κατὰ τὸ δίκαιον ὑπῆρχον, αἱ δὲ χρήσεις κοιναὶ πᾶσι τοῖς δεομένοις τῶν πολιτῶν.
[35] And so because of this confidence no one tried to conceal his wealth (1) nor hesitated to lend it out, but, on the contrary, the wealthy were better pleased to see men borrowing money than paying it back; for they thus experienced the double satisfaction—which should appeal to all right-minded men—of helping their fellow-citizens and at the same time making their own property productive for themselves. In fine, the result of their dealing honorably with each other was that the ownership of property was secured to those to whom it rightfully belonged, while the enjoyment of property was shared by all the citizens who needed it.
διὰ ταῦτα μετὰ τοσαύτης ἀσφαλείας διῆγον
[52] τοῖς δὲ βαρβάροις φοβερούς: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ σεσωκότες ἦσαν, παρὰ δὲ τῶν δίκην τηλικαύτην εἰληφότες, ὥστ᾽ ἀγαπᾶν ἐκείνους εἰ μηδὲν ἔτι κακὸν πάσχοιεν.
τοιγάρτοι διὰ ταῦτα μετὰ τοσαύτης ἀσφαλείας διῆγον, ὥστε καλλίους εἶναι καὶ πολυτελεστέρας τὰς οἰκήσεις καὶ τὰς κατασκευὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἢ τὰς ἐντὸς τείχους, καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν μηδ᾽ εἰς τὰς ἑορτὰς εἰς ἄστυ καταβαίνειν, ἀλλ᾽ αἱρεῖσθαι μένειν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀγαθοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν κοινῶν ἀπολαύειν.
[52] for they had saved the Hellenes from destruction and had punished the barbarians so severely that the latter were well content if only they might suffer no further injury. (1)
And so, because of these things, our forefathers lived in such a degree of security that the houses and establishments in the country were finer and more costly than those within the city-walls, (2) and many of the people never visited Athens even for the festivals, preferring to remain at home in the enjoyment of their own possessions rather than share in the pleasures dispensed by the state.
2 Demosthenes contrasts the magnificence of the temples and public buildings in Athens with the unpretentiousness of private houses in the “good old days” when the house of a Miltiades or of an Aristides was no finer than any other, Dem. 3.25 ff.
νομίζετε τοὺς ταύτῃ χρωμένους ἀσφαλέστατα ζῆν καὶ βελτίστους εἶναι τῶν πολιτῶν
[119] ἢν γὰρ ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα διεξίητε πρὸς ὑμᾶς αὐτούς, εὑρήσετε τὴν μὲν ἀκολασίαν καὶ τὴν ὕβριν τῶν κακῶν αἰτίαν γιγνομένην, τὴν δὲ σωφροσύνην τῶν ἀγαθῶν.
ἥν ὑμεῖς ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ἐπαινεῖτε, καὶ νομίζετε τοὺς ταύτῃ χρωμένους ἀσφαλέστατα ζῆν καὶ βελτίστους εἶναι τῶν πολιτῶν, τὸ δὲ κοινὸν ἡμῶν οὐκ οἴεσθε δεῖν τοιοῦτο παρασκευάζειν.
[120] καίτοι προσήκει τὰς ἀρετὰς ἀσκεῖν καὶ τὰς κακίας φεύγειν πολὺ μᾶλλον ταῖς πόλεσιν ἢ τοῖς ἰδιώταις. ἀνὴρ μὲν γὰρ ἀσεβὴς καὶ πονηρὸς τυχὸν ἂν φθάσειε τελευτήσας πρὶν δοῦναι δίκην τῶν ἡμαρτημένων: αἱ δὲ πόλεις διὰ τὴν ἀθανασίαν ὑπομένουσι καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῶν θεῶν τιμωρίας.
[119] If you will go over these and similar questions in your minds, you will discover that arrogance and insolence have been the cause of our misfortunes while sobriety and self control have been the source of our blessings.
But, while you commend sobriety in individual men and believe that those who practice it enjoy the most secure existence and are the best among your fellow citizens, you do not think it fit to make the state practice it.
[120] And yet it behoves states much more than individuals to cultivate the virtues and to shun vices; for a man who is godless and depraved may die before paying the penalty for his sins, but states, since they are deathless, soon or late must submit to punishment at the hands both of men and of the gods.
εἰ τήν τε πόλιν ἀσφαλῶς οἰκοῖμεν
[19] ἆρ᾽ οὖν ἂν ἐξαρκέσειεν ἡμῖν, εἰ τήν τε πόλιν ἀσφαλῶς οἰκοῖμεν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν βίον εὐπορώτεροι γιγνοίμεθα καὶ τά τε πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς ὁμονοοῖμεν καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εὐδοκιμοῖμεν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ ἡγοῦμαι τούτων ὑπαρξάντων τελέως τὴν πόλιν εὐδαιμονήσειν. ὁ μὲν τοίνυν πόλεμος ἁπάντων ἡμᾶς τῶν εἰρημένων ἀπεστέρηκεν: καὶ γὰρ πενεστέρους πεποίηκε, καὶ πολλοὺς κινδύνους ὑπομένειν ἠνάγκασε, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας διαβέβληκε, καὶ πάντας τρόπους τεταλαιπώρηκεν ἡμᾶς.
[19] Let me ask, then, whether we should be satisfied if we could dwell in our city secure from danger, if we could be provided more abundantly with the necessities of life, if we could be of one mind amongst ourselves, and if we could enjoy the high esteem of the Hellenes. I, for my part, hold that, with these blessings assured us, Athens would be completely happy. Now it is the war (1) which has robbed us of all the good things which I have mentioned; for it has made us poorer;(2) it has compelled many of us to endure perils; it has given us a bad name among the Hellenes; and it has in every way overwhelmed us with misfortune.
1 The Social War.
2 In Isoc. 7.9, he states that in the course of the war Athens had thrown away 1000 talents on mercenary soldiers alone. Demosthenes also bears witness to the poverty and embarrassment of Athens at this time. See Dem. 20.24; Dem. 23.209.
μετὰ πολλῆς μὲν ἀσφαλείας τὴν πόλιν οἰκήσομεν
[20] ἢν δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην ποιησώμεθα, καὶ τοιούτους ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς παράσχωμεν οἵους αἱ κοιναὶ συνθῆκαι προστάττουσι, μετὰ πολλῆς μὲν ἀσφαλείας τὴν πόλιν οἰκήσομεν, ἀπαλλαγέντες πολέμων καὶ κινδύνων καὶ ταραχῆς, εἰς ἣν νῦν πρὸς ἀλλήλους καθέσταμεν, καθ᾽ ἑκάστην δὲ τὴν ἡμέραν πρὸς εὐπορίαν ἐπιδώσομεν, ἀναπεπαυμένοι μὲν τῶν εἰσφορῶν καὶ τῶν τριηραρχιῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν περὶ τὸν πόλεμον λειτουργιῶν, ἀδεῶς δὲ γεωργοῦντες καὶ τὴν θάλατταν πλέοντες καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐργασίαις ἐπιχειροῦντες, αἳ νῦν διὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκλελοίπασιν.
[20] But if we make peace and demean ourselves as our common covenants (1) command us to do, then we shall dwell in our city in great security, delivered from wars and perils and the turmoil in which we are now involved amongst ourselves, and we shall advance day by day in prosperity, relieved of paying war-taxes, of fitting out triremes, and of discharging the other burdens (2) which are imposed by war, without fear cultivating our lands and sailing the seas and engaging in those other occupations which now, because of the war, have entirely come to an end. (3)
1 Of the Peace of Antalcidas.
2 See Isoc. 8.128 and note.
3 Cf. Aristophanes, Isoc. 8.292 ff.
οὐδ᾽ ἐν ταῖς μὲν ἀσφαλείαις διὰ τὴν δύναμιν ἡμᾶς ὑποδεχομένους, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κινδύνοις ἀποστησομένους
[21] ὀψόμεθα δὲ τὴν πόλιν διπλασίας μὲν ἢ νῦν τὰς προσόδους λαμβάνουσαν, μεστὴν δὲ γιγνομένην ἐμπόρων καὶ ξένων καὶ μετοίκων, ὧν νῦν ἐρήμη καθέστηκεν. Τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, συμμάχους ἕξομεν ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους, οὐ βεβιασμένους ἀλλὰ πεπεισμένους, οὐδ᾽ ἐν ταῖς μὲν ἀσφαλείαις διὰ τὴν δύναμιν ἡμᾶς ὑποδεχομένους, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κινδύνοις ἀποστησομένους, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτω διακειμένους ὥσπερ χρὴ τοὺς ὡς ἀληθῶς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους ὄντας.
[21] Nay, we shall see our city enjoying twice the revenues (1) which she now receives, and thronged with merchants and foreigners and resident aliens, (2) by whom she is now deserted. And, what is most important of all, we shall have all mankind as our allies—allies who will not have been forced, but rather persuaded, to join with us, who will not welcome our friendship because of our power when we are secure only to abandon us when we are in peril, (3) but who will be disposed towards us as those should be who are in very truth allies and friends.
(1) According to Demosthenes Dem. 10.37-38 Athens before the peace had an income of 130 talents; after the peace of 400 talents.
(2) Foreigners, whether merchants or not, had to pay nonresident fees, ξενικὰ τέλη; resident aliens paid the μετοίκιον of 12 drachmas per man and 6 per woman.
(3) The reference is to the allies who revolted from Athens both during the Confederacy of Delos and during the New Naval League.
τὴν δύναμιν τὴν τῆς πόλεως ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν τὰς ἑαυτῶν βασιλείας
[22] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις, ἃ νῦν ἀπολαβεῖν οὐ δυνάμεθα διὰ πολέμου καὶ πολλῆς δαπάνης, ταῦτα διὰ πρεσβείας ῥᾳδίως κομιούμεθα. μὴ γὰρ οἴεσθε μήτε Κερσοβλέπτην ὑπὲρ Χερρονήσου μήτε Φίλιππον ὑπὲρ Ἀμφιπόλεως πολεμήσειν, ὅταν ἴδωσιν ἡμᾶς μηδενὸς τῶν ἀλλοτρίων ἐφιεμένους. νῦν μὲν γὰρ εἰκότως φοβοῦνται γείτονα ποιήσασθαι τὴν πόλιν ταῖς αὑτῶν δυναστείαις,
[23] ὁρῶσι γὰρ ἡμᾶς οὐ στέργοντας ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἂν ἔχωμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ τοῦ πλέονος ὀρεγομένους, ἢν δὲ μεταβαλώμεθα τὸν τρόπον καὶ δόξαν βελτίω λάβωμεν, οὐ μόνον ἀποστήσονται τῆς ἡμετέρας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς αὑτῶν προσδώσουσι: λυσιτελήσει γὰρ αὐτοῖς θεραπεύουσι τὴν δύναμιν τὴν τῆς πόλεως ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν τὰς ἑαυτῶν βασιλείας.
[22] Furthermore, what we are now unable to obtain through war and great outlay of money we shall readily secure for ourselves through peaceful embassies. For do not think that Cersobleptes will wage war with us over the Chersonese, or Philip (4) over Amphipolis,(5) when they see that we do not covet any of the possessions of other peoples. It is true that as things are now they have good reason to be afraid to make Athens a near neighbor to their dominions;
[23] for they see that we are not content with what we have but are always reaching out for more. If, however, we change our ways and gain a better reputation, they will not only withdraw from our territory but will give us besides territory of their own. For it will be to their advantage to cherish and support the power of Athens and so be secure in the possession of their own kingdoms.
(4) These are singled out because both Cersobleptes, now virtually master of the Thracian Chersonnes, and Philip, with his growing empire in the north Aegean, were giving Athens trouble at this time.
(5) See the opening of the Address to Philip, Isoc. 5.
παροῦσι χρόνοις ἀσφαλῶς διάγοντας
[34] ὁρῶ γὰρ τοὺς μὲν τὴν ἀδικίαν προτιμῶντας καὶ τὸ λαβεῖν τι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων μέγιστον ἀγαθὸν νομίζοντας ὅμοια πάσχοντας τοῖς δελεαζομένοις τῶν ζώων, καὶ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἀπολαύοντας ὧν ἂν λάβωσιν, ὀλίγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις κακοῖς ὄντας, τοὺς δὲ μετ᾽ εὐσεβείας καὶ δικαιοσύνης ζῶντας ἔν τε τοῖς παροῦσι χρόνοις ἀσφαλῶς διάγοντας καὶ περὶ τοῦ σύμπαντος αἰῶνος ἡδίους τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχοντας.
[34] For I observe that those who prefer the way of injustice, thinking it the greatest good fortune to seize something that belongs to others, are in like case with animals which are lured by a bait, at the first deriving pleasure from what they seize, but the moment after finding themselves in desperate straits, while those who live a life of piety and justice pass their days in security for the present and have sweeter hopes for all eternity.
δημοκρατίαν εἰδότες ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἡσυχίαις καὶ ταῖς ἀσφαλείαις αὐξανομένην
[51] σπουδάζοντες δὲ περὶ τὴν πολιτείαν οὐκ ἧττον ἢ περὶ τὴν σωτηρίαν ὅλης τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τὴν δημοκρατίαν εἰδότες ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἡσυχίαις καὶ ταῖς ἀσφαλείαις αὐξανομένην καὶ διαμένουσαν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πολέμοις δὶς ἤδη καταλυθεῖσαν, πρὸς μὲν τοὺς τῆς εἰρήνης ἐπιθυμοῦντας ὡς πρὸς ὀλιγαρχικοὺς ὄντας δυσκόλως ἔχομεν, τοὺς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ποιοῦντας ὡς τῆς δημοκρατίας κηδομένους εὔνους εἶναι νομίζομεν:
[51] We are concerned about our polity no less than about the safety of the whole state and we know that our democracy flourishes and endures in times of peace and security while in times of war it has twice already been overthrown,(1) but we are hostile to those who desire peace as if suspecting them of favoring oligarchy, (2) while we are friendly to those who advocate war as if assured of their devotion to democracy.
(1) By the oligarchical revolution of 411 B.C., when the government of the Four Hundred was established, and that of 404 B.C., when the reign of the Thirty began.
(2) For example, Timotheus, who was no flatterer. See Isoc. 15.131 ff. Cf. Isoc. 15.318.
οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλεστέραν οὐδὲ πλείονος ἀξίαν
[89] ὥστ᾽ εἴ τις σκοπεῖσθαι βούλοιτο περὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὥσπερ πρὸς δεῖγμα τοῦτ᾽ ἀναφέρων, φανεῖμεν ἂν μικροῦ δεῖν ἀντηλλαγμένοι.
καίτοι χρὴ πόλιν μὲν εὐδαιμονίζειν μὴ τὴν ἐξ ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων εἰκῇ πολλοὺς πολίτας ἀθροίζουσαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν τὸ γένος τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν πόλιν οἰκισάντων μᾶλλον τῶν ἄλλων διασώζουσαν, ἄνδρας δὲ ζηλοῦν μὴ τοὺς τὰς τυραννίδας κατέχοντας μηδὲ τοὺς μείζω δυναστείαν τοῦ δικαίου κεκτημένους, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἀξίους μὲν ὄντας τῆς μεγίστης τιμῆς, στέργοντας δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους διδομέναις.
[90] ταύτης γὰρ ἕξιν οὔτ᾽ ἀνὴρ οὔτε πόλις λαβεῖν ἂν δύναιτο σπουδαιοτέραν οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλεστέραν οὐδὲ πλείονος ἀξίαν: ἥνπερ οἱ περὶ τὰ Περσικὰ γενόμενοι σχόντες οὐχ ὁμοίως τοῖς λῃσταῖς ἐβίωσαν, τοτὲ μὲν πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν ἔχοντες, τοτὲ δ᾽ ἐν σιτοδείαις καὶ πολιορκίαις καὶ τοῖς μεγίστοις κακοῖς καθεστῶτες, ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τὴν τροφὴν τὴν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν οὔτ᾽ ἐν ἐνδείαις οὔτ᾽ ἐν ὑπερβολαῖς, ὄντες, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ τῆς πολιτείας δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ ταῖς ἀρεταῖς ταῖς αὑτῶν φιλοτιμούμενοι καὶ τὸν βίον ἥδιον τῶν ἄλλων διάγοντες.
[89] So that if one desired to go into the question of what befell the rest of our citizens, judging by this instance, it would be seen that we have been changed, one might almost say, into a new people.
And yet we must not count that state happy which without discrimination recruits from all parts of the world a large number of citizens but rather that state which more than all others preserves the stock of those who in the beginning founded it. And we ought not to emulate those who hold despotic power nor those who have gained a dominion which is greater than is just but rather those who, while worthy of the highest honors, are yet content with the honors which are tendered them by a free people.
[90] For no man nor any state could obtain a position more excellent than this or more secure or of greater worth. And it was because they acquired just this position that our ancestors in the time of the Persian Wars did not live in the manner of freebooters, now having more than enough for their needs, again reduced to a state of famine and siege (1) and extreme misfortune (2); on the contrary, while they lived neither in want nor in surfeit of the means of subsistence day by day, they prided themselves on the justice of their polity and on their own virtues, and passed their lives more pleasantly than the rest of the world.
1 They were virtually in a state of seige after the occupation of Decelea by the Spartans, who cut off their food supplies.
2 The terrible plague described by Thucydides i. 23; ii. 48 ff.
βουλόμενος ἀσφαλῶς κατασκευάσασθαι τὰ περὶ αὑτὸν τήν τε πόλιν ἐξεβαρβάρωσε
[20] ἀλλὰ κακὸς μὲν γενόμενος περὶ τὸν ὑποδεξάμενον, δεινὸς δὲ πρὸς τὸ πλεονεκτῆσαι, τὸν μὲν εὐεργέτην ἐξέβαλεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν κατέσχεν. ἀπιστῶν δὲ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις καὶ βουλόμενος ἀσφαλῶς κατασκευάσασθαι τὰ περὶ αὑτὸν τήν τε πόλιν ἐξεβαρβάρωσε καὶ τὴν νῆσον ὅλην βασιλεῖ τῷ μεγάλῳ κατεδούλωσεν.
[20] on the contrary, he acted basely toward his host, and being skilled at grasping, he expelled his benefactor and himself seized the throne. But distrustful of the consequences of his measures and wishing to make his position secure, he reduced the city to barbarism, and brought the whole island into subservience to the Great King.
[21] Such was the state of affairs in Salamis, and the descendants of the usurper were in possession of the throne when Evagoras was born. I prefer to say nothing of the portents, the oracles, the visions appearing in dreams, from which the impression might be gained that he was of superhuman birth, not because I disbelieve the reports, but that I may make it clear to all that I am so far from resorting to invention in speaking of his deeds that even of those matters which are in fact true I dismiss such as are known only to the few and of which not all the citizens are cognizant. And I shall begin my account of him with the generally acknowledged facts.
τὸ σῶμ᾽ ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ καταστήσας περιιδεῖν
[30] δῆλον δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἔργων: ἀποβὰς γὰρ εἰς τὴν νῆσον οὐχ ἡγήσατο δεῖν χωρίον ἐχυρὸν καταλαβὼν καὶ τὸ σῶμ᾽ ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ καταστήσας περιιδεῖν εἴ τινες αὑτῷ τῶν πολιτῶν βοηθήσουσιν: ἀλλ᾽ εὐθύς, ὥσπερ εἶχε, ταύτης τῆς νυκτὸς διελὼν τοῦ τείχους πυλίδα καὶ ταύτῃ τοὺς μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ διαγαγὼν προσέβαλλε πρὸς τὸ βασίλειον.
[30] This is evident from his acts: for, when he had landed on the island, he did not think it necessary to seize a strong position, make sure of his own safety, and then to wait and see if some of the citizens would rally to his aid: but immediately, just as he was, on that very night he broke through a little gate in the wall, and leading his followers through this opening, attacked the palace.
[31] The confusion attendant upon such occasions, the fears of his followers, the exhortations of their leader—why need I take the time to describe? When the supporters of the tyrant opposed him and the citizens generally were observers for they held their peace because they feared either the authority of the one party or the valor of the other,
[32] he did not cease from fighting, whether alone against many or with few opposing all the foe, until, having captured the palace, he had taken vengeance upon the enemy and had succoured his friends: furthermore, he restored its ancestral honors to his family and established himself as ruler of the city.
ὅσον ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ καταστῆσαι τὴν σαυτοῦ χώραν
[11] μηδὲ ποιεῖσθαι πολέμους ἀδόξους καὶ χαλεπούς, ἐξὸν ἐντίμους καὶ ῥᾳδίους, μηδ᾽ ἐξ ὧν τοὺς μὲν οἰκειοτάτους εἰς λύπας καὶ φροντίδας καταστήσεις, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐχθροὺς ἐν ἐλπίσι μεγάλαις ποιήσεις, οἵας καὶ νῦν αὐτοῖς παρέσχες: ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν βαρβάρων, πρὸς οὓς νῦν πολεμεῖς, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξαρκέσει σοι κρατεῖν, ὅσον ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ καταστῆσαι τὴν σαυτοῦ χώραν, τὸν δὲ βασιλέα τὸν (1) νῦν μέγαν προσαγορευόμενον καταλύειν ἐπιχειρήσεις, ἵνα τήν τε σαυτοῦ δόξαν μείζω ποιήσῃς καὶ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὑποδείξῃς πρὸς ὃν χρὴ πολεμεῖν.
1 βασιλέα τὸν is added by Blass: cf. Epist. 3. 5.
[11] nor wage inglorious and difficult wars when honorable and easy ones are possible, nor those which will cause grief and anxiety to your closest friends and arouse great hope in your enemies, as even now you have done. Nay, as to the barbarians with whom you are now waging war, it will suffice you to gain the mastery over them only so far as to secure the safety of your own territory, but the king who is now called Great you will attempt to overthrow, that you may both enhance your own renown and may point out to the Greek world who the enemy is against whom they should wage war.
οὐ μόνον τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἀρχὴν ἀσφαλῶς καθέξεις
[18] ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλικῶς ἔχειν δοκοῦσα μόνον: τούς τε γὰρ ὑπὸ σοὶ νῦν ὄντας ῥᾷον ἂν κατέχοις, εἰ μηδεμίαν ἔχοιεν ἀποστροφήν, τῶν τε βαρβάρων οὓς βουληθείης θᾶττον ἂν καταστρέψαιο. καίτοι πῶς οὐ χρὴ προθύμως ὀρέγεσθαι τῆς τοιαύτης εὐνοίας, δι᾽ ἣν οὐ μόνον τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἀρχὴν ἀσφαλῶς καθέξεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολλὴν ἑτέραν ἀκινδύνως προσκτήσει;
[19] θαυμάζω δ᾽ ὅσοι τῶν τὰς δυνάμεις ἐχόντων τὰ μὲν τῶν ξενιτευομένων στρατόπεδα μισθοῦνται καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ δαπανῶσι, συνειδότες ὅτι πλείους ἠδίκηκε τῶν πιστευσάντων αὐτοῖς ἢ σέσωκε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν τὴν τηλικαύτην δύναμιν κεκτημένην μὴ πειρῶνται θεραπεύειν, ἣ καὶ μίαν ἑκάστην τῶν πόλεων καὶ σύμπασαν τὴν Ἑλλάδα πολλάκις ἤδη σέσωκεν.
[18] For you might then more easily keep in subjection those who are now under your sway, if they should have no refuge, and of the barbarians you could more quickly conquer any you should wish. Yet is there any reason why you should not eagerly grasp at a relationship of goodwill such that you will hold securely not only your present dominion, but also without risk acquire another great one?
[19] I marvel that so many who maintain great forces hire mercenary armies and expend so much money on them, although they know that such help has been the cause of greater injury than of salvation to those who relied upon them, and have made no effort to gain the friendship of a city which possesses such power that it has ere now often saved every Hellenic state and indeed all Greece. (1)
1 Cf. Isoc. 5.129, where three examples are given—Marathon, Salamis, and Cnidus.
τὸ κοινὸν καὶ τὸ βουλευσόμενον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων εἰς ἀσφάλειαν καθιστάναι
[5] ἡγοῦμαι δέ σοι συμφέρειν μιμεῖσθαι τὰς πόλεις, ὃν τρόπον διοικοῦσι τὰ περὶ τοὺς πολέμους. ἅπασαι γάρ, ὅταν στρατόπεδον ἐκπέμπωσιν, εἰώθασι τὸ κοινὸν καὶ τὸ βουλευσόμενον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων εἰς ἀσφάλειαν καθιστάναι: διὸ δὴ συμβαίνει μὴ μιᾶς ἀτυχίας συμπεσούσης ἀνῃρῆσθαι καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ πολλὰς ὑποφέρειν δύνασθαι συμφορὰς καὶ πάλιν αὑτὰς ἐκ τούτων ἀναλαμβάνειν. ὃ καὶ σὲ δεῖ σκοπεῖν,
[6] καὶ μηδὲν μεῖζον ἀγαθὸν τῆς σωτηρίας ὑπολαμβάνειν, ἵνα καὶ τὰς νίκας τὰς συμβαινούσας κατὰ τρόπον διοικῇς καὶ τὰς ἀτυχίας τὰς συμπιπτούσας ἐπανορθοῦν δύνῃ. (1) ἴδοις δ᾽ ἂν καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους περὶ τῆς τῶν βασιλέων σωτηρίας πολλὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ποιουμένους καὶ τοὺς ἐνδοξοτάτους τῶν πολιτῶν φύλακας αὐτῶν καθιστάντας, οἷς αἴσχιόν ἐστιν ἐκείνους τελευτήσαντας περιιδεῖν ἢ τὰς ἀσπίδας ἀποβαλεῖν.
1 καὶ τὰς . . . δύνῃ is added by G: Blass omits, as does Mathieu.
[5] I think that you would profitably imitate the fashion in which our city-states conduct the business of warfare. They all are accustomed, when they send forth an army, to take measures to secure the safety of the government and of the authority which is to decide what is to be done in the emergency. In consequence, if a single mischance befalls, their power is not also wholly destroyed; on the contrary, they can sustain many misfortunes and again recover their strength.
[6] This principle you too should take into consideration, and consider no blessing more important than your safety, in order that you may not only duly make use of the victories which may be yours but also may rectify the mischances that may befall you. You might observe that the Lacedaemonians also are extremely solicitous for the safety of their kings, (1) and appoint the most distinguished of the citizens as their bodyguards, and that for them it is a greater disgrace to suffer the kings to meet death than to throw away their shields.
1 For this example see Isoc. 8.143 and Isoc. 5.80.
τυγχάνῃ δεόμενος, μάλιστα δὲ τῆς ἀσφαλείας καὶ τῆς τούτου καὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ
[12] οὗτος μὲν οὖν, ὅ τι ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ συμφέρειν, τοῦτο πράξει: σὺ δ᾽ ἄν τε περὶ ὑμᾶς ἄν θ᾽ ἡσυχίαν ἔχων διατρίβῃ περὶ τούτους τοὺς τόπους, ἐπιμελοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μὲν ἁπάντων ὧν ἂν τυγχάνῃ δεόμενος, μάλιστα δὲ τῆς ἀσφαλείας καὶ τῆς τούτου καὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ, νομίσας ὥσπερ παρακαταθήκην ἔχειν τούτους (1) παρά τε τοῦ γήρως ἡμῶν, ὃ προσηκόντως ἂν πολλῆς τυγχάνοι προνοίας, καὶ τῆς δόξης τῆς ὑπαρχούσης, εἴ τινος ἄρα σπουδῆς ἐστὶν ἀξία, καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας τῆς πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἣν ἔχων ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον διατετέλεκα.
1 τούτους Auger: τοῦτον MSS.
[12] He will do, however, whatever he thinks expedient; and do you, I beg, whether he resides with you or remains inactive in that region, have a care for everything else which he may chance to need and especially for the personal safety of himself and of his father, considering them to be, as it were, a sacred trust committed to you by my old age, which might fittingly receive much consideration, and by the reputation I possess if this, to be sure, is worthy of any interest and by the goodwill which I have never ceased to have for you.
αἳ μετὰ πλείονος ἀσφαλείας εἰσί
[6] εἰκὸς γὰρ διὰ μὲν τοὺς ἀεὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν λέγειν προαιρουμένους οὐχ ὅπως τὰς μοναρχίας δύνασθαι διαμένειν, αἳ πολλοὺς τοὺς ἀναγκαίους ἐφέλκονται κινδύνους, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὰς πολιτείας, αἳ μετὰ πλείονος ἀσφαλείας εἰσί, διὰ δὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ βελτίστῳ παρρησιαζομένους πολλὰ σῴζεσθαι καὶ τῶν ἐπιδόξων διαφθαρήσεσθαι πραγμάτων. ὧν ἕνεκα προσῆκε μὲν παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς μονάρχοις πλέον φέρεσθαι τοὺς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀποφαινομένους τῶν ἅπαντα μὲν πρὸς χάριν, μηδὲν δὲ χάριτος ἄξιον λεγόντων: συμβαίνει δ᾽ ἔλαττον ἔχειν αὐτοὺς παρ᾽ ἐνίοις αὐτῶν.
[6] For it stands to reason that it is because of those who always and by choice speak to please that not only monarchies cannot endure—since monarchies are liable to numerous inevitable dangers—but even constitutional governments as well, though they enjoy greater security: whereas it is owing to those who speak with absolute frankness in favor of what is best that many things are preserved even of those which seemed doomed to destruction. For these reasons it is indeed fitting that in the courts of all monarches those who declare the truth should be held in greater esteem than those who, though they aim to gratify in all they say, yet say naught that merits gratitude; in fact, however, the former find less favor with some princes.
ὥστε πολλὴν μὲν ἀσφάλειαν παρέχειν τοῖς συμπολιτευομένοις
[8] ἀκούω δὲ Κλέομμιν τὸν ἐν Μηθύμνῃ ταύτην ἔχοντα τὴν δυναστείαν περί τε τὰς ἄλλας πράξεις καλὸν κἀγαθὸν εἶναι καὶ φρόνιμον, καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπέχειν τοῦ τῶν πολιτῶν τινας ἀποκτείνειν ἢ φυγαδεύειν ἢ δημεύειν τὰς οὐσίας ἢ ποιεῖν ἄλλο τι κακόν, ὥστε πολλὴν μὲν ἀσφάλειαν παρέχειν τοῖς συμπολιτευομένοις, κατάγειν δὲ τοὺς φεύγοντας, ἀποδιδόναι δὲ τοῖς μὲν κατιοῦσι τὰς κτήσεις ἐξ ὧν ἐξέπεσον,
[9] τοῖς δὲ πριαμένοις τὰς τιμὰς τὰς ἑκάστοις γιγνομένας, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καθοπλίζειν ἅπαντας τοὺς πολίτας, ὡς οὐδενὸς μὲν ἐπιχειρήσοντος περὶ αὐτὸν νεωτερίζειν, ἢν δ᾽ ἄρα τινὲς τολμήσωσιν, ἡγούμενον λυσιτελεῖν αὑτῷ τεθνάναι τοιαύτην ἀρετὴν ἐνδειξαμένῳ τοῖς πολίταις μᾶλλον ἢ ζῆν πλείω χρόνον τῇ πόλει τῶν μεγίστων κακῶν αἴτιον γενόμενον.
[8] I hear that Cleommis, who in Methymna holds this royal power, is noble and wise in all his actions, and that so far from putting any of his subjects to death, or exiling them, or confiscating their property, or injuring them in any other respect, he provides great security for his fellow-citizens, and restores the exiles, returning to those who come back their lost possessions,
[9] and in each case recompenses the purchasers the price they had paid. In addition, he gives arms to all the citizens, thinking that none will try to revolt from him; but even if any should dare it, he believes that his death after having shown such generosity to the citizens would be preferable to continued existence after becoming the author of the greatest evils to his city.
ἐνοικῆσαι δὲ ἀσφαλῆ μηκέτι εἴναι
Ἰσοκράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ ἔλεγεν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἀθηναίων πόλεως ὁμοίαν εἴναι ταῖς ἑταίραις· καὶ γὰρ τοὺς ἁλισκομένους ὑπὸ τῆς ὥρας αὐτῶν βούλεσθαι συνεῖναι αὐταῖς· ὅμως δὲ μηδένα ἐντελῶς οὕτως παραφρονεῖν, ὡς ὑπομεῖναι ἂν συνοικῆσαί τινι αὐτῶν· καὶ οὕν καὶ τὴν Ἀθηνωαίων πόλιν ἐνεπιδημῆσαι μὲν εἴναι ἡδίστην καὶ κατά γε τοῦτο πασῶν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα διαφέρειν, ἐνοικῆσαι δὲ ἀσφαλῆ μηκέτι εἴναι. Ἠνίττετο δὲ διὰ τούτων τοὺς ἐπιχωριάζοντας αὐτῇ συκοφάντας καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν δημαγωγούντων ἐπιβουλάς.
[— — — κὴ ἀσ]- | φάλ̣ε̣ι̣α̣ν̣ [κὴ ἀσουλίαν] | κὴ πολέμω κ[ὴ ἰράνας]
[— — — κὴ ἀσ]-
φάλ̣ε̣ι̣α̣ν̣ [κὴ ἀσουλίαν]
κὴ πολέμω κ[ὴ ἰράνας]
ἐώσας κὴ κατὰ γ̣[ᾶν κὴ]
5
κατὰ θάλατταν κὴ [τἆλ]-
λα πάντα καθάπερ το̣ῖ̣-
ς ἄλλοις προξένοις.
{²vacat}²
ἄλ- |5 λ̣οις Φαρσαλίοις, καὶ ἀ- | σφάλειαγ καὶ ἀσυλίαγ καὶ | πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης καὶ | αὐτῶι καὶ ἐκγόνοις
[— — — — — — — — — — — —]
1
[— — — — —]ΟΛΙ#⁷[— — — —]
[ἔγκτη]σ̣ιγ γῆς καὶ οἰ[κίας]
[καὶ] ἀμπέλωγ καὶ ἐπιν[ο]-
μ̣ίαν, ὥσπερ καὶ τοῖς ἄλ-
5
λ̣οις Φαρσαλίοις, καὶ ἀ-
σφάλειαγ καὶ ἀσυλίαγ καὶ
πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης καὶ
αὐτῶι καὶ ἐκγόνοις καὶ φυ-
λῆς ἧς ἂμ βούληται εἶναι·
10
ταγευόντων Μαρικᾶνος Νι-
κασίππου, Δινία Μιλτίου,
Μένωνος Ἱέρωνος, Ἀθηνάδου̣
Σπινθάρου, Πολίτα Ἱπποδά-
μαντος. vacat
τᾶρ πόλιορ. ἦμεν δὲ καὶ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πολέμω
θεόρ. τύχα.
ὐπὸ ἐλλανοδικᾶν τῶν περὶ
Αἰσχύλον, Θυίω.
ὄπωρ, ἐπεὶ Δαμοκράτηρ Ἀγήτορορ
5
Τενέδιορ πεπολιτευκὼρ παρ’ ἀμέ,
αὐτόρ τε καὶ ὀ πατάρ, καὶ ἐστεφανωμέ-
νορ τόν τε τῶν Ὀλυμπίων ἀγῶνα καὶ
ἄλλοιρ καὶ πλείονερ, ἐπανιτακὼρ ἐν τὰν
ἰδίαν τάν τε τῶ πατρὸρ θεαροδοκίαν δια-
10
δέδεκται καὶ ὐποδέχεται τοῖρ θεαροῖρ,
ὀμοίωρ δὲ καὶ τοῖρ λοιποῖρ τοῖρ παρ’ ἀμέων
τὰν πᾶσαν χρείαν ἐκτενέωρ καὶ ἀπρο-
φασίστωρ παρέχεται, φανερὰν ποιέων
τὰν ἔχει εὔνοιαν ποτὶ τὰν πόλιν, καθὼρ
15
πλείονερ ἀπεμαρτύρεον τῶμ πολιτᾶν·
ὄπωρ δὲ καὶ ἀ πόλερ καταξίαιρ φαίναται
χάριτερ ἀνταποδιδῶσσα τοῖρ αὐτᾶρ
εὐεργέταιρ, ὐπάρχην Δαμοκράτη πρό-
ξενον, καὶ εὐεργέταν δ’ ἦ-
20
μεν τᾶρ πόλιορ αὐτὸν καὶ γένορ, καὶ τὰ
λοιπὰ τίμια ἦμεν αὐτοῖ, ὄσσα καὶ τοῖρ ἄλ-
λοιρ προξένοιρ καὶ εὐεργέταιρ ὐπάρχει παρὰ
τᾶρ πόλιορ. ἦμεν δὲ καὶ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πολέμω
καὶ εἰράναρ καὶ γᾶρ καὶ βοικίαρ ἔγκτησιν καὶ
25
ἀτέλειαν καὶ προεδρίαν ἐν τοῖρ Διονυσιακοῖρ
ἀγώνοιρ, τᾶν τε θυσιᾶν καὶ τιμᾶν πασᾶν
μετέχην, καθὼρ καὶ τοὶ λοιποὶ θεαροδόκοι
καὶ εὐεργέται μετέχοντι. δόμεν δὲ αὐτοῖ
καὶ Δαμοκράτη τὸν ταμίαν ξένια τὰ
30
μέγιστα ἐκ τῶν νόμων. τὸ δὲ ψάφισμα
τὸ γεγονὸρ ἀπὸ τᾶρ βωλᾶρ γραφὲν ἐγ χάλκω-
μα ἀνατεθᾶι ἐν τὸ ἰαρὸν τῶ Διὸρ τῶ Ὀλυμπίω·
τὰν δὲ ἐπιμέλειαν τᾶρ ἀναθέσιορ ποήασσαι
Αἰσχίναν τὸν ἐπιμελητὰν τᾶν ἴππων.
35
περὶ δὲ τῶ ἀποσταλᾶμεν τοῖρ Τενεδίοιρ
τὸ γεγονὸρ ψάφισμα ἐπιμέλειαν ποιήαται
Νικόδρομορ ὀ βωλογράφορ, ὄπωρ δοθᾶι τοῖρ
θεαροῖρ τοῖρ ἐμ Μίλητον ἀποστελλομέ-
νοιρ ποτὶ τὰν θυσίαν καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα
40
τῶν Διδυμείων.
εὔξασθαι τῶι Διὶ τῶι | Σωτῆρι καὶ τῶι Ποσειδῶνι τῶι Ἀσφαλείωι καὶ τῶι Ἀπόλλωνι τῶι Κλαρίωι καὶ …
I.1
ἐπὶ πρυτάνεος Ἀλκμέωνος Κωμαιῶνος ὀγδοίηι ἔδοξεν τῶι δήμωι· Ἑρμόδωρος
Ἀπολλοδώρου ἐπεψήφισε· γνώμη τῶν δέκα Δημοκράτους τοῦ Μοιρᾶδος, Ἀκάστου
τοῦ Κλέωνος, Ἀρίστεος τοῦ Ἑκατωνύμου, Ἀθηνίππου τοῦ Ἀλκαιμένους, Ἀριστομέ-
νους τοῦ Παρμένοντος, Ἀπολλοδώρου τοῦ Ἑρμίππου, Λεωφάντου τοῦ Ἀρίστωνος,
5
Διοτρέφους τοῦ Κλευδήμου, Μητροδώρου τοῦ Τυρίννου, Λίχα τοῦ Πανταγνώτου,
ὅπως ὁ δῆμος φαίνηται, ἐπειδὴ παρέδωκεν αὐτῶι Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ βασιλεὺς
τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ Ἀντίγονος, κατὰ πάντα τρόπον φιλοτιμούμενος δια-
φυλάττειν τὴν τῶμ προγόνων δόξαν, ἀγαθῆι τύχηι καὶ ἐπὶ σωτηρίαι παντὸ̣ς
τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Κολοφωνίων ἐψηφίσθαι τῶι δήμωι τὴμ παλαιὰμ πόλιν ἣν τῶν
10
θεῶν παραδόντων τοῖς προγόνοις ἡμῶν κτίσαντες ἐκεῖνοι καὶ ναοὺς καὶ
βωμοὺς ἱδρυσάμενοι παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἦσαν ἔνδοξοι σ̣[υ]ντειχίσαι
πρὸς τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν· ἵνα δὲ συντελῆται κατὰ τάχος τὸμ μὲν ἱερέα τοῦ
Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἱερεῖς καὶ τὰς ἱερέας καὶ τὸμ πρύτανιν [με]τὰ
τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τῶν ἀποδειχθέντων ἐν τῶιδε τῶι ψηφίσματι καταβάντας
15
εἰς τὴμ παλαιὰν ἀγορὰν τῆι τετράδι ἱσταμένου τοῦ εἰσιόντος μηνὸς [ἐπὶ]
τοὺς βωμοὺς τῶν θεῶν οὓς ἡμῖν οἱ πρόγονοι κατέλιπον εὔξασθαι τῶι Διὶ τῶι
Σωτῆρι καὶ τῶι Ποσειδῶνι τῶι Ἀσφαλείωι καὶ τῶι Ἀπόλλωνι τῶι Κλαρίωι καὶ
τῆι Μητρὶ τῆι Ἀνταίηι καὶ τῆι Ἀθηνᾶι τῆι Πολιάδι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς
πᾶσι καὶ πάσαις καὶ τοῖς ἥρωσιν οἳ κατέχουσιν ἡμῶν τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τὴν
20
χώραν ἐπιτελῶγ γενομένων τῶν ἀγαθῶν πρόσοδον ποιήσεσθαι καὶ θυσίαν
καθότι ἂν τῶι δήμωι δόξηι· ἀποδεῖξαι δὲ ἄνδρας δέκα καὶ δὴ οἵτινες σκέψον-
ται τά τε τείχη κατὰ ποῖον ἀχθέντα καὶ προσβληθέντα πρὸς τὰ ὑπάρχοντα εἴ-
η ἐχυρώτατα καὶ ἀρχιτέκτονα σκεψάμενοι ἐξετῶσιν ὃς ἂν αὐτοῖς δοκῆι ἱκα-
νώτατος εἶναι ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν ἔργων τῶν τειχῶν καὶ περὶ μισθοῦ τῶι ἀρ-
25
χιτέκτονι καὶ ὅπως χρήματα ξενικὰ πορισθῆι καὶ ὅπως αἳ τε ὁδοὶ καὶ τὰ οἰ-
κόπεδα κατατμηθήσεταί τε καὶ πραθήσεται συμφερόντως καὶ ὅπως ἀγορὰ καὶ
ἐργαστήρια καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὅσα δημόσια δείηι ἐξαιρεθῆι· ἐπιτε[λ]εῖν δὲ ταῦτα
τοὺς ἀποδειχθέντας ὡς ἂν δύνωνται τάχιστα· ἵνα δὲ καὶ οἱ πολῖται χρήματα
εἰσάρωσιν ὡς πλεῖστα εἰς τὰ τείχη δεδόχθαι τῶι δήμωι ὑποδέχεσθαι τῶμ π[ο]-
30
λιτῶν τὸμ βουλόμενον ὅσον ἂν ἕκαστος θέληι καὶ δὴ τοῖς δὲ ἀποδήμο̣[ι]ς̣ εἶναι
τὴν ὑπόδεξιν ὅταν θέλωσι· περὶ δὲ τῶν ὑποδεξαμένων βουλεῦσαι τὸν δῆμον τοῦ
Ληναιῶνος μηνὸς ἐν τῆι κυρίαι ἐκκλησίαι ὅπως τιμηθήσεται ἕκαστος τῶν ὑπο-
δεξαμένων ἀξίως τῆς προθυμίας καθότι ἂν τῶι δήμωι δοκῆι· ἀναγράψαι δὲ τοὺς
[ὑ]ποδεξαμένους πάντας καὶ ὅσον ἕκαστος ὑποδέξηται εἰς στήλην λιθίνην καὶ
35
[στ]ῆ̣σαι εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Μητρὸς ἐνθάδε· τοῦ δὲ ἀ̣ργυρίου ὅσον ἂν ὑποδέξ̣ωνται
[διδ]όναι αὐτοὺς ὅταν τὰ ἔργα πραθῆι τῶν τειχῶν τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἕκαστον οὗ ἂν
[ὑποδ]έξηται· παραδιδόναι δὲ τῶι καρπολόγωι, τὸν δὲ καρπολόγον λαμβάνοντα
[τὸ ἀργύ]ριον διδόναι τοῖς ἐργώναις τὰς τι̣μ̣ὰ̣ς̣ [․․6․․․]ον τὸ τ[ρί]τ̣ομ μέρος ἑκα-
39/122
{²ca. 84 lines lost}²
II.123
κατὰ τάδε ὑπεδέξαντο εἰς τὰ τείχη
τῶν δέκα τῶν γραψαμένων τὸ ψήφισμα
125
οἱ μὲν ἐννέα ⋮ Μητρόδωρος Τυρίννου
Διοτρέφης Κλεοδήμου
Ἀρίστης Ἑκατωνύμου
Ἀριστομένης Παρμένοντος
Λίχας Πανταγνώτου
130
Ἀθήνιππος Ἀλκαιμένευς
Ἄκαστος Κλέωνος
Δημοκράτης Μοιρᾶδος
Ἀπολλόδωρος Ἑρμίππου
δραχμὰς ἐνακισχιλίας ἑχξακοσίας
135
τριήκοντα
Λεώφαντος δὲ Ἀρίστωνος δραχμὰς
τριακοσίας ἑβδομήκοντα
τῶνδε ἕκαστος χρυσοῦς
Ἀμύντωρ Γέροντος Μακεδών
140
χιλίους πεντακοσίους
Νίκων Ἀττάλου χιλίους
Νικηφόρος Ἀθηναίου Ἁβδηρίτης ἐχξακοσίους
Στέφανος Μενάνδρου Ἀμφιπολίτης τριηκοσίους
Πλάτων Εὐκλέος τριηκοσίους
145
Καλλίας Ἀπολλωνοφάνευς
Μαρωνίτης διηκοσίους
Μητρόδωρος Μήτρωνος Πιταναῖος ἑκατόν
Ἡρακλείδης Εὐκλείδου Ἡρακλεώτης ἑκατόν
Εὔδημος Πύρρου Μακεδὼν Ἀλεξανδρείο[υς]
150
δραχμὰς μυρίας
Κρόνιος Μένωνος Μιλήσιος
χρυσοῦς τριηκοσίους
ἀργυρίου συμμαχικοῦ δραχμὰ-
ς τρισχιλίας
155
τῶνδε ἕκαστος δραχμὰς τρισμυρίας
Ἡράκλειτος Ἀρχωνίδου
Ἐόανδρος Κλεάνδρου χρυσοῦς χιλίους ἄτοκα
τ[ῶ]νδε ἕκαστος δραχμὰς μυρίας δισχιλίας
[Ἐ]πίγονος Ἡγησιάνακτος
160
vacat
161/244
{²After one blank line, about 84 lines lost}²
III.245
Ποσείδιππος Χοιρίλου
Ἱκέσιος Κοννίωνος
Ἱκέσιος Διακρίτου
Ζήνων Μητροφάνευς
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
250
Παρμένων Δημάνθ̣ευς
Ξενόφαντος Κοννίωνος
Ἀπολλωνοφάνης Χάρμεω
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Ἀπολλᾶς Ἡγήτορος
255
Καλώμανδρος Ἱκεσίου
Ἀπολλόδωρος Ἀριστοκράτους
Μητρόδωρος Κυνίσκου
vacat
τῶνδε ἕκαστος δραχμὰς
260
τετρακοσίας
Πύθεος καὶ Γονεὺς
Πυθίππου
Λεοντεὺς καὶ Ἐράσιππος
Ἀνταγόρεω
265
vacat
τῶνδε ἕκαστος δραχμὰς
τριηκοσίας
Μητρόδωρος Παρμένοντος
Κυπρίδης
270
Ἑκατώνυμος Ἀγαθοκλέος
271
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Ἀντίνους Κόννιος
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Ἀριστείδης Ἐξηκέστου
275
Πρύτανις Πυθοδώρου
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Ἑκατόμανδρος Ἀ̣θ̣ηνίππου
Δημητήριος Τύρωνος
Ἡγήτωρ Ἑκατωνύμου
280
Ἀπολλᾶς Θεοδώρου
Μίτυλος Εὐδίκου
Καλλικράτης Παρμένοντος
[—]
[—]․ίου
285
[—]δος
286/291
{²Five lines missing}²
291
[τῶνδε ἕκαστος δραχμ]ὰς
[διηκοσίας ⋮ —] Φιλίστεω
[—]τος
[—]
295
[—]νοντος
[—]
[—]
[—]
[—]υ
300
[—]ου
[—]
[—]
[—]
[—]ος
305
[—]
[—]υ
307/318
{²Twelve lines lost}²
319
[—]ης
320
[—]
321/366
{²about 46 lines lost}²
IV.367
Διονύσιος Φιλίστεω
Ἀπολλώνιος Ζωπύρου
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
370
Αἰσχυλῖνος Φιλίστεω
Μητρόδωρος Δαμᾶδος
Ἀγάθαρχος Ἀρτεμιδώρου
μέτοικος
Μητρᾶς Ἱκεσίου
375
καὶ οἱ ὑιοὶ
Ἀριστοφάνης Θεοφάνευς
Κλεόμαχος Ἡροστράτου
Ἀθήναιος Ζήνωνος
Λυκόφρων Πυθίππου
380
Διονυσόδωρος Διονυσᾶδος ⋮
Ποσειδώνιος Εὐξιθέου
μέτοικος
Ἑρμόφαντος Ἑκατωνύμου
Λυκοῦργος Ἀναξαγόρεω
385
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Φιλίστης Σιττᾶδος
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Αἰνέας Θαρσύνοντος
Μήτριππος Κωλώτ̣εω
390
Κρόνιος Τηλεφάνευς
Παυσανίας Πανταγνώτου
καὶ ὁ υἱὸς
Ἀπολλωνοφάνης Εὐδίκου
Φιλοκλῆς Ἡφαιστέω
395
Ἀστυδάμας Ἀπολλωνίου
Βαλλίων Γλαύκου
Ἀπολλόδωρος Βότωνος
Ἀπολλόδωρος Διονυσίου
Ἀρτεμίδωρος Ἀπολλοδότου
400
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
Ζηνόδοτος Ἀπολλωνίου
Μάνης Ἄνδρωνος μέτοικος
Θεμιστῶναξ Τελευταγόρεω ⋮
․2-3․άδης Αἰσχρίωνος
405
Εὐ[κ]λῆς [Μ]άνεω
Θεοκλῆς Βιτάλου
Ἀδείμαντος Σιττᾶδος
Ἡρακλείδης Ἀσμένου
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
410
Ἀρτεμίδωρος Τηλεφάνευς ⋮
Ζηνόδοτος Κωλώτεω
Μητρᾶς Ἑκαταίου
Διονύσιος Κλεοδήμου
Πυθαγόρης Ξενοφάντου
415
Μητρόδωρος Σίμου
Βίων Αἰσχρίωνος
Ἕρμιος Ξενίωνος
Ἀπολλόδωρος Παταίκου
Φιλίστης Ἱστιαίου
420
Ἀπολλόδωρος Σημαγόρεω
Ἀγακλῆς Δωκέως
Διονύσιος Ἡγητορίδεω
Διονύσιος Σκύθεω
Ἀριστείδης Κωλώτεω
425
Πυθαγόρης Μυτᾶδος
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Θρασυμήδης Ἡφαιστίωνος
Κρίτων Κοννίωνος
Ἀρτεμίδωρος Χάρεω
430
Κλεαίνετος Διονυσαρήτου
Διονυσικλῆς Ἱστιαίου
Ἀρχίδαμος Ξενοφάντου
Χοιρίλος Μύτωνος
Ἀθηνόδιος Ἀθηνοδίου
435
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
Ἐτησίλεως Ἀνταγόρεω
Ζώπυρος Κυνίσκου
Βοιωτὸς Ὑβλησίου
Ἀμφίλοχος Κλεανδρίδεω
440
Κωμαῖος Ἀρτεμιδώρου
καὶ Θεόδοτος Κωμαίου
Θαρσύνων Καλησίου
Ἀριστοκλῆς Κοννᾶδος
Ποσείδιππος Ξενοφάντου
445
Ἀγάθαρχος Μένωνος
Ἀπολλώνιος Διονυσιφάνευς ⋮
Σαννᾶς Ἀντιφάνευς
Ἡροφάνης Πολυκάστου
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς Στράτων
450
Ἡροδότου καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
Σῖμος Βισθάρου
Ἡρο̣φᾶς Σα̣ρδιάδεω
453/488
{²about 36 lines lost}²
V.489
Πολύχ̣τ̣ι̣ς Ξενοφάντου
490
Ἀπολλόδοτος Χαλκιδέως
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
Ζωΐλος Πύθεω
Φιλίστης Ἑρμοκράτεος
Παυσανίας Λυκομήδευς
495
Ποσείδιππος Φιλίσκου
Ἑκαταῖος Ἀπολλωνοφάνευς
Δημήτριος Ζωπύρου
καὶ Ἀθηνόδοτος
Ἀπολλώνιος Βρυάξιος μέτοικος
500
Ἀπολλόδωρος Ἀπολλοδώρου
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
Στίλβων Ἡροφάνευς
Δίων Ἑκατωνύμου
Νέαρχος Παρμένοντος
505
Παρμένων Ἡρακλείδεω μέτοικος
Θεόδωρος Ἀπολλᾶδος
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
Οὐλιάδης Πρωτοφάνευς
Ἄλκης Εὐγένευς
510
Μήτριππος Ἑκατοδώρου
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ⋮ Ἀθήνης
Καλλικράτευς καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
Ἀγαθοκλῆς Παρμένοντος
Μητρόδωρος Εὐφρᾶδος
515
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Ἀπολλᾶς Ἀγεδάμου
Βάττας Ἑκατοδώρου
Ζώπυρος Κοκκάλου
Δωρόθεος Καυστοδίκου
520
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Ἑρμόδημος Φιλωνίδεω
Πύθης Πυθέου
Λεωνίδης Γλαυκίωνος
Μέντωρ Θεοδώρου
525
Κόνω[ν —]σ̣μεω
[—]αίσχρου
[Π]υθαγ[ό]ρας Μοιρᾶδος
Ἱεροκλῆς Νικηράτου
Ἀμφιμήδης Πυρρίεω
530
Διαγόρας Ἑκατωνύμου
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ⋮ Ἀγαμήδης
Ἱππώνακτος καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
Κλαριεὺς Πρωτοφάνευς
Κωλώτης Ἀπολλᾶδος
535
Ἑλικέων Ἡρακλείδεω
Δημέας Ἐπιγένευς
Ἀθήναιος Ἀπολλωνίου
Χάρμης Δημώνακτος
Μητρόδωρος Τιτυρίωνος
540
Κλεώνυμος Πυθέα
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ⋮ Ἑρμότιμος
καὶ Ἀναγόρης Πλάτωνος
Ὀλύμπιχος καὶ Φιλόδημος
Πλάτωνος
545
Ἀριστοφάνης Κυνίσκου
Ἑκατόμανδρος Κλεάνακτος
Ἀπολλᾶς Μελαινέως
Ἀπολλόδοτος Ὀλυμπίχου
Διόδοτος Κοννᾶδος
550
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ Παρμένων
Διονυσίου μέτοικος
Ἀθήνης Μητρίππου
Φιλίστης Δημητρίου
καὶ οἱ υἱοὶ
555
Ζώπυρος Παρμένοντος
Ἑρμῶναξ Μοιρᾶδος
Ξένων Πάρμιδος
Ἀπολλόδωρος Θεοφάνευς
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ⋮ Λῦσις
560
Προμάχου καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Κοίρανος Πυθοδώρου
Ἑκαταῖος Πυθώνακτος
Θεόμνηστος Θεομνήστου
Δημοκράτης Φιττάλου
565
Τελευταγόρας Καικοδώρου
Σκύθων Φιλίστεω
Ἀπολλωνοφάνης Ζωπύρου
Δημήτριος Ποσειδωνίου
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
570
Πολύαρχος Ἑρμοκράτευς
Ἀθηνόδωρος Παρμένοντος
Ἑρμότιμος [․․․]ωνος
Θεόδοτο[ς —]
κ̣α̣ὶ̣ οἱ [ἀδελφοὶ]
575/610
{²about 36 lines lost}²
VI.611
Ἑκαταῖος Πυθᾶδος
Ἡρόδοτος Αἰσχρίωνος
Ἱκέσιος Ἀπολλοδώρου
Ἡροφάνης Καληίππου
615
Πρώτης Ζωπύρου
Ἀρτεμίδωρος Ἑκατωνύμου
Θεόδοτος Ἀκροτάτου
Ἀρίστης Ἀγαθάρχου
καὶ ὁ υἱὸς
620
Ἀρτέμων Κυνίσκου
Μεσήνης Φαΰλλου
Λεύκωμ Βουλᾶδος
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Μητρόδωρος Τύρωνος
625
Βίωμ Μητροδώρου μέτοικος
Θάλλος Δημητρίου μέτοικος
Μοῖρις Βισθάρου
Δίων Ζηνοδότου μέτοικος
Ἱστιαῖος Λυκωνίδεω
630
Ἀπολλᾶς Ζωπύρου
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ⋮ Ἀπολλώνιος
Ἀπολλοδώρου Προμήθειος
Διονύσιος Μύτωνος
Ἑρμόλυκος Θεοτίμου
635
Ἑκαταῖος Σίμου ⋮ Ἀπολλᾶς
Θεοδώρου Μεμνονίδης
Ἀπολλώνιος Ἀθηνοδώρου
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Ἀρίστων Διονυσίου
640
Ζήνης Δίωνος καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
Δημόχαρις Νυμφοδώρου
Ἀρτεμίδωρος Γεροντίδεω
Δίων Θρασύλλου
Δημήτριος Λεόντιος
645
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
v Πυθαγόρης <Μ>ητροδώρου Κνημάδης ⋮
Εὐφρήνωρ Ἀντιπάτρο̣[υ]
[—]․[—]
649/662
{²14 lines lost}²
663
Θ[—]
Ἀ[—]
665
Ἀ[—]
Κ․[—]
Ἀγ̣[—]
Με[—]
Ζωπ̣[υρ—]
670
Πει[—]
Νυμ[—]
Ἑκα[—]
Ἀνδρ[—]
Ἀλκη․[—]
675
Θρασυ[—]
Φιλοξ․[—]
Μένων Ἱ[—]
Εὐκλῆς [—]
Κλαριεὺ[ς —]
680
Ζώπυρος [—]
καὶ ὁ ἀδελ̣[φὸς ⋮ —]
Κυνίσκου [—]
Σῖμος Διο[— ⋮ —]
Γλαύκωνος [—]
685
Παρμένων Ἀ̣[—]
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφ[οὶ]
Μνησίθεος Ἱ[—]
Ἑκατόμανδρ[ος —]
Πύθων Καλλι[—]
690
Ὀλύμπιχος Ἀτ[—]
Μητρόδωρος Ἀ[—]
Θέσσαλος Ζω[—]
Πλάτων Ἀπολ[—]
Μητροφάνη̣[ς —]
695
Ἐπίγονος [—]
[—]․[[—]
697/722
{²26 lines lost}²
723
[—]ς
[—]
725
[—]
[—]
[—]ς
[—]
[—]νος
730
[—]
[—]τεω
[—]ικράτευς
VII.734
Μέδων [Ξεν]οφάντου καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς
735
Ἀθήναιο[ς Παρ]μένοντος ⋮ Καλλιδάμας
Κοκκάλο[υ ⋮] Μητροφάνης Κλεομέδοντος
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφ[ὸ]ς ⋮ Παρμένων Ξένωνος καὶ
ὁ ἀδελφὸς ⋮ [․․․]δωρος Θρασυμήδευς
Θράσυλλος [․4․․]ᾶδος καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
739
Ἡρακλείδης [Μοι]ρᾶδος ⋮ Ἑκαταῖος
740
Μυτᾶδος καὶ ὁ ἀ[δ]ελφὸς ⋮ Ἀπολλωνοφάνης
Πάρμιδος τοῦ Ἀπολλωνίου ⋮ Σύμμαχος
Σωφίλου μέτοικο[ς] ⋮ Ἀπ[ολ]λώνιος
Διονυσίου ⋮ Μητρόδωρος Ζωπύρου
καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ⋮ Ἀριστείδης Ἑκατωνύμου
745
Μέγας Εὐφήμου ⋮ Ἡρακλείδης
Ἀπολλωνοφάνευς ⋮ Εὐ[․․]αῖος
Ἀπολλωνοφάνευς ⋮ Καλλ̣[ία]ς Στράτωνος
Ναυκρατίτης ⋮ Ἀστυδάμας [Ἑ]κατωνύμου
Ἀπολλώνιος Πυθοδώρου ⋮ Μη̣[τ]ρόδωρος
750
Ἀπολλωνίου ⋮ Σωκράτης Θεο[․․․]ος
Βιλλᾶς Ἀπολλοδώρου μέτοικ[ος]
Ἀριστεὺς Πανταγνώτου ⋮ [Ὀλύμπ]ιχος
Πυρρίου ⋮ Γοργίων Κόνωνος [καὶ οἱ]
ἀδελφοὶ ⋮ Ἀπολλόδωρος Παρ[μένον]τ̣ος
755
Κυνίσκος Ἀρτεμιδώρου καὶ [ὁ ἀδελφ]ὸς
Ἀπολλόδωρος Κυνίσκου [—]
Πολυκράτης Πρώτεω [⋮ —]
Θεόδωρος Ἀρίστε[ος ⋮ —]
Ἡροφίλου ⋮ Βίταλος [—]
760
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ⋮ Ται[—]
Μοιρόδοτος Ἀπολ[—]
Πυθίωνος ⋮ Περίστρατ[ος —]
Ἀπολλώνιος Σίμου ⋮ Μ[—]
Θερσίππου ⋮ Ἑκα̣τα̣ῖ[ος —]
765
Δωκεὺς Δω[κέως ⋮ —]
Φιλάρχου [⋮ —]
Ἑκατώνυμ̣[ος —]
Ἀριστ[—]
Ἑρμότι[μος —]
770
[—]․1-2․[—]
771/818
{²48 lines lost}²
819
[․․c.7․․] Μ̣η̣τ̣ρᾶ[δος ․c.4․]․ος Ἑκατωνύμου
820
[․․c.8․․․]νων[․․c.7․․]ας Ἀπολλοδότου
[․․c.8․․․] Μητρᾶ[δος ⋮] Αἰγυπτᾶς
[․․c.8․․․]ου ⋮ Κλᾶρις Πειθα<γ>όρεω
[․․c.8․․․]της Τηλέφου ⋮ Ἡροφάνης
[․․c.8․․․]․ος ⋮ Ἡγησίμαχος
825
[․․c.8․․․]φάνευς ⋮ Ἀπολλωνοφάνης
[․․c.8․․․]ντος Κωλίδης ⋮ Ἀρτέμων
[․․c.7․․ο]υ̣ ⋮ Γοργίων Θαρσύνοντος
[․․c.7․․] Ἡλιοδώρου ⋮ Ζώπυρος Κωλώτεω
[․c.6․․]ρίστεω ⋮ Νυμφόδωρος Ἑκαταίου
830
[․c.6․․]ος Κωλώτεω ⋮ Ἑκατώνυμος
[․c.6․․]εω ⋮ Ἀθηνόδωρος Πυθομνήστου
[․c.5․]δ̣ριος Σωστράτου ⋮ Βίων Κυλλάνου ⋮
[․c.5․]δας Καλλιφάνους ⋮ Ἀμε̣ι̣νίας
[—]σίου καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ⋮ Ἡρόφιλος
835
[—]ος καὶ ὁ αδελφὸς ⋮ Διονυσᾶς
[—]ᾶδος ⋮ Κώραβος Πυθαγόρεω καὶ οἱ ⋮
[ἀδε]λφοὶ ⋮ Ἑκαταῖος Διονυσοδώρου
[—]δας Γονουσίου ⋮ Μένων Γλαύκου
[Ἑκ]α̣τώνυμος Καλωμάνδρου
840
[Διον]ύσιος Πάρμιδος ⋮ Πύθων Πυθέου
[Ἀπ]ολλόδωρος Πυθέου ⋮ Ἀπολλᾶς
[Δι]ονυσίου καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ⋮ Καλλίθεμις
[Δ]ιογείτονος ⋮ Σκόπος Διονυσίου μέτοικος
Ἑκατόμανδρος Αἰσχρίωνος ⋮ Ἀριστείδης
845
Βαυκίωνος ⋮ Πρωταγόρης
Πανταγνώτου ⋮ Μήτριππος Ἑκατωνύμου
Μητρόδωρος Βαδρομίου ⋮ Ἑκατώνυμος
Παρμένοντος Κνημάδης ⋮ Παρμένων
Ζήνεω ⋮ Ἑκατόδωρος καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
850
Ποσειδωνίου ⋮ Ἀρτεμίδωρος Δημητρίου
Δημήτριος Σωστράτου ⋮ Φιλίστης
Μητροδώρου καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ⋮ Πρόμαχος
Σκυθίνου καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ⋮ Ἀρτεμίδωρος
Ἀρτέμωνος ⋮ Βάλλας Ξενοφάντου
VIII.855
Ἀπολλώνιος Ἀρτεμιδώρο[υ]
Γεροντίδης Κωμαίου
Μητρόδωρος Ἀπολλοδώρο[υ]
Μητρόδωρος Ἑκ[ατ]ωνύμου̣
Ἑκατόδωρος Ἡρακλείδε̣[ω]
860
Διονυσόδωρος [Παρμέ]νοντ̣[ος]
Ζηνόδοτος [Ζω]πύρου
Ζη[νό]δοτος Πόσιδος
[․․․]δωρος Ἀπολλωνοφάνευ[ς]
[Α]ἰσχίων Σίμου ⋮ Ἀπολλᾶ[ς]
865
Δημητρίου ⋮ Ἀρτεμίδωρος
[Ἑκ]α̣[τ]ωνύμου Ἡ<γ>ητορίδης
Ἀ[—δ]ωρος Ἀριστοφάνε̣[υς]
Ζ̣ώπυρος Πύθεω καὶ οἱ
ἀδελφοὶ ⋮ Σκύθων
870
Καλλιμβρότου ⋮ Σιμίας
Διονῦδος ⋮ Δίων Μυρμήκο[υ]
Κρόνιος Ἡφαιστοκλέος
Ἑκατοκλῆς Πάρμιδος
Δίων Πυθοδίκου ⋮ Μητρᾶς
875
Κωράβου ⋮ Δωκεὺς
Ἀπολλοδώρου ⋮ Ζηνόδοτος
Ἀρτεμιδώρου ⋮ Σατυρίων
Διονῦδος ⋮ Παρμένων
Πυθαγόρ[ε]ω ⋮ Κυνίσκος
880
Ἀπολλωνοφάνευς
[Ἑκ]ατοκλῆς Ἀρτεμιδώρ[ου]
[Μνή]στορ Μητροδώρου
[Ἀπολ]λόδωρος Τερμο․[—]
[καὶ ὁ ἀ]δελφὸς ⋮ Μανι̣․[—]
885
[․c.6․․]ους ⋮ Ἀρτεμί[δωρος]
[․c.6․․δώ]ρου μέτοικο[ς]
[․c.5․ Ἀρ]τεμιδώρο[υ]
[․․c.7․․ Ἑ]κατων[ύμου]
[—]π[—]
890/940
{²51 lines lost}²
941
Ἱ[—]
Ἀδε̣[ιμάντου ⋮ —]
Μητρᾶδ̣[ος ⋮ —]
Κυνίσκου̣ [⋮ —]
945
Μητροδώρ[ου ⋮ —]
Προμηθέος ⋮ Θ̣[—]
Γλαύκωνος [⋮ ․]Ι̣Β̣Α̣Υ̣[—]
Μανιτᾶδος ⋮ Δημήτ̣[ριος]
Ἀρτεμιδώρου ⋮ Λυσικρά̣[της]
950
Ἀρτεμιδώρου ⋮ Βίων Κυ[νίσκου]
Πύθαρχος Θεωνίδου
Δημοκράτης Δημητρί̣[ου]
Εὐθύκριτος Ἀθηνάϊος
Φιλοκράτης Ἀριστοκρίτου
955
Ἀρτεμίδωρος Βάλλιος
Ἀρτέμων Ἀπολλοδώρου
Ἀθήνιππος Ἑκατωνύμου̣
Δημήτριος Κρηθέως
Λινδ[ίας, καὶ ἤμεν αὐτῶι πάντω]- | ν ἀτέλ[ειαν καὶ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ π]- | ροεδρ[ίαν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι
face a
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
1
․․ο̣ξ̣[— — — — — — — — — — — —]
․ο Κυ[— — — — — — — — πρόξενο]-
[ν] Λιν[δίων καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀδ]-
ελφε[οὺς — — — — — — — — — —]
5
νεικ[— — — — — — — — ἐν τῶι ἰα]-
ρῶι κ[— — — — τᾶς Ἀθαναίας τᾶ]-
ς Λινδ[ίας, καὶ ἤμεν αὐτῶι πάντω]-
ν ἀτέλ[ειαν καὶ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ π]-
ροεδρ[ίαν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ συσ]-
10
σιτία [ἐν ἰαροθυτείωι καὶ ἐσαγ]-
[ω]γὰν κ[αὶ ἐξαγωγὰν ἀσυλὶ καὶ ἀσ]-
[πονδὶ καὶ πολέμο καὶ ἰρήνας]
face b
[— — — — — — —]
1
[— — — — — —]α̣γω
[— — — — — —]ατι̣
[— — — — — —]ηρ̣
[— — — — — —]ακ
5
[— — — — — —]α̣να̣
[— — — — — —]ι̣
[— — — — — — —]
τὰ τοιαῦτα κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ψηφιζόμενοι ἀσφαλῶς ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων ἀπηλλάττοντο
[113] εἱρχθέντας: καὶ ψηφίζεται ὁ δῆμος Κριτίου εἰπόντος τὸν μὲν νεκρὸν κρίνειν προδοσίας, κἂν δόξῃ προδότης ὢν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ τεθάφθαι, τά τε (1) ὀστᾶ αὐτοῦ ἀνορύξαι καὶ ἐξορίσαι ἔξω τῆς Ἀττικῆς, ὅπως ἂν μὴ κέηται ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ μηδὲ τὰ ὀστᾶ τοῦ τὴν χώραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν προδιδόντος. ἐψηφίσαντο
[114] δὲ (2) καὶ ἐὰν ἀπολογῶνταί τινες ὑπὲρ (3) τοῦ τετελευτηκότος, ἐὰν ἁλῷ ὁ τεθνηκώς, ἐνόχους εἶναι καὶ τούτους τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπιτιμίοις: οὕτως οὐδὲ βοηθεῖν τοῖς τοὺς ἄλλους ἐγκαταλείπουσιν ἡγοῦντο δίκαιον εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ὁμοίως ἂν προδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸν διασῴζοντα τὸν προδότην. τοιγαροῦν οὕτω μισοῦντες τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ψηφιζόμενοι ἀσφαλῶς ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων ἀπηλλάττοντο. λαβὲ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸ ψήφισμα, γραμματεῦ, καὶ ἀνάγνωθι.“ Ψήφισμα ”
1 τε] γε Jacob.
2 Post δὲ habent τινες codd., del. Heinrich.
3 ὑπὲρ Herwerden: περὶ codd.
[113] They decreed publicly, on the motion of Critias, that the dead man should be tried for treason, and that if it were found that this was a traitor who had been buried in the country, his bones should be dug up and removed from Attica,(1) so that the land should not have lying in it even the bones of one who had betrayed his country and his city.
[114] They decreed also that if any persons defended the dead man and he were found guilty, they should be liable to the same punishment as he. Thus, in their view, it was wrong even to assist men who had deserted others; and to try to save the traitor would be to betray the city no less than he. In this way then, by hating wrongdoers and by passing such measures against them, they brought themselves safely out of dangers. Produce the decree for them, clerk, and read it.“Decree”
ἵν᾽ ἀσφαλέστερον (2) ἕκαστος ὑμῶν τὴν δικαίαν καὶ τὴν εὔορκον ψῆφον θῆται
[128] οὐ μόνον τοίνυν ἡ πόλις ὑμῶν οὕτως ἔσχε πρὸς τοὺς προδιδόντας ἀλλὰ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι. Καὶ μή μοι ἀχθεσθῆτε, ὦ ἄνδρες, εἰ πολλάκις μέμνημαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων: καλὸν γάρ ἐστ᾽ ἐκ (1) πόλεως εὐνομουμένης περὶ τῶν δικαίων παραδείγματα λαμβάνειν, ἵν᾽ ἀσφαλέστερον (2) ἕκαστος ὑμῶν τὴν δικαίαν καὶ τὴν εὔορκον ψῆφον θῆται.(3) Παυσανίαν γὰρ τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν προδιδόντα τῷ Πέρσῃ τὴν Ἑλλάδα λαβόντες, ἐπειδὴ ἔφθασε καταφυγὼν εἰς τὸ τῆς Χαλκιοίκου ἱερόν, τὴν θύραν ἀποικοδομήσαντες,(4) καὶ τὴν ὀροφὴν ἀποσκευάσαντες, καὶ κύκλῳ περιστρατοπεδεύσαντες, οὐ πρότερον ἀπῆλθον πρὶν ἢ τῷ λιμῷ ἀπέκτειναν,
1 ἐστ᾽ ἐκ Blass: ἐστιν ἐκ Ν: ἐστι cett.
2 ἵν᾽ ἀσφαλέστερον Blass: ἀσφαλέστερον γὰρ codd.
3 θῆται] θήσεται Schaub.
4 ἀποικοδομήσαντες Duker: ἀνοικοδομήσαντες codd.
[128] Your city was not alone in dealing thus with traitors. The Spartans were the same. Please do not think me tedious, gentlemen, if I allude often to these men. We shall be well advised to take examples of just conduct from a city which has good laws, and so be surer that each of you will give a just verdict in keeping with his oath. The Spartans, you remember, caught their king Pausanias trying to betray Greece to the Persians. He escaped in time into the temple of the Brazen House, but they walled up the door, took off the roof and mounted guard in a circle round it, remaining at their posts until they had starved him to death
εἴ τις τετριηράρχηκε λαμπρῶς ἢ τείχη τῇ πατρίδι περιέβαλεν ἢ πρὸς τὴν κοινὴν σωτηρίαν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων συνευπόρησε
[139] καίτοι τινὲς αὐτῶν οὐκέτι (1) τοῖς λόγοις ὑμᾶς παρακρούσασθαι ζητοῦσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη ταῖς αὑτῶν λῃτουργίαις (2) ἐξαιτεῖσθαι τοὺς κρινομένους ἀξιώσουσιν: ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔγωγε καὶ μάλιστ᾽ ἀγανακτῶ. εἰς γὰρ τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον αὐτὰς περιποιησάμενοι, κοινὰς χάριτας ὑμᾶς ἀπαιτοῦσιν. οὐ γὰρ εἴ τις ἱπποτρόφηκεν (3) ἢ κεχορήγηκε λαμπρῶς ἢ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν τοιούτων τι δεδαπάνηκεν, ἄξιός ἐστι παρ᾽ ὑμῶν τοιαύτης χάριτος （ἐπὶ τούτοις γὰρ αὐτὸς μόνος στεφανοῦται, τοὺς ἄλλους οὐδὲν ὠφελῶν）, ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τις τετριηράρχηκε λαμπρῶς ἢ τείχη τῇ πατρίδι περιέβαλεν ἢ πρὸς τὴν κοινὴν σωτηρίαν ἐκ τῶν
[140] ἰδίων συνευπόρησε: ταῦτα γάρ ἐστι κοινῶς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἁπάντων, καὶ ἐν μὲν τούτοις ἔστιν ἰδεῖν τὴν ἀρετὴν τῶν ἐπιδεδωκότων, ἐν ἐκείνοις δὲ τὴν εὐπορίαν μόνον (4) τῶν δεδαπανηκότων. ἡγοῦμαι δ᾽ ἔγωγε οὐδέν᾽ (5) οὕτω μεγάλα τὴν πόλιν εὐηργετηκέναι, ὥστ᾽ ἐξαίρετον ἀξιοῦν λαμβάνειν χάριν τὴν κατὰ τῶν προδιδόντων τιμωρίαν, οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἀνόητον ὥστε φιλοτιμεῖσθαι μὲν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, τούτῳ δὲ βοηθεῖν ὃς αὐτοῦ πρώτου τὰς φιλοτιμίας ἠφάνισεν: εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία μὴ ταὐτὰ τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τούτοις ἐστὶ συμφέροντα. Ἐχρῆν μὲν οὖν, ὦ ἄνδρες,
1 οὐκέτι Reiske: οὐκ ἐπὶ codd.
2 λῃτουργίαις Blass: λειτουργίαις codd.
3 ἱπποτρόφηκεν Es: ἱπποτετρόφηκεν codd.
4 μόνον A corr.: μόνων N: om. A pr., Blass.
5 Post οὐδέν᾽ codd. ἂν habent, del. Franke.
[139] Some of them indeed are no longer using arguments to try to deceive you; they will even cite their own public services in favor of the defendants. These I particularly resent. For having performed the services for the advancement of their own families, they are now asking you for public token of thanks. Horsebreeding, a handsome payment for a chorus, and other expensive gestures, do not entitle a man to any such recognition from you, since for these acts he alone is crowned, conferring no benefit on others. To earn your gratitude he must, instead, have been distinguished as a trierarch, or built walls to protect his city, or subscribed generously from his own property for the public safety. These are services to the state:
[140] they affect the welfare of you all and prove the loyalty of the donors, while the others are evidence of nothing but the wealth of those who have spent the money. I do not believe that anyone has done the city so great a service that he can claim the acquittal of traitors as a special privilege for himself; nor do I believe that anyone, with ambitions for the city's honor, is so unthinking as to help Leocrates, by whom he, first and foremost, had those ambitions frustrated; unless indeed such people have interests other than their country's.
τὴν γὰρ ἀσφάλειαν ἐν τῇ ἐκείνων πόλει μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδι ἐνόμισεν εἶναι
[143] καὶ αὐτίκα μάλ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἀξιώσει ἀκούειν αὐτοῦ ἀπολογουμένου κατὰ τοὺς νόμους: ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἐρωτᾶτε αὐτὸν ποίους; οὓς ἐγκαταλιπὼν ᾤχετο. καὶ ἐᾶσαι (1) αὐτὸν οἰκεῖν ἐν τοῖς τείχεσι τῆς πατρίδος: ποίοις; ἃ μόνος (2) τῶν πολιτῶν (3) οὐ συνδιεφύλαξε. καὶ ἐπικαλεῖται τοὺς θεοὺς σώσοντας αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων: τίνας; οὐχ ὧν τοὺς νεὼς καὶ τὰ ἕδη καὶ τὰ τεμένη προὔδωκε; καὶ δεήσεται καὶ ἱκετεύσει ἐλεῆσαι αὐτόν: τίνων; οὐχ οἷς τὸν αὐτὸν ἔρανον (4) εἰς τὴν σωτηρίαν εἰσενεγκεῖν οὐκ ἐτόλμησε; Ῥοδίους ἱκετευέτω: τὴν γὰρ ἀσφάλειαν
1 ἐᾶσαι Reiske: ἐάσετε codd./ 2 ποίοις; ἃ μόνος Reiske: ποιησάμενοι codd./ 3 Post πολίτων N pr. A corr. οἷς habent, N corr. (2) A pr. οὓς,del. Bekker./ 4 τὸν αὐτὸν ἔρανον Scaliger: τῶν αὐτῶν ἐράνων codd.
[144] ἐν τῇ ἐκείνων πόλει μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδι ἐνόμισεν εἶναι. ποία δ᾽ ἡλικία δικαίως ἂν τοῦτον ἐλεήσειε; πότερον ἡ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων; ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ γηροτροφηθῆναι οὐδ᾽ ἐν ἐλευθέρῳ <τῷ>1 ἐδάφει τῆς πατρίδος αὐτοῖς ταφῆναι τὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν μέρος παρέδωκεν. ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τῶν νεωτέρων; καὶ τίς <ἂν>2 ἀναμνησθεὶς τῶν ἡλικιωτῶν τῶν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ ἑαυτῷ3 συμπαραταξαμένων καὶ τῶν κινδύνων τῶν αὐτῶν μετασχόντων, σώσειε τὸν τὰς ἐκείνων θήκας προδεδωκότα, καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ ψήφῳ τῶν μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τελευτησάντων παράνοιαν4 καταγνοίη, τὸν δ᾽ ἐγκαταλιπόντα5 τὴν πατρίδα ὡς εὖ φρονοῦντα ἀθῷον ἀφείη;
1 τῷ add. Dobree./ 2 ἂν add. Schaub./ 3 ἑαυτῷ Morus: ἑαυτοῖς codd./ 4 παράνοιαν Reiske: παρανοίας codd./ 5 δ᾽ ἐγκαταλιπόντα Bekker: δὲ καταλιπόντα codd.
[143] He will shortly beg you to hear him plead his defence according to the laws. Ask him what laws. The ones he deserted in his flight. He will beg you to let him live within the walls of his native city. Which walls? Those which he, alone of Athenians, did not help to defend. He will call on the gods to save him from danger. Who are they? Are they not the gods whose temples, altars and precincts he betrayed? He will beg and pray you to pity him. To whom is this prayer addressed if not to men who made a contribution to safety which he had not the courage to make? Let him make his plea to the Rhodians, since he thought their city safer than his own country.
[144] Would any men, no matter what their age, be justified in pitying him? Take the older generation. He did his best to deny them so much as a safe old age or even a grave in the free soil of their native land. What of the younger men? Would any of them, remembering their contemporaries, comrades in arms at Chaeronea who shared the same dangers, absolve the man who has betrayed the graves they lie in? Would they, in the same vote, denounce as mad those who died for freedom and let Leocrates who deserted his country go unpunished as a sane man?
τὰς δ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας καὶ τῆς ἐν τῇ πόλει εὐδαιμονίας
[149] ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν καὶ τῇ πατρίδι βοηθῶν καὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖς καὶ τοῖς νόμοις ἀποδέδωκα τὸν ἀγῶνα ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως, οὔτε τὸν ἄλλον τούτου βίον διαβαλὼν οὔτ᾽ ἔξω τοῦ πράγματος οὐδὲν κατηγορήσας: ὑμῶν δ᾽ ἕκαστον χρὴ νομίζειν τὸν Λεωκράτους ἀποψηφιζόμενον θάνατον τῆς πατρίδος καὶ ἀνδραποδισμὸν (1) καταψηφίζεσθαι, καὶ δυοῖν καδίσκοιν κειμένοιν τὸν μὲν προδοσίας, τὸν δὲ σωτηρίας εἶναι, καὶ (2) τὰς ψήφους φέρεσθαι τὰς μὲν ὑπὲρ ἀναστάσεως τῆς πατρίδος, τὰς δ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας καὶ τῆς ἐν τῇ πόλει εὐδαιμονίας.
1 ἀνδραποδισμὸν Bekker: ἀνδραπόδων codd./ 2 εἶναι, καὶ Emperius: εἵνεκα codd.
[150] ἐὰν μὲν Λεωκράτην ἀπολύσητε, προδιδόναι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ τὰς ναῦς ψηφιεῖσθε: ἐὰν δὲ τοῦτον ἀποκτείνητε, διαφυλάττειν καὶ σῴζειν τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὰς προσόδους καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν παρακελεύσεσθε.(1) νομίζοντες οὖν, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἱκετεύειν ὑμῶν τὴν χώραν καὶ τὰ δένδρα, δεῖσθαι τοὺς λιμένας <καὶ> (2) τὰ νεώρια καὶ τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως, ἀξιοῦν δὲ καὶ τοὺς νεὼς καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς, παράδειγμα ποιήσατε Λεωκράτη, ἀναμνησθέντες τῶν κατηγορημένων, ὅτι (3) οὐ πλέον ἰσχύει παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἔλεος οὐδὲ δάκρυα τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τοῦ δήμου σωτηρίας.(4)
1 παρακελεύσεσθε Ald.: παρακελεύεσθε codd./ 2 καὶ add. Scheibe./ 3 Ante ὅτι habent καὶ codd., del. Morus./ 4 σωτηρίας] τιμωρίας Reiske.
[149] My task has been to assist my country, its temples and its laws. I have conducted the trial rightly and justly without slandering the private life of the defendant or digressing from the subject of my indictment. It is now for each of you to reflect that the absolver of Leocrates condemns his country to death and slavery, that of the two caskets before you one stands for treason and the other for deliverance, that the votes cast into one are given for the destruction of your country and the rest for safety and prosperity in Athens.
[150] If you acquit Leocrates, you will vote for the betrayal of the city, of its temples and its fleet. But if you kill him, you will be encouraging others to preserve your country with its revenues and its prosperity. Imagine then, Athenians, that the country and its trees are appealing to you, that the harbors, dockyards and walls of the city are begging you for protection, yes, and the temples and sanctuaries too. Bear in mind the charges brought and make of Leocrates a proof that with you tears and compassion have not more weight than the salvation of the laws and people.
ἐὰν ὑπὲρ τῆς αὑτῶν σωτηρίας ἀσφαλῶς δύνηται διακινδυνεῦσαι
[42] τοσαύτῃ δ᾽ ἡ πόλις ἐκέχρητο μεταβολῇ ὥστε πρότερον μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας ἀγωνίζεσθαι, ἐν δὲ τοῖς τότε χρόνοις ἀγαπᾶν, ἐὰν ὑπὲρ τῆς αὑτῶν σωτηρίας ἀσφαλῶς δύνηται διακινδυνεῦσαι, (1) καὶ πρότερον μὲν πολλῆς χώρας τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπάρχειν, τότε δὲ πρὸς Μακεδόνας ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας κινδυνεύειν: καὶ τὸν δῆμον ὃν πρότερον Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ οἱ τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντες Ἕλληνες βοηθὸν ἐπεκαλοῦντο, οὗτος ἐδεῖτο τῶν ἐξ Ἄνδρου καὶ Κέω καὶ Τροζῆνος (2) καὶ Ἐπιδαύρου ἐπικουρίαν αὑτῷ μεταπέμψασθαι. ὥστε,
[43] ὦ ἄνδρες, τὸν ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις φόβοις καὶ τηλικούτοις κινδύνοις καὶ τοσαύτῃ αἰσχύνῃ ἐγκαταλιπόντα (3) τὴν πόλιν, καὶ μήτε <τὰ> (4) ὅπλα θέμενον ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος μήτε τὸ σῶμα παρασχόντα τάξαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, ἀλλὰ φυγόντα καὶ προδόντα τὴν τοῦ δήμου σωτηρίαν, τίς ἂν ἢ δικαστὴς φιλόπολις καὶ εὐσεβεῖν βουλόμενος ψήφῳ ἀπολύσειεν, ἢ ῥήτωρ κληθεὶς τῷ προδότῃ τῆς πόλεως βοηθήσειε, τὸν οὐδὲ συμπενθῆσαι τὰς τῆς πατρίδος συμφορὰς τολμήσαντα, οὐδὲ συμβεβλημένον οὐδὲν εἰς τὴν τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοῦ δήμου σωτηρίαν;
1 διακινδυνεῦσαι Μ: κινδυνεῦσαι Α.
2 Τροζῆνος Blass: Τροιζῆνος codd.
3 ἐγκαταλιπόντα Ald.: ἐγκαταλείποντα codd.
4 τὰ add. Es.
[42] She who used once to champion the freedom of her fellow Greeks was now content if she could safely meet the dangers that her own defence entailed. In the past she had ruled a wide extent of foreign land; now she was disputing with Macedon for her own. The people whom Lacedaemonians and Peloponnesians, whom the Greeks of Asia used once to summon to their help, were now entreating men of Andros, Ceos, Troezen and Epidaurus to send them aid.
[43] Therefore, gentlemen, if at a time of fears like these, a time of such great danger and disgrace, there was a deserter from the city, a mall who neither took up arms in his country's defence nor submitted his person to the generals for enrollment but ran away and betrayed the safety of the people, what patriotic juryman with any scruples would vote for his acquittal? What advocate summoned into court would help a traitor to his city? He had not even the grace to share our grief at the misfortunes of his country, and he has made no contribution towards the defence of Athens and our democracy.
αὑτῶν ἀνδρείαν ἀσφαλεστέραν φυλακὴν εἶναι νομίζοντες τῶν λιθίνων περιβόλων
[47] ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπήντησαν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁρίοις τῆς Βοιωτίας ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας μαχούμενοι, οὐκ ἐν (1) τοῖς τείχεσι τὰς ἐλπίδας τῆς σωτηρίας ἔχοντες, οὐδὲ τὴν χώραν κακῶς ποιεῖν προέμενοι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν αὑτῶν ἀνδρείαν ἀσφαλεστέραν φυλακὴν εἶναι νομίζοντες τῶν λιθίνων περιβόλων, τὴν δὲ θρέψασαν αὑτοὺς αἰσχυνόμενοι περιορᾶν πορθουμένην, εἰκότως:
[48] ὥσπερ γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς φύσει γεννήσαντας καὶ τοὺς ποιητοὺς τῶν πατέρων οὐχ ὁμοίως ἔχουσιν ἅπαντες ταῖς εὐνοίαις, οὕτω καὶ πρὸς τὰς χώρας τὰς μὴ φύσει προσηκούσας, ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον ἐπικτήτους γενομένας καταδεέστερον διάκεινται. τοιαύταις δὲ γνώμαις χρησάμενοι καὶ τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἀνδράσιν ἐξ ἴσου τῶν κινδύνων μετασχόντες, οὐχ ὁμοίως τῆς τύχης ἐκοινώνησαν: τῆς γὰρ ἀρετῆς οὐ ζῶντες ἀπολαύουσιν, ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντες τὴν δόξαν καταλελοίπασιν, οὐχ ἡττηθέντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποθανόντες ἔνθαπερ ἐτάχθησαν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀμύνοντες.
1 ἐν Es: ἐπὶ codd.
[47] Those men encountered the enemy on the borders of Boeotia, to fight for the freedom of Greece. They neither rested their hopes of safety on city walls nor surrendered their lands for the foe to devastate. Believing that their own courage was a surer protection than battlements of stone, they held it a disgrace to see the land that reared them wasted. And they were right.
[48] Men do not hold their foster parents so dear as their own fathers, and so towards countries which are not their own but which have been adopted during their lifetime they feel a weaker loyalty. In such a spirit did these men bear their share of dangers with a courage unsurpassed; but their prowess was not equalled by their fortune. For they have not lived to reap the enjoyment of their valor; they died and have bequeathed their glory in its stead. Unconquered, they fell at their posts in the defence of freedom,
ἵν᾽ ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα μὲν αὐτὸς εἰσῄα τί γὰρ ᾔδη εἴ τι κἀκεῖνος εἶχε σιδήριον
[42] καίτοιγε εἰ προῄδη, οὐκ ἂν δοκῶ ὑμῖν καὶ θεράποντας παρασκευάσασθαι καὶ τοῖς φίλοις παραγγεῖλαι, ἵν᾽ ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα μὲν αὐτὸς εἰσῄα τί γὰρ ᾔδη εἴ τι κἀκεῖνος εἶχε σιδήριον;, ὡς μετὰ πλείστων δὲ μαρτύρων τὴν τιμωρίαν ἐποιούμην; νῦν δ᾽ οὐδὲν εἰδὼς τῶν ἐσομένων ἐκείνῃ τῇ νυκτί, οὓς οἷός τε ἦ παρέλαβον. καί μοι ἀνάβητε τούτων μάρτυρες.“Μάρτυρες”
[42] Yet if I had foreknown this, do you not think that I should have called up servants and passed the word to my friends, in order that I might have gone in myself with all possible safety, —for how could I tell whether he too had some weapon? —and so I might have had as many witnesses as possible with me when I took my vengeance? But as in fact I knew nothing of what was to befall on that night, I took with me those whom I could. Now let my witnesses come forward in support of all this.“Witnesses”
πάντας ἑώρων τοῖς μὲν ἱππεύουσιν ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι δεῖν νομίζοντας
[13] πρῶτον μὲν γάρ, ὅτε τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐποιήσασθε πρὸς [τοὺς] (1) Βοιωτοὺς καὶ εἰς Ἁλίαρτον ἔδει βοηθεῖν, ὑπὸ Ὀρθοβούλου κατειλεγμένος ἱππεύειν, ἐπειδὴ πάντας ἑώρων τοῖς μὲν ἱππεύουσιν ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι δεῖν νομίζοντας, τοῖς δ᾽ ὁπλίταις κίνδυνον ἡγουμένους, ἑτέρων ἀναβάντων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀδοκιμάστων παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἐγὼ προσελθὼν ἔφην τῷ Ὀρθοβούλῳ ἐξαλεῖψαί με ἐκ τοῦ καταλόγου, ἡγούμενος αἰσχρὸν εἶναι τοῦ πλήθους μέλλοντος κινδυνεύειν ἄδειαν ἐμαυτῷ παρασκευάσαντα στρατεύεσθαι. καί μοι ἀνάβηθι, Ὀρθόβουλε. “Μάρτυρες”
1 τοὺς del. *pertz
[13] First of all, when you made your alliance with the Boeotians, and we had to go to the relief of Haliartus, I had been enrolled by Orthobulus for service in the cavalry: I saw that it was everyone's opinion that, whereas the cavalry were assured of safety, the infantry would have to face danger; so, while others mounted on horseback illegally, without having passed the scrutiny, I went up to Orthobulus and told him to strike me off the roll, as I thought it shameful, while the majority were to face danger, to take the field with precaution for my own security. Come forward, please, Orthobulus.“Testimony”
νῦν δ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς αὐτοῖς ἔχει τὰ ὑμέτερα κλέπτειν
[4] <ὃ>1 καὶ ὑμῖν ἔχω ἐπικαλέσαι ὅτι τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἀδικήματος Ὀνομάσαντος μὲν κατεψηφίσασθε, τούτου δὲ ἀπεψηφίσασθε, τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἁπάντων κατηγοροῦντος καὶ τῶν αὐτῶν καταμαρτυρούντων, οἳ οὐχ ἑτέρων ἤκουσαν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἦσαν οἱ περὶ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῶν δώρων πρὸς τούτους πράττοντες.
[5] καίτοι τοῦτο ἅπαντες ἐπίστασθε, ὅτι οὐχ ὅταν τοὺς μὴ δυναμένους λέγειν κολάζητε, τότε ἔσται παράδειγμα τοῦ μὴ ὑμᾶς ἀδικεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁπόταν παρὰ τῶν δυναμένων δίκην λαμβάνητε, τότε πάντες παύσονται ἐπιχειροῦντες εἰς ὑμᾶς ἐξαμαρτάνειν.
[6] νῦν δ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς αὐτοῖς ἔχει τὰ ὑμέτερα κλέπτειν. ἐὰν μὲν γὰρ λάθωσιν, ἀδεῶς αὐτοῖς ἕξουσι χρῆσθαι: ἐὰν δὲ ὀφθῶσιν, ἢ μέρει τῶν ἀδικημάτων τὸν κίνδυνον ἐξεπρίαντο, ἢ εἰς ἀγῶνα καταστάντες τῇ αὑτῶν δυνάμει ἐσώθησαν. νῦν τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, παράδειγμα ποιήσατε τοῖς ἄλλοις δικαίοις εἶναι, παρὰ τούτων δίκην λαβόντες.
1 ὃ add. Halbertsman.
[4] And here I have to reproach you for having convicted Onomasas (1) and acquitted this man of the same crime, although it was the same person who accused them all, and they were opposed by the same witnesses; who had not been told by others, but were the very persons who arranged with these men about the money and the gifts.
[5] Yet you are all aware that it is not by chastising men who are not able to speak that you will make an example to deter men from wronging you, but that by doing justice upon those who are able you will cause everyone to cease attempting to commit offences against you.
[6] But at present they find it quite safe to rob you. For if they are not detected, they will be able to enjoy their booty without fear; while if they are caught, they either buy off the prosecution with part of their ill-gotten gains, or save themselves, on being brought to trial, by their own ability. So this is the moment, gentlemen of the jury, for you to make an example that will ensure the honesty of the rest, by doing justice upon these men.
1 Nothing is known of this person.
ποιησάμενον τὴν ἰδίαν ἀσφάλειαν ἢ τὸν κοινὸν τῆς πόλεως κίνδυνον
[7] ἐγὼ τοίνυν ἀποφανῶ Φίλωνα τουτονὶ περὶ πλείονος ποιησάμενον τὴν ἰδίαν ἀσφάλειαν ἢ τὸν κοινὸν τῆς πόλεως κίνδυνον, καὶ ἡγησάμενον κρεῖττον εἶναι αὐτὸν ἀκινδύνως τὸν βίον διάγειν ἢ τὴν πόλιν σῴζειν ὁμοίως τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις κινδυνεύοντα.
[8] οὗτος γάρ, ὦ βουλή, ὅτε ἡ συμφορὰ τῇ πόλει ἦν （ἧς ἐγώ, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἀναγκάζομαι, κατὰ τοσοῦτον μέμνημαι）, ἐκκεκηρυγμένος ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεως ὑπὸ τῶν τριάκοντα μετὰ τοῦ ἄλλου πλήθους τῶν πολιτῶν τέως μὲν ᾤκει ἐν ἀγρῷ, ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἱ ἀπὸ Φυλῆς κατῆλθον εἰς τὸν Πειραιᾶ, καὶ οὐ μόνον οἱ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ὑπερορίας οἱ μὲν εἰς τὸ ἄστυ οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὸν Πειραιᾶ συνελέγοντο, καὶ καθ᾽ ὅσον ἕκαστος οἷός τ᾽ ἦν, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἐβοήθει τῇ πατρίδι, τὰ ἐναντία ἅπασι τοῖς ἄλλοις
[7] Now I will demonstrate that Philon here has set his private safety above the public danger of the city, and has held it preferable to pass his life without danger to himself rather than save the city by sharing her dangers with the rest of the citizens.
[8] For this man, gentlemen of the Council, in the midst of the city's disaster which I only touch upon so far as I am forced to do so, was banned from the town by the Thirty along with the main body of the citizens, and for a while he lived in the country: but when the party of Phyle returned to the Peiraeus, and the people, not only from the country, but from over the border, assembled together, partly in the town and partly in the Peiraeus, and when each to the extent of his powers came to the rescue of his fatherland, Philon's conduct was the opposite of that shown by the rest of the citizens.
πολὺ ἦν ἀσφαλέστερον καὶ ἀφανίσαι καὶ ἐκκόψαι καὶ ἐπεργάσασθαι
[24] ἐπίστασθε γὰρ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ πολλὰς μορίας οὔσας καὶ πυρκαϊὰς ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς ἐμοῖς χωρίοις, ἅς, εἴπερ ἐπεθύμουν, πολὺ ἦν ἀσφαλέστερον καὶ ἀφανίσαι καὶ ἐκκόψαι καὶ ἐπεργάσασθαι, ὅσῳπερ ἧττον τὸ ἀδίκημα πολλῶν οὐσῶν ἔμελλε δῆλον ἔσεσθαι.
[25] νῦν δ᾽ οὕτως αὐτὰς περὶ πολλοῦ ποιοῦμαι ὥσπερ <καὶ τὴν πατρίδα> (1) καὶ τὴν ἄλλην οὐσίαν, ἡγούμενος περὶ ἀμφοτέρων τούτων εἶναί μοι τὸν κίνδυνον. αὐτοὺς τοίνυν ὑμᾶς τούτων μάρτυρας παρέξομαι, ἐπιμελουμένους μὲν ἑκάστου μηνός, ἐπιγνώμονας (2) δὲ πέμποντας καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν: ὧν οὐδεὶς πώποτ᾽ ἐζημίωσέ μ᾽ ὡς ἐργαζόμενον τὰ περὶ τὰς μορίας χωρία.
1 καὶ add. Westermann: th\n patri/da add. Kayser
2 ἐπιγνώμονας Harpocration: γνώμονας MSS.
[24] For you understand that in the plain there are many sacred olives and burnt stumps on my other plots which, had I so desired, it would have been much safer to clear away or cut down or work over, inasmuch as among so many of them the wrongful act was likely to be less evident.
[25] But the fact is that I have as great a regard for them as for my native land and my whole property, realizing that it is the loss of both of these that I have at stake. And you yourselves I shall produce as witnesses to that fact; for you supervise the matter every month, and also send assessors every year, none of whom has ever penalized me for working the ground about the sacred olives.
οὐδὲ τὰ μὲν ἐμὰ πράγματα κινδυνεύοντα, τὰ δ᾽ ὑμέτερα ἀσφαλῶς ἔχοντα
[7] καὶ μὴν οὐδὲν αὐτὸς ἐξηῦρον (1) ὁπόθεν ἂν εἰκότως ὑπερείδετε τὴν ἐμὴν ὁμιλίαν. οὔτε γὰρ ὑμᾶς σοφωτάτους ἑώρων ὄντας, ἐμαυτὸν δ᾽ ἀμαθέστατον, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πολυφίλους ὑμᾶς, ἐμαυτὸν δ᾽ ἔρημον φίλων, οὐδ᾽ αὖ πλουτοῦντας, ἐμὲ δὲ πενόμενον, οὐδ᾽ αὖ ὑμᾶς μὲν ὑπερευδοκιμοῦντας, ἐμαυτὸν δὲ διαβεβλημένον, οὐδὲ τὰ μὲν ἐμὰ πράγματα κινδυνεύοντα, τὰ δ᾽ ὑμέτερα ἀσφαλῶς ἔχοντα. πόθεν ἂν οὖν εἰκότως ὑπώπτευον ἄχθεσθαί μοι συνόντι;
1 αὐτὸς ἐξηῦρον Schott: οὖτος ἐξεῦρεν.
[7] And, mark you, I for my part have discovered no ground on which you could reasonably have despised my company. For neither could I see that you were very clever and myself very stupid, nor indeed that you were surrounded with friends and myself destitute of them, nor again that you were wealthy and I poor, nor again that you were in particularly good repute and myself in ill odor, nor were my interests in danger and yours in safety. What reasonable ground, then, had I for suspecting that you were annoyed by my association with you?
ὥστε πολὺ ἀσφαλέστρεον εἴναι δοκεῖν εἰς τὸν Ἀδρίαν πλεῖν
... τοσοῦτοι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἅμα τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἀπαιτήσοντες τὰ ὀφειλόμενα ἔρχονται, ὥστε οἵεσθαι τοὺς παριόντας ἐπ᾿ ἐκφορὰν αὐτοὺς ἥκειν τούτου τεθνεῶτος. οὕτω δ᾿ οἱ ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ διάκεινται, ὥστε πολὺ ἀσφαλέστρεον εἴναι δοκεῖν εἰς τὸν Ἀδρίαν πλεῖν ἢ τοὺτῳ συμβάλλειν° πολὺ γὰρ μᾶλλον ἃ ἂν δανείσηται αὑτοῦ νομίζει εἴναι ἢ ἃ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῷ κατέλιπεν.
Μιλησίων τῶι | βουλομένωι εἰσάφιξιν ἐς Σάρ- | δισ καὶ ἀσφάλειαν κατὰ τὰ αὀ- |15 τά·
1
ἔδοξε τῶι δήμωι· γνώμη
συνέδρων· Βότης εἶπεν·
δέχεσθαι τὴν φιλίην, ἣν
ἐπαγγέλλονται Σαρδιη-
5
νοὶ Μιλησίοις· ἐψηφίσθαι
δὲ τῶι δήμωι εἶναι Σαρδιηνῶν̣
τῶι βουλομένωι εἰσάφιξιν
ἐς Μίλητον ἀσυλε̣ὶ καὶ ἀσπον̣-
δεὶ καὶ ἐσπλέοσι καὶ ἐκπλέοσι
10
καὶ αὀτοῖς καὶ ὅσα ἂν ἔχον-
τες εἰσ{αγ}άγωνται {²⁶εἰσάγωνται}²⁶ ἢ ἐξάγων-
ται· εἶναι δὲ καὶ Μιλησίων τῶι
βουλομένωι εἰσάφιξιν ἐς Σάρ-
δισ καὶ ἀσφάλειαν κατὰ τὰ αὀ-
15
τά· ἐπιμέλεσθαι δὲ Σαρδιηνῶμ
μὲν ἐμ Μιλήτωι τοὺς πρυτά-
νεις τοὺς ἀεὶ ἐνεστηκότας, ὅ-
πως τά τε ἐψηφισμένα αὀτοῖς
καλῶς ἕξει καὶ μὴ ἀδικήσονται
20
μήτε αὀτοῦ μένοντες μήτε
ἀπαλλασσόμε̣νοι· ἐς Σάρδισι
δὲ ἐπιμελε̑σθαι Μιλησίων, οὓ-
ς ἂν ἀποδέξωσι Σαρδιηνοὶ ἑαο-
τῶν· ἐπιπέμψαι δὲ τοὺς Σαρδιη-
25
νοὺς ἄγγελον παρ’ ἡμέας καὶ ση-
μῆναι ἡμῖν, οὓς ἂν ἕλωνται, ὅπως
εἰδέωμεν τοὺς ἀποδεδεγμένους.
τὸ δὲ ψήφισμα ἀναγράψαι ἐς στή-
λην λιθίνην καὶ στῆσαι ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν
30
τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος· τοὺς δὲ τειχοπό-
ας ἀπομισθῶσαι. ὁ δὲ ταμίας ὑπη-
ρετησάτω. προσαναγράψαι δὲ ἐς
τὴν στήλην τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἀν-
δρῶν, οὓς ἂν ἀποδέξωσι Σαρδιη-
35
νοὶ ἐπιμέλεσθαι ἡμέων. πέμψαι δὲ
καὶ ξένια τῶι ἀγγέλωι τοὺς στρατη̣-
γοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως. οἵδε ἡιρέ-
θησαν Σαρδιηνῶν κατὰ τὸ ψήφι-
σμα· Πότας Πάπεω, Ἀρτίμης Παγτύω̣,
40
Ἄττις Παγτύω, ὁ ἱέρεως τοῦ Διονύ̣-
σο. vacat
χάλκεος ἀσφαλὲς αἰὲν ἕδος (3) μένει οὐρανός.
(6.) {2Αʹ}2 Ἓν ἀνδρῶν, ἓν θεῶν γένος· ἐκ μιᾶς δὲ πνέομεν
ματρὸς ἀμφότεροι· διείργει δὲ πᾶσα κεκˈριμένα
δύναμις, ὡς τὸ μὲν οὐδέν, ὁ δὲ
χάλκεος ἀσφαλὲς αἰὲν ἕδος (3)
μένει οὐρανός. ἀλλά τι προσφέρομεν ἔμπαν ἢ μέγαν
νόον ἤτοι φύσιν ἀθανάτοις, (5)
καίπερ ἐφαμερίαν οὐκ εἰδότες οὐδὲ μετὰ νύκτας
ἄμμε πότˈμος (6b)
⸏ἅντιν’ ἔγˈραψε δραμεῖν ποτὶ στάθμαν. (7)
τεκμαίρει {δὲ} καί νυν Ἀλκιμίδας τὸ συγγενὲς ἰδεῖν
ἄγχι καρποφόροις ἀρούραισιν, αἵτ’ ἀμειβόμεναι
τόκα μὲν ὦν βίον ἀνδράσιν ἐπ- (10)
<4ηε>4τανὸν ἐκ πεδίων ἔδοσαν, (10)
τόκα δ’ αὖτ’ ἀναπαυσάμεναι σθένος ἔμαρψαν. ἦλθέ τοι
Νεμέας ἐξ ἐρατῶν ἀέθλων
παῖς ἐναγώνιος, ὃς ταύ-
ταν μεθέπων Διόθεν αἶσαν (13)
νῦν {τε} πέφανται (13b)
⸏οὐκ ἄμμορος ἀμφὶ πάλᾳ κυναγέτας, (14)
For Alcimidas of Aegina Boys' Wrestling ?465 B. C.
There is one race of men, one race of gods; and from a single mother we both draw our breath. But all allotted power divides us: man is nothing, but for the gods the bronze sky endures as a secure home forever. Nevertheless, we bear some resemblance to the immortals, either in greatness [5] of mind or in nature, although we do not know, by day or by night, towards what goal fortune has written that we should run. Even now Alcimidas gives visible proof that his hereditary qualities are like the fruitful fields, which, in alternation, [10] at one time give men yearly sustenance from the plains, and at another time gather strength from repose. He has come from the lovely games of Nemea, the athletic boy who, pursuing this ordinance of Zeus, has shown that he is a successful hunter in the wrestling ring, [15] by planting his step in the tracks of his grandfather, his blood-relative. For that man, an Olympic victor, was the first to bring garlands from the Alpheus to the Aeacidae; and he had himself crowned five times at the Isthmus, [20] and three times at Nemea, putting an end to the obscurity of Socleides, who proved to be the greatest of the sons of Hagesimachus, since he had three victorious sons who reached the summit of excellence, [25] and who had a taste of toils.
ἐν τᾷ γὰρ Εὐνομία ναίει κασι- | γˈνήτα τε, βάθρον πολίων ἀσφαλές
(13.) {2Αʹ}2 Τρισολυμπιονίκαν
ἐπαινέων οἶκον ἥμερον ἀστοῖς,
ξένοισι δὲ θεράποντα, γˈνώσομαι
τὰν ὀλβίαν Κόρινθον, Ἰσθμίου
πρόθυρον Ποτειδᾶνος, ἀγˈλαόκουρον· (5)
ἐν τᾷ γὰρ Εὐνομία ναίει κασι-
γˈνήτα τε, βάθρον πολίων ἀσφαλές, @1 (6)
Δίκα καὶ ὁμότˈροφος Εἰ-
ρήνα, τάμι’ ἀνδράσι πλούτου, (7)
⸏χρύσεαι παῖδες εὐβούλου Θέμιτος·
ἐθέλοντι δ’ ἀλέξειν
Ὕβριν, Κόρου ματέρα θˈρασύμυθον. (10)
ἔχω καλά τε φράσαι, τόλμα τέ μοι
εὐθεῖα γλῶσσαν ὀρνύει λέγειν.
ἄμαχον δὲ κρύψαι τὸ συγγενὲς ἦθος,
ὔμμιν δέ, παῖδες Ἀλάτα, πολλὰ μὲν
νικαφόρον ἀγˈλαΐαν ὤπασαν (14)
ἄκραις ἀρεταῖς ὑπερελ- (15)
θόντων ἱεροῖς ἐν ἀέθˈλοις, (15)
⸏πολλὰ δ’ ἐν καρδίαις ἀνδρῶν ἔβαλον
Ὧραι πολυάνθεμοι ἀρ-
χαῖα σοφίσμαθ’. ἅπαν δ’ εὑρόντος ἔργον. (17)
For Xenophon of Corinth Foot Race and Pentathlon 464 B. C.
While I praise a house that has been three times victorious at Olympia, gentle to her own citizens, and hospitable to strangers, I shall recognize prosperous Corinth, [5] the portal of Isthmian Poseidon, glorious in her young men. There dwell Eunomia1 and her sisters, the secure foundation of cities: Dike,2 and Eirene, 3 who was raised together with her, the guardians of wealth for men, the golden daughters of wise Themis.4 They are resolute in repelling [10] Hybris, 5 the bold-tongued mother of Koros. 6 I have fine things to tell, and straightforward boldness urges my tongue to speak. It is impossible to conceal one's inborn nature. As for you, sons of Aletes, often the Seasons have sent you victorious splendor [15] for your consummate excellence when you won in sacred contests, and often into the hearts of men the Seasons rich in flowers have cast ancient inventiveness. But the fame for every work is due to its inventor. Whence did the graces of Dionysus first come to light, with the ox-driving dithyramb? [20] Who invented the bridle for the harness of horses, or placed the double king of birds on top of the temples of gods? And in Corinth the sweet-breathing Muse blossoms, and also Ares, with the deadly spears of young men. Highest lord
διὰ τεὰν δύναμιν δρακεῖσ’ ἀσφαλές
(2.) {2Αʹ}2 Μεγαλοπόλιες ὦ Συράκοσαι, βαθυπολέμου
τέμενος Ἄρεος, ἀνδρῶν ἵππων τε σιδαροχαρ-
μᾶν δαιμόνιαι τροφοί, (2)
ὔμμιν τόδε τᾶν λιπαρᾶν ἀπὸ Θηβᾶν φέρων
μέλος ἔρχομαι ἀγγελίαν τετραορίας ἐλελίχθονος,
εὐάρματος Ἱέρων ἐν ᾇ κρατέων (5)
τηλαυγέσιν ἀνέδησεν Ὀρτυγίαν στεφάνοις,
ποταμίας ἕδος Ἀρτέμιδος, ἇς οὐκ ἄτερ
κείνας ἀγαναῖσιν ἐν χερσὶ ποικιλα-
⸏νίους ἐδάμασσε πώλους. (8)
ἐπὶ γὰρ ἰοχέαιρα παρθένος χερὶ διδύμᾳ
ἐπὶ γὰρ ἰοχέαιρα παρθένος χερὶ διδύμᾳ
ὅ τ’ ἐναγώνιος Ἑρμᾶς αἰγλ<4άε>4ντα τίθησι κόσ- (10)
μον, ξεστὸν ὅταν δίφρον (10)
ἔν θ’ ἅρματα πεισιχάλινα καταζευγνύῃ
σθένος ἵππιον, ὀρσοτρίαιναν εὐρυβίαν καλέων θεόν.
ἄλλοις δέ τις ἐτέλεσσεν ἄλλος ἀνήρ
εὐαχέα βασιλεῦσιν ὕμνον ἄποιν’ ἀρετᾶς.
κελαδέοντι μὲν ἀμφὶ Κινύραν πολλάκις (15)
φᾶμαι Κυπρίων, τὸν ὁ χˈρυσοχαῖτα προ-
⸏φˈρόνως ἐφίλησ’ Ἀπόλλων, (16)
ἱερέα κτίλον Ἀφˈροδίτας· ἄγει δὲ χάρις
φίλων ποί τινος ἀντὶ ἔργων ὀπιζομένα· (17)
σὲ δ’, ὦ Δεινομένειε παῖ, Ζεφυρία πρὸ δόμων
Λοκρὶς παρθένος ἀπύει,
πολεμίων καμάτων ἐξ ἀμαχάνων (19)
διὰ τεὰν δύναμιν δρακεῖσ’ ἀσφαλές· (20)
θεῶν δ’ ἐφετˈμαῖς Ἰξίονα φαντὶ ταῦτα βˈροτοῖς
λέγειν ἐν πτερόεντι τˈροχῷ
παντᾷ κυλινδόμενον·
τὸν εὐεργέταν ἀγαναῖς
⸐ἀμοιβαῖς ἐποιχομένους τίνεσθαι. (24)
{2Βʹ}2 ἔμαθε δὲ σαφές. εὐμενέσσι γὰρ παρὰ Κρονίδαις @1 (25)
γλυκὺν ἑλὼν βίοτον, μακˈρὸν οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν ὄλ-
βον, μαινομέναις φρασίν (26)
Ἥρας ὅτ’ ἐράσσατο, τὰν Διὸς εὐναὶ λάχον
πολυγαθέες· ἀλλά νιν ὕβˈρις εἰς ἀυάταν ὑπεράφανον
ὦρσεν· τάχα δὲ παθὼν ἐοικότ’ ἀνήρ
ἐξαίρετον ἕλε μόχθον. αἱ δύο δ’ ἀμπλακίαι (30)
φερέπονοι τελέθοντι·
For Hieron of Syracuse Chariot Race ?470 or 468
Great city of Syracuse! Sacred precinct of Ares, plunged deep in war! Divine nurse of men and horses who rejoice in steel! For you I come from splendid Thebes bringing this song, a message of the earth-shaking four-horse race [5] in which Hieron with his fine chariot won the victory, and so crowned Ortygia with far-shining garlands—Ortygia, home of Artemis the river-goddess: not without her help did Hieron master with his gentle hands the horses with embroidered reins. For the virgin goddess who showers arrows [10] and Hermes the god of contests present the gleaming reins to him with both hands when he yokes the strength of his horses to the polished car, to the chariot that obeys the bit, and calls on the wide-ruling god who wields the trident. Other kings have other men to pay them the tribute of melodious song, the recompense for excellence. [15] The voices of the men of Cyprus often shout the name of Cinyras, whom golden-haired Apollo gladly loved, Cinyras, the obedient priest of Aphrodite. Reverent gratitude is a recompense for friendly deeds. And you, son of Deinomenes, the West Locrian girl invokes you, standing outside her door: out of the helpless troubles of war, [20] through your power she looks at the world in security. They say that by the commands of the gods Ixion spins round and round on his feathered wheel, saying this to mortals: “Repay your benefactor frequently with gentle favors in return.” [25] He learned a clear lesson. For although he received a sweet life among the gracious children of Cronus, he did not abide his prosperity for long, when in his madness of spirit he desired Hera, who was allotted to the joyful bed of Zeus. But his arrogance drove him to extreme delusion; and soon the man suffered a suitable [30] exquisite punishment.
εἴ τιν’ ἀνθρώπων, ὁ μέγας πότμος. αἰὼν δ’ ἀσφαλής οὐκ ἔγεντ’
οὐ δύνανται νήπιοι κόσμῳ φέρειν, @1 (82)
⸏ἀλλ’ ἀγαθοί, τὰ καλὰ τˈρέψαντες ἔξω.
τὶν δὲ μοῖρ’ εὐδαιμονίας ἕπεται.
λαγέταν γάρ τοι τύραννον δέρκεται, (85)
εἴ τιν’ ἀνθρώπων, ὁ μέγας πότμος. αἰὼν δ’ ἀσφαλής
οὐκ ἔγεντ’ οὔτ’ Αἰακίδᾳ παρὰ Πηλεῖ
οὔτε παρ’ ἀντιθέῳ Κάδˈμῳ· λέγονται {γε} μὰν βροτῶν
ὄλβον ὑπέρτατον οἳ σχεῖν, οἵτε καὶ χρυσαμπύκων
μελπομενᾶν ἐν ὄρει Μοισᾶν καὶ ἐν ἑπταπύλοις (90)
ἄϊον Θήβαις, ὁπόθ’ Ἁρμονίαν γᾶμεν βοῶπιν,
⸐ὁ δὲ Νηρέος εὐβούλου Θέτιν παῖδα κˈλυτάν,
{2Εʹ}2 καὶ θεοὶ δαίσαντο παρ’ ἀμφοτέροις,
καὶ Κρόνου παῖδας βασιλῆας ἴδον χρυ-
σ<4έα>4ις ἐν ἕδˈραις, ἕδˈνα τε (94)
δέξαντο· Διὸς δὲ χάριν (95)
ἐκ προτέρων μεταμειψάμενοι καμάτων
ἔστασαν ὀρθὰν καρδίαν. ἐν δ’ αὖτε χρόνῳ (96)
τὸν μὲν ὀξείαισι θύγατˈρες ἐρήμωσαν πάθαις
εὐφροσύνας μέρος αἱ
τρεῖς· ἀτὰρ λευκωλένῳ γε Ζεὺς πατήρ (98)
[80] Hieron, if you are skilled in understanding the true essence of words, you have learned and know the saying of former times: “The immortals dispense to men two pains for every blessing.” Fools cannot bear their pain with grace, but noble men can, by turning the good side outwards. It is your lot to be attended by good fortune. [85] For great destiny watches over the leader of the people, the tyrant, if over any man. But a secure life was not granted either to Peleus son of Aeacus or to godlike Cadmus; yet they are said to have attained the highest prosperity of all mortal men, since [90] they heard the Muses of the golden headbands singing on the mountain and in seven-gated Thebes, when Cadmus married ox-eyed Harmonia, and Peleus married the famous daughter of wise Nereus. And the gods held feasts for both of them, and they saw the royal sons of Cronus on their golden seats, and they received [95] wedding gifts. By the grace of Zeus, they set their hearts right again from their former troubles. But in time Cadmus' three daughters, by their bitter suffering, took from him his share of joy; even though father Zeus had visited the desirable bed of white-armed Thyone.
ἀσφαλὴς γὰρ εἶ ἐγγυητής.
[134δ]
Σωκράτης: δικαίως μὲν γὰρ πράττοντες καὶ σωφρόνως σύ τε καὶ ἡ πόλις θεοφιλῶς πράξετε.
Ἀλκιβιάδης: εἰκός γε.
Σωκράτης: καὶ ὅπερ γε ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν ἐλέγομεν, εἰς τὸ θεῖον καὶ λαμπρὸν ὁρῶντες πράξετε.
Ἀλκιβιάδης: φαίνεται.
Σωκράτης: ἀλλὰ μὴν ἐνταῦθά γε βλέποντες ὑμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ ὑμέτερα ἀγαθὰ κατόψεσθε καὶ γνώσεσθε.
Ἀλκιβιάδης: ναί.
Σωκράτης: οὐκοῦν ὀρθῶς τε καὶ εὖ πράξετε;
Ἀλκιβιάδης: ναί.
[134ε]
Σωκράτης
ἀλλὰ μὴν οὕτω γε πράττοντας ὑμᾶς ἐθέλω ἐγγυήσασθαι ἦ μὴν εὐδαιμονήσειν.
Ἀλκιβιάδης
ἀσφαλὴς γὰρ εἶ ἐγγυητής.
Σωκράτης
ἀδίκως δέ γε πράττοντες, εἰς τὸ ἄθεον καὶ σκοτεινὸν βλέποντες, ὡς τὰ εἰκότα, ὅμοια τούτοις πράξετε ἀγνοοῦντες ὑμᾶς αὐτούς.
Ἀλκιβιάδης
ἔοικεν.
Σωκράτης
ὧι γὰρ <ἄν>, ὦ φίλε Ἀλκιβιάδη, ἐξουσία μὲν ᾖ ποιεῖν ὃ βούλεται, νοῦν δὲ μὴ ἔχῃ, τί τὸ εἰκὸς συμβαίνειν, ἰδιώτῃ ἢ καὶ πόλει; οἷον νοσοῦντι ἐξουσίας οὔσης δρᾶν ὃ
[134d] Socrates: For you and the state, if you act justly and temperately, will act so as to please God.
Alcibiades: Naturally.
Socrates: And, as we were saying in what went before, you will act with your eyes turned on what is divine and bright.
Alcibiades: Apparently.
Socrates: Well, and looking thereon you will behold and know both yourselves and your good.
Alcibiades: Yes.
Socrates: And so you will act aright and well?
Alcibiades: Yes.
[134e] Socrates: Well now, if you act in this way, I am ready to warrant that you must be happy.
Alcibiades
And I can rely on your warranty.
Socrates
But if you act unjustly, with your eyes on the godless and dark, the probability is that your acts will resemble these through your ignorance of yourselves.
Alcibiades
That is probable.
Socrates
For if a man, my dear Alcibiades, is at liberty to do what he pleases, but is lacking in mind, what is the probable result to him personally, or to the state as well? For instance, if he is sick and at liberty to do what he pleases—without a medical mind,
ὁρᾷς οὖν ὡς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς οὔτε τὰ διδόμενα εἰκῇ δέχεσθαί τε οὔτε αὐτὸν εὔχεσθαι γενέσθαι
[141ξ] Σωκράτης
ἀλλὰ μέντοι ἀντί γε τῆς σῆς ψυχῆς οὐδ᾽ ἂν τὴν πάντων Ἑλλήνων τε καὶ βαρβάρων χώραν τε καὶ τυραννίδα βουληθείης σοι γενέσθαι.
Ἀλκιβιάδης
οὐκ οἶμαι ἔγωγε. πῶς γὰρ ἄν, μηθέν γέ τι μέλλων αὐτοῖς χρήσεσθαι;
Σωκράτης
τί δ᾽ εἰ μέλλοις κακῶς τε καὶ βλαβερῶς χρῆσθαι; οὐδ᾽ ἂν οὕτως;
Ἀλκιβιάδης
οὐ δῆτα.
Σωκράτης
ὁρᾷς οὖν ὡς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς οὔτε τὰ διδόμενα εἰκῇ δέχεσθαί τε οὔτε αὐτὸν εὔχεσθαι γενέσθαι, εἴ γέ τις
[141δ] βλάπτεσθαι μέλλοι διὰ ταῦτα ἢ τὸ παράπαν τοῦ βίου ἀπαλλαγῆναι. πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἂν ἔχοιμεν εἰπεῖν, ὅσοι τυραννίδος ἐπιθυμήσαντες ἤδη καὶ σπουδάσαντες τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς παραγενέσθαι, ὡς ἀγαθόν τι πράξαντες, διὰ τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπιβουλευθέντες τὸν βίον ἀφῃρέθησαν. οἶμαι δέ σε οὐκ ἀνήκοον εἶναι ἔνιά γε “χθιζά τε καὶ πρωιζὰ”Hom. Il. 2.303 γεγενημένα, ὅτε Ἀρχέλαον τὸν Μακεδόνων τύραννον τὰ παιδικά, ἐρασθέντα τῆς τυραννίδος οὐθὲν ἧττον ἤπερ ἐκεῖνος τῶν παιδικῶν, ἀπέκτεινε τὸν ἐραστὴν ὡς τύραννός τε καὶ εὐδαίμων
[141c] Socrates
But still you would not wish to sacrifice your life even for the territory and sovereignty of all the Greeks and barbarians together.
Alcibiades
I should think not. How could I, without a prospect of making any use of them?
Socrates
And what if you had a prospect of making an evil and injurious use of them? Not in this case either?
Alcibiades
No, indeed.
Socrates
So you see it is not safe either to accept casually what one is given, or to pray for one's own advancement, if one is going to be injured in consequence, or deprived of one's life altogether. Yet we could tell of
[141d] "> many ere now who, having desired sovereignty, and endeavored to secure it, with the idea of working for their good, have lost their lives by plots which their sovereignty has provoked. And I expect you are not unacquainted with certain events ““of a day or two ago,””Hom. Il. 2.303 when Archelaus, the monarch of Macedonia, was slain by his favorite, who was as much in love with the monarchy as Archelaus was with him, and who killed his lover
ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν καλῶς δοκεῖ καὶ ἀσφαλῶς λέγειν ὁ ποιητής
[143α]
“Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ μὲν ἐσθλά, φησί, καὶ εὐχομένοις
καὶ ἀνεύκτοις
ἄμμι δίδου, τὰ δὲ δειλὰ καὶ εὐχομένοις ἀπαλέξειν
” (Anth. Pal. 10.108)
κελεύει. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν καλῶς δοκεῖ καὶ ἀσφαλῶς λέγειν ὁ ποιητής: σὺ δ᾽ εἴ τι ἐν νῷ ἔχεις πρὸς ταῦτα, μὴ σιώπα.
Ἀλκιβιάδης
χαλεπόν, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐστὶν ἀντιλέγειν πρὸς τὰ καλῶς εἰρημένα: ἐκεῖνο δ᾽ οὖν ἐννοῶ, ὅσων κακῶν αἰτία ἡ ἄγνοια τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ὁπότε, ὡς ἔοικε, λελήθαμεν ἡμᾶς
[143a]
“King Zeus, give unto us what is good, whether we pray or pray not;
But what is grievous, even if we pray for it, do thou avert.
” (Anth. Pal. 10.108.)
So then, to my mind the poet spoke well and soundly; but if you have thought of an answer to his words, do not be silent.
Alcibiades
It is difficult, Socrates, to gainsay what has been well spoken: one thing, however, I do observe —how many evils are caused to men by ignorance, when, as it seems, we are beguiled by her not only into doing,
ἀτεχνῶς ὥσπερ ἀσθενοῦντα ἰατροῦ ἤ τινος κυβερνήτου τὸν ἀσφαλῶς μέλλοντα πλεῖν
[146ε] ἐπιστημῶν κτῆμα, ἐάν τις ἄνευ τῆς τοῦ βελτίστου ἐπιστήμης κεκτημένος ᾖ, ὀλιγάκις μὲν ὠφελεῖν, βλάπτειν δὲ τὰ πλείω τὸν ἔχοντα αὐτό, ἆρ᾽ οὐχὶ τῷ ὄντι ὀρθῶς ἐφαινόμην λέγων;
Ἀλκιβιάδης
καὶ εἰ μὴ τότε, ἀλλὰ νῦν μοι δοκεῖ, ὦ Σώκρατες.
Σωκράτης
δεῖ ἄρα καὶ πόλιν καὶ ψυχὴν τὴν μέλλουσαν ὀρθῶς βιώσεσθαι ταύτης τῆς ἐπιστήμης ἀντέχεσθαι, ἀτεχνῶς ὥσπερ ἀσθενοῦντα ἰατροῦ ἤ τινος κυβερνήτου τὸν ἀσφαλῶς
[147α] μέλλοντα πλεῖν. ἄνευ γὰρ ταύτης, ὅσῳπερ ἂν λαμπρότερον ἐπουρίσῃ τὸ τῆς τύχης ἢ περὶ χρημάτων κτῆσιν ἢ σώματος ῥώμην ἢ καὶ ἄλλο τι τῶν τοιούτων, τοσούτῳ μείζω ἁμαρτήματα ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν, ὡς ἔοικε, γίγνεσθαι. ὁ δὲ δὴ τὴν καλουμένην πολυμαθίαν τε καὶ πολυτεχνίαν κεκτημένος, ὀρφανὸς δὲ ὢν ταύτης τῆς ἐπιστήμης, ἀγόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ μιᾶς ἑκάστης τῶν ἄλλων, ἆρ᾽ οὐχὶ τῷ ὄντι δικαίως πολλῷ χειμῶνι χρήσεται, ἅτε οἶμαι ἄνευ κυβερνήτου
[146e] the possession of the sciences as a whole, where it did not include the science of the best, in a few cases helped, but in most harmed the owner, I was evidently right in very truth, was I not?
Alcibiades
Though I did not then, I think so now, Socrates.
Socrates
Hence the state or soul that is to live aright must hold fast to this knowledge, exactly as a sick man does to a doctor, or as he who would voyage safely does to a pilot. For without this,
[147a] the more briskly it is wafted by fortune either to the acquisition of wealth or to bodily strength or aught else of the sort, the greater will be the mistakes in which these things, it would seem, must needs involve it. And he who has acquired the so-called mastery of learning and arts, but is destitute of this knowledge and impelled by this or that one among those others, is sure to meet with much rough weather, as he truly deserves; since, I imagine, he must continue without a pilot on the high seas, and has only the brief span of his life in which to run his course.
ὁρᾷς οὖν ὡς οὐκ ἀσφαλές σοί ἐστιν ἐλθεῖν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐξομένῳ
[150ξ] ὅπως μὴ λάθῃς σεαυτὸν εὐχόμενος κακά, δοκῶν δὲ ἀγαθά;
Ἀλκιβιάδης
ἔγωγε.
Σωκράτης
ὁρᾷς οὖν ὡς οὐκ ἀσφαλές σοί ἐστιν ἐλθεῖν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐξομένῳ, ἵνα μηδ᾽ ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, βλασφημοῦντός σου ἀκούων οὐθὲν ἀποδέξηται τῆς θυσίας ταύτης, τυχὸν δὲ καὶ ἕτερόν τι προσαπολαύσῃς. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν δοκεῖ βέλτιστον εἶναι ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν: τῇ μὲν γὰρ Λακεδαιμονίων εὐχῇ διὰ τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν—τοῦτο γὰρ κάλλιστον τῶν ἐν ἀφροσύνῃ γε ὀνομάτων—οὐκ ἂν οἶμαί σε ἐθέλειν χρῆσθαι.
[150c] while supposing it to be good?
Alcibiades
I do.
Socrates
You see, then, how unsafe it is for you to approach the god with your prayers, for it may chance that when he hears your irreverent speech he will reject your sacrifice altogether, and you may perhaps be accorded some other bad thing as well. In my opinion, therefore, it is best to hold your peace: for I expect you will not consent to use the Spartan's prayer, you have such a romantic spirit—to give it the fairest of folly's names.(1)
1 Cf. Plat. Alc. 2.140c.
ἀσφαλέστερον γάρ ἐστιν ἢ παρακινδυνεύειν τοσοῦτον κίνδυνον
[151α] Σωκράτης
ἀλλὰ μὴν κἀκεῖνος θαυμαστὴν ὅσην περὶ σὲ προθυμίαν ἔχει.
Ἀλκιβιάδης
εἰς τότε τοίνυν καὶ τὴν θυσίαν ἀναβάλλεσθαι κράτιστον εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ.
Σωκράτης
καὶ ὀρθῶς γέ σοι δοκεῖ: ἀσφαλέστερον γάρ ἐστιν ἢ παρακινδυνεύειν τοσοῦτον κίνδυνον.
Ἀλκιβιάδης
ἀλλὰ πῶς, ὦ Σώκρατες; καὶ μὴν τουτονὶ τὸν στέφανον, ἐπειδή μοι δοκεῖς καλῶς συμβεβουλευκέναι, σοὶ
[151a] Socrates
I tell you, he on his part is prodigiously anxious to help you.
Alcibiades
Then I think it best to defer the sacrifice also till the time comes.
Socrates
And you are quite right: for that is safer than running so serious a risk.
Alcibiades
But how say you, Socrates? Look now, I will crown you with this garland, as I consider you have given me such good advice; and to the gods
λέγοντες οὐκ ἐναργῶς οὕτως—οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀσφαλές —αἰνιττόμενοι δὲ καὶ διαμαχόμενοι τοῖς λόγοις
[332ξ] ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτη διεφύλαξαν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἄνδρας φίλους ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἑκάσταις κεκτημένοι. Διονύσιος δὲ εἰς μίαν πόλιν ἁθροίσας πᾶσαν Σικελίαν, ὑπὸ σοφίας πιστεύων οὐδενί, μόγις ἐσώθη: πένης γὰρ ἦν ἀνδρῶν φίλων καὶ πιστῶν, οὗ μεῖζον σημεῖον εἰς ἀρετὴν καὶ κακίαν οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδέν, τοῦ ἔρημον ἢ μὴ τοιούτων ἀνδρῶν εἶναι. ἃ δὴ καὶ Διονυσίῳ συνεβουλεύομεν ἐγὼ καὶ δίων, ἐπειδὴ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς
[332δ] αὐτῷ συνεβεβήκει οὕτως, ἀνομιλήτῳ μὲν παιδείας, ἀνομιλήτῳ δὲ συνουσιῶν τῶν προσηκουσῶν γεγονέναι, πρῶτον . . . ἔπειτα ταύτῃ ὁρμήσαντα φίλους ἄλλους αὑτῷ τῶν οἰκείων ἅμα καὶ ἡλικιωτῶν καὶ συμφώνους πρὸς ἀρετὴν κτήσασθαι, μάλιστα δ᾽ αὐτὸν αὑτῷ, τούτου γὰρ αὐτὸν θαυμαστῶς ἐνδεᾶ γεγονέναι, λέγοντες οὐκ ἐναργῶς οὕτως—οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀσφαλές —αἰνιττόμενοι δὲ καὶ διαμαχόμενοι τοῖς λόγοις ὡς οὕτω μὲν πᾶς ἀνὴρ αὑτόν τε καὶ ἐκείνους ὧν ἂν ἡγεμὼν γίγνηται σώσει,
[332ε] μὴ ταύτῃ δὲ τραπόμενος τἀναντία πάντα ἀποτελεῖ: πορευθεὶς δὲ ὡς λέγομεν, καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἔμφρονά τε καὶ σώφρονα ἀπεργασάμενος, εἰ τὰς ἐξηρημωμένας Σικελίας πόλεις κατοικίσειεν νόμοις τε συνδήσειεν καὶ πολιτείαις, ὥστε αὑτῷ τε οἰκείας καὶ ἀλλήλαις εἶναι πρὸς τὰς τῶν βαρβάρων βοηθείας, οὐ
[332c] because they possessed citizens who were their friends in each of those cities. But Dionysius, though he amalgamated the whole of Sicily into one City-State, because in his wisdom he distrusted everyone, barely achieved safety; for he was poor in men who were loyal friends, and there exists no surer sign of a man's virtue or vice than whether he is or is not destitute of men of that kind.
Such, then, was the counsel which Dion and I always gave to Dionysius. Inasmuch as the result of his father's conduct was
[332d] to leave him unprovided with education and unprovided with suitable intercourse, he should, in the first place, make it his aim to acquire other friends for himself from among his kindred and contemporaries who were in harmony about virtue; and to acquire, above all else, this harmony within himself, since in this he was surprisingly deficient. Not that we expressed this openly, for it would not have been safe; but we put it in veiled terms and maintained by argument that this is how every man will save both himself and all those under his leadership, whereas if he does not adopt this course he will bring about entirely opposite results.
[332e] And if he pursued the course we describe, and made himself right-minded and sober-minded, then, if he were to re-people the devastated cities of Sicily and bind them together by laws and constitutions so that they should be leagued both with himself and with one another against barbarian reinforcements, he would thus not merely double the empire of his father
καταστησάμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀσφαλέστερον ἑαυτῷ
[338α] τῆς ἐν Σικελίᾳ διατριβῆς μοι διεπεράνθη, καθάπερ εἶπον, πρὶν συμβουλεύειν τοῖς οἰκείοις καὶ ἑταίροις τοῖς περὶ Δίωνα: τὸ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνα δ᾽ οὖν ἔπεισα ὅπῃ δή ποτ᾽ ἐδυνάμην Διονύσιον ἀφεῖναί με, εἰρήνης δὲ γενομένης—ἦν γὰρ τότε πόλεμος ἐν Σικελίᾳ—συνωμολογήσαμεν ἀμφότεροι. Διονύσιος μὲν ἔφη μεταπέμψεσθαι Δίωνα καὶ ἐμὲ πάλιν, καταστησάμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀσφαλέστερον ἑαυτῷ, Δίωνα δὲ ἠξίου
[338β] διανοεῖσθαι μὴ φυγὴν αὑτῷ γεγονέναι τότε, μετάστασιν δέ: ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἥξειν ὡμολόγησα ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς λόγοις. γενομένης δὲ εἰρήνης, μετεπέμπετό με, Δίωνα δὲ ἐπισχεῖν ἔτι ἐνιαυτὸν ἐδεῖτο, ἐμὲ δὲ ἥκειν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου ἠξίου. δίων μὲν οὖν ἐκέλευέ τέ με πλεῖν καὶ ἐδεῖτο: καὶ γὰρ δὴ λόγος ἐχώρει πολὺς ἐκ Σικελίας ὡς Διονύσιος θαυμαστῶς φιλοσοφίας ἐν ἐπιθυμίᾳ πάλιν εἴη γεγονὼς τὰ νῦν: ὅθεν ὁ δίων συντεταμένως ἐδεῖτο ἡμῶν τῇ μεταπέμψει μὴ ἀπειθεῖν. ἐγὼ δὲ ᾔδη μέν που
[338a] in Sicily (1) before I gave my counsel to the intimates and companions of Dion. What happened next was this: I urged Dionysius by all means possible to let me go, and we both made a compact that when peace was concluded (for at that time there was war in Sicily) Dionysius, for his part, should invite Dion and me back again, as soon as he had made his own power more secure; and he asked Dion to regard the position he was now in not as a form of exile
[338b] but rather as a change of abode; and I gave a promise that upon these conditions I would return. When peace was made he kept sending for me; but he asked Dion to wait still another year, although he kept demanding most insistently that I should come. Dion, then, kept urging and entreating me to make the voyage; for in truth constant accounts were pouring in from Sicily how Dionysius was now once more marvellously enamored of philosophy; and for this reason Dion was strenuously urging me not to disobey his summons.
(1) This refers back to Plat. L. 7.330c, Plat. L. 7.330d, just before he begins his “counsel” to Dion's friends.
οὖν ἀσφαλέστερόν μοι ἔδοξεν χαίρειν τότε γε πολλὰ καὶ Δίωνα καὶ Διονύσιον
[338ξ] κατὰ τὴν φιλοσοφίαν τοῖς νέοις πολλὰ τοιαῦτα γιγνόμενα, ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν ἀσφαλέστερόν μοι ἔδοξεν χαίρειν τότε γε πολλὰ καὶ Δίωνα καὶ Διονύσιον ἐᾶν, καὶ ἀπηχθόμην ἀμφοῖν ἀποκρινάμενος ὅτι γέρων τε εἴην καὶ κατὰ τὰς ὁμολογίας οὐδὲν γίγνοιτο τῶν τὰ νῦν πραττομένων. ἔοικεν δὴ τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο Ἀρχύτης τε παρὰ Διονύσιον [πρὶν] ἀφικέσθαι—ἐγὼ γὰρ πρὶν ἀπιέναι ξενίαν καὶ φιλίαν Ἀρχύτῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐν
[338c] I was of course well aware that such things often happen to the young in regard to philosophy; but none the less I deemed it safer, at least for the time, to give a wide berth both to Dion and Dionysius, and I angered them both by replying that I was an old man and that none of the steps which were now being taken were in accordance with our compact.
Now it seems that after this Archytas (1) arrived at the court of Dionysius; for when I sailed away, I had, before my departure, effected a friendly alliance between Archytas and the Tarentines and Dionysius;
1 A famous scientist and statesman of Tarentum; cf. Plat. L. 7.350a infra,Plat. L. 13.360c.
πεῖρα αὕτη γίγνεται ἡ σαφής τε καὶ ἀσφαλεστάτη πρὸς τοὺς τρυφῶντάς τε καὶ ἀδυνάτους διαπονεῖν
[340δ] ταύτῃ καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς ὁ τοιοῦτος ζῇ, πράττων μὲν ἐν αἷστισιν ἂν ᾖ πράξεσιν, παρὰ πάντα δὲ ἀεὶ φιλοσοφίας ἐχόμενος καὶ τροφῆς τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἥτις ἂν αὐτὸν μάλιστα εὐμαθῆ τε καὶ μνήμονα καὶ λογίζεσθαι δυνατὸν ἐν αὑτῷ νήφοντα ἀπεργάζηται: τὴν δὲ ἐναντίαν ταύτῃ μισῶν διατελεῖ. οἱ δὲ ὄντως μὲν μὴ φιλόσοφοι, δόξαις δ᾽ ἐπικεχρωσμένοι, καθάπερ οἱ τὰ σώματα ὑπὸ τῶν ἡλίων ἐπικεκαυμένοι, ἰδόντες τε ὅσα μαθήματά ἐστιν καὶ ὁ πόνος
[340ε] ἡλίκος καὶ δίαιτα ἡ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ὡς πρέπουσα ἡ κοσμία τῷ πράγματι, χαλεπὸν ἡγησάμενοι καὶ ἀδύνατον αὑτοῖς, οὔτε δὴ
[341α] ἐπιτηδεύειν δυνατοὶ γίγνονται, ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτῶν πείθουσιν αὑτοὺς ὡς ἱκανῶς ἀκηκοότες εἰσὶν τὸ ὅλον, καὶ οὐδὲν ἔτι δέονταί τινων πραγμάτων. ἡ μὲν δὴ πεῖρα αὕτη γίγνεται ἡ σαφής τε καὶ ἀσφαλεστάτη πρὸς τοὺς τρυφῶντάς τε καὶ ἀδυνάτους διαπονεῖν, ὡς μηδέποτε βαλεῖν ἐν αἰτίᾳ τὸν δεικνύντα ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν αὑτόν, μὴ δυνάμενον πάντα τὰ πρόσφορα ἐπιτηδεύειν τῷ πράγματι. οὕτω δὴ καὶ Διονυσίῳ τότ᾽ ἐρρήθη τὰ ῥηθέντα. πάντα μὲν οὖν οὔτ᾽ ἐγὼ διεξῆλθον οὔτε
[340d] and in this mind, that such a student lives, occupied indeed in whatever occupations he may find himself, but always beyond all else cleaving fast to philosophy and to that mode of daily life which will best make him apt to learn and of retentive mind and able to reason within himself soberly; but the mode of life which is opposite to this he continually abhors. Those, on the other hand, who are in reality not philosophic, but superficially tinged by opinions,—like men whose bodies are sunburnt on the surface —when they see how many studies are required and how great labor,
[340e] and how the orderly mode of daily life is that which befits the subject, they deem it difficult or impossible for themselves, and thus they become in fact incapable of pursuing it;
[341a] while some of them persuade themselves that they have been sufficiently instructed in the whole subject and no longer require any further effort.
Now this test proves the clearest and most infallible in dealing with those who are luxurious and incapable of enduring labor, since it prevents any of them from ever casting the blame on his instructor instead of on himself and his own inability to pursue all the studies which are accessory to his subject.
This, then, was the purport of what I said to Dionysius on that occasion. I did not, however, expound the matter fully, nor did Dionysius ask me to do so;
μάλα δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ἀσφαλῶς μνημονεύοντα
[976β] οὐδὲ φιλίαν, ὃ προσφιλὲς ἁπάσῃ κυβερνητικῇ. καὶ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ὁπόσοι βοηθοὶ δίκαις ἐν τῇ τοῦ λέγειν ῥώμῃ φασὶ γίγνεσθαι, μνήμῃ καὶ τριβῇ δόξης ἤθεσιν προσέχοντες τὸν νοῦν, ἀληθείας δὲ τῶν ὄντως δικαίων ἐκτὸς παρεσφαλμένοι.
λοιπὴ δ᾽ ἔτι πρὸς δόξαν σοφίας ἐστίν τις ἄτοπος δύναμις, ἣν φύσιν ἂν οἱ πολλοὶ μᾶλλον ἢ σοφίαν ὀνομάσειαν, τότε ὅταν τινά τις συννοῇ ῥᾳδίως μὲν ὅτιπερ ἂν μανθάνῃ μανθάνοντα,
[976ξ] μάλα δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ἀσφαλῶς μνημονεύοντα, ὅταν τε τὸ πρόσφορον ἑκάστῳ διαμνημονεύῃ τις, ὅτι γιγνόμενον ἂν πρέποι, τοῦτο δὲ ταχὺ δρᾷ: ταῦτα γὰρ ἅπαντα οἱ μὲν φύσιν, οἱ δὲ σοφίαν, οἱ δὲ ἀγχίνοιαν θήσουσιν φύσεως, σοφὸν δὲ ὄντως οὐδενὶ τούτων οὐδεὶς τῶν ἐμφρόνων ἐθελήσει ποτὲ καλεῖν.
ἀλλὰ μὴν δεῖ φανῆναί γέ τινα ἐπιστήμην ἣν ἔχων σοφὸς γίγνοιτ᾽ ἂν ὁ σοφὸς ὄντως ὢν καὶ μὴ μόνον δοξαζόμενος. ἴδωμεν δή. χαλεπῷ μὲν γὰρ λόγῳ παντάπασιν
[976b] the wrath or amity of the wind, a desirable thing for all piloting. Nor again all those who say they can give assistance in law suits by their powers of speech, men who by memory and exercise of opinion pay attention to human character, but are far astray from the truth of what is really just.
There still remains, as a claimant to the name of wisdom, a certain strange power, which most people would call a natural gift rather than wisdom, appearing when one perceives someone learning this or that lesson with ease, or remembering a great many things
[976c] securely; or when one recalls what is suitable to each person, what should properly be done, and does it quickly. Some people will describe all this as nature, others as wisdom, and others as a natural readiness of mind: but no sensible person will ever call a man really wise for any of these gifts.
But surely there must be found some science, the possession of which will cause the wisdom of him who is really wise and not wise merely in men's opinion. Well, let us see: for in this laborious discussion we are trying our hardest to find some other science,
ἀλλὰ μόνῳ ἀσφαλὲς ταύτην τὴν εὐεργεσίαν προέσθαι
[520δ] τὸ ἀργύριον: οὐ γὰρ δὴ τῇ βραδυτῆτι οἶμαι ἀδικοῦσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀδικίᾳ: ἦ γάρ;
Καλλίκλης
ναί.
Σωκράτης
οὐκοῦν εἴ τις αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἀφαιρεῖ, τὴν ἀδικίαν, οὐδὲν δεινὸν αὐτῷ μήποτε ἀδικηθῇ, ἀλλὰ μόνῳ ἀσφαλὲς ταύτην τὴν εὐεργεσίαν προέσθαι, εἴπερ τῷ ὄντι δύναιτό τις ἀγαθοὺς ποιεῖν. οὐχ οὕτω;
Καλλίκλης
φημί.
Σωκράτης
διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἄρα, ὡς ἔοικε, τὰς μὲν ἄλλας συμβουλὰς συμβουλεύειν λαμβάνοντα ἀργύριον, οἷον οἰκοδομίας πέρι ἢ τῶν ἄλλων τεχνῶν, οὐδὲν αἰσχρόν.
[520d] for it is not through a slow pace, I conceive, that men act unjustly, but through injustice; is it not?
Callicles
Yes.
Socrates
And so whoever removes this particular thing, injustice, need never have a fear of being unjustly treated; this benefit alone may be freely bestowed without risk, granted that one really had the power of making people good. Is it not so?
Callicles
I agree.
Socrates
Then this, it seems, is the reason why there is no disgrace in taking money for giving every other kind of advice, as about building or the rest of the arts.
εἰσὶν ἐμοὶ ἐκεῖ ξένοι οἵ σε περὶ πολλοῦ ποιήσονται καὶ ἀσφάλειάν σοι παρέξονται
Κρίτων
μήτε τοίνυν ταῦτα φοβοῦ—καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ πολὺ τἀργύριόν ἐστιν ὃ θέλουσι λαβόντες τινὲς σῶσαί σε καὶ ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐνθένδε. ἔπειτα οὐχ ὁρᾷς τούτους τοὺς συκοφάντας ὡς εὐτελεῖς, καὶ οὐδὲν ἂν δέοι ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς πολλοῦ ἀργυρίου;
[45β] σοὶ δὲ ὑπάρχει μὲν τὰ ἐμὰ χρήματα, ὡς ἐγὼ οἶμαι, ἱκανά: ἔπειτα καὶ εἴ τι ἐμοῦ κηδόμενος οὐκ οἴει δεῖν ἀναλίσκειν τἀμά, ξένοι οὗτοι ἐνθάδε ἕτοιμοι ἀναλίσκειν: εἷς δὲ καὶ κεκόμικεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἀργύριον ἱκανόν, Σιμμίας ὁ Θηβαῖος, ἕτοιμος δὲ καὶ Κέβης καὶ ἄλλοι πολλοὶ πάνυ. ὥστε, ὅπερ λέγω, μήτε ταῦτα φοβούμενος ἀποκάμῃς σαυτὸν σῶσαι, μήτε, ὃ ἔλεγες ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ, δυσχερές σοι γενέσθω ὅτι οὐκ ἂν ἔχοις ἐξελθὼν ὅτι χρῷο σαυτῷ: πολλαχοῦ
[45ξ] μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἄλλοσε ὅποι ἂν ἀφίκῃ ἀγαπήσουσί σε: ἐὰν δὲ βούλῃ εἰς Θετταλίαν ἰέναι, εἰσὶν ἐμοὶ ἐκεῖ ξένοι οἵ σε περὶ πολλοῦ ποιήσονται καὶ ἀσφάλειάν σοι παρέξονται, ὥστε σε μηδένα λυπεῖν τῶν κατὰ Θετταλίαν. ἔτι δέ, ὦ Σώκρατες, οὐδὲ δίκαιόν μοι δοκεῖς ἐπιχειρεῖν πρᾶγμα, σαυτὸν προδοῦναι, ἐξὸν σωθῆναι, καὶ τοιαῦτα σπεύδεις περὶ σαυτὸν γενέσθαι ἅπερ ἂν καὶ οἱ ἐχθροί σου σπεύσαιέν τε καὶ ἔσπευσαν σὲ διαφθεῖραι βουλόμενοι. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ τοὺς ὑεῖς τοὺς σαυτοῦ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖς προδιδόναι, οὕς σοι
Crito
Well, do not fear this! for it is not even a large sum of money which we should pay to some men who are willing to save you and get you away from here. Besides, don't you see how cheap these informers are, and that not much money would be needed to silence them? And you
[45b] have my money at your command, which is enough, I fancy; and moreover, if because you care for me you think you ought not to spend my money, there are foreigners here willing to spend theirs; and one of them, Simmias of Thebes, has brought for this especial purpose sufficient funds; and Cebes also and very many others are ready. So, as I say, do not give up saving yourself through fear of this. And do not be troubled by what you said in the court, that if you went away you would not know what to do with yourself. For in many other places, wherever you go,
[45c] they will welcome you; and if you wish to go to Thessaly, I have friends there who will make much of you and will protect you, so that no one in Thessaly shall annoy you. And besides, Socrates, it seems to me the thing you are undertaking to do is not even right—betraying yourself when you might save yourself. And you are eager to bring upon yourself just what your enemies would wish and just what those were eager for who wished to destroy you. And moreover, I think you are abandoning your children, too,
Z. 4: μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας καὶ ἄνευ κινδύνων μεγάλων ἢ μετὰ τῶν ἐναντίων; / Z. 6: καὶ τοῦτο μετὰ τῆς ἀσφαλείας συνομολογήσει πᾶς.
[648α] πάντα, καὶ τελευτῶντα εἰς πᾶν δέος ἰέναι τὸν ἀνδρειότατον ἀνθρώπων, ἐκκοιμηθέντα δὲ καὶ τοῦ πώματος ἀπαλλαγέντα πάλιν ἑκάστοτε τὸν αὐτὸν γίγνεσθαι.
Κλεινίας
καὶ τί τοιοῦτον φαῖμεν ἄν, ὦ ξένε, ἐν ἀνθρώποις γεγονέναι πῶμα;
Ἀθηναῖος
οὐδέν: εἰ δ᾽ οὖν ἐγένετό ποθεν, ἔσθ᾽ ὅτι πρὸς ἀνδρείαν ἦν ἂν νομοθέτῃ χρήσιμον; οἷον τὸ τοιόνδε περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ μάλα εἴχομεν ἂν αὐτῷ διαλέγεσθαι: φέρε, ὦ νομοθέτα, εἴτε Κρησὶν εἴθ᾽ οἱστισινοῦν νομοθετεῖς, πρῶτον
[648β] μὲν τῶν πολιτῶν ἆρ᾽ ἂν δέξαιο βάσανον δυνατὸς εἶναι λαμβάνειν ἀνδρείας τε πέρι καὶ δειλίας;
Κλεινίας
φαίη που πᾶς ἂν δῆλον ὅτι.
Ἀθηναῖος
τί δέ; μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας καὶ ἄνευ κινδύνων μεγάλων ἢ μετὰ τῶν ἐναντίων;
Κλεινίας
καὶ τοῦτο μετὰ τῆς ἀσφαλείας συνομολογήσει πᾶς.
Ἀθηναῖος
χρῷο δ᾽ ἂν εἰς τοὺς φόβους τούτους ἄγων καὶ ἐλέγχων ἐν τοῖς παθήμασιν, ὥστε ἀναγκάζειν ἄφοβον γίγνεσθαι, [648ξ] παρακελευόμενος καὶ νουθετῶν καὶ τιμῶν, τὸν δὲ ἀτιμάζων, ὅστις σοι μὴ πείθοιτο εἶναι τοιοῦτος οἷον σὺ τάττοις ἐν πᾶσιν; καὶ γυμνασάμενον μὲν εὖ καὶ ἀνδρείως ἀζήμιον ἀπαλλάττοις ἄν, κακῶς δέ, ζημίαν ἐπιτιθείς; ἢ τὸ παράπαν οὐκ ἂν χρῷο, μηδὲν ἄλλο ἐγκαλῶν τῷ πώματι;
Κλεινίας
καὶ πῶς οὐκ ἂν χρῷτο, ὦ ξένε;
[648a] at every draught, he fancies himself plunged in misfortune and finally, though he be the bravest of men, he arrives at a state of abject terror; whereas, when he has once got relieved of the potion and slept it off, he always becomes his normal self again?
Clinias: What potion of the kind can we mention, Stranger, as existing anywhere?
Athenian: There is none. Supposing, however, that there had been one, would it have been of any service to the lawgiver for promoting courage? For instance, we might quite well have addressed him concerning it in this wise: “Come now, O lawgiver,—whether it be Cretans you are legislating for
[648b] or anyone else, would not your first desire be to have a test of courage and of cowardice which you might apply to your citizens?”
Clinias: Obviously everyone of them would say “Yes.”
Athenian: “And would you desire a test that was safe and free from serious risks, or the reverse?”
Clinias: All will agree, also, that the test must be safe.
Athenian: “And would you utilize the test by bringing men into these fears and proving them while thus affected, so as to compel them to become fearless; employing exhortations admonitions and rewards,— [648c] but degradation for all those that refused to conform wholly to the character you prescribed? And would you acquit without penalty everyone who had trained himself manfully and well, but impose a penalty on everyone who had done so badly? Or would you totally refuse to employ the potion as a test, although you have no objection to it on other grounds?”
Clinias: Of course he would employ it, Stranger.
τό τε τῆς εὐτελείας καὶ ἀσφαλείας καὶ τάχους διαφέρειν πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας βασάνους
[650α] αὐτῶν, σφαλερώτερον, ἢ συγγενόμενον μετὰ τῆς τοῦ Διονύσου θεωρίας; ἢ πρὸς τἀφροδίσια ἡττημένης τινὸς ψυχῆς βάσανον λαμβάνειν, ἐπιτρέποντα αὑτοῦ θυγατέρας τε καὶ ὑεῖς καὶ γυναῖκας, οὕτως, ἐν τοῖς φιλτάτοις κινδυνεύσαντες, ἦθος ψυχῆς θεάσασθαι; καὶ μυρία δὴ λέγων οὐκ ἄν τίς ποτε ἀνύσειεν ὅσῳ διαφέρει τὸ μετὰ παιδιᾶς τὴν ἄλλως ἄνευ μισθοῦ ζημιώδους θεωρεῖν. καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦτο μὲν αὐτὸ περί [650β] γε τούτων οὔτ᾽ ἂν Κρῆτας οὔτ᾽ ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους οὐδένας οἰόμεθα ἀμφισβητῆσαι, μὴ οὐ πεῖράν τε ἀλλήλων ἐπιεικῆ ταύτην εἶναι, τό τε τῆς εὐτελείας καὶ ἀσφαλείας καὶ τάχους διαφέρειν πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας βασάνους.
Κλεινίας
ἀληθὲς τοῦτό γε.
Ἀθηναῖος
τοῦτο μὲν ἄρ᾽ ἂν τῶν χρησιμωτάτων ἓν εἴη, τὸ γνῶναι τὰς φύσεις τε καὶ ἕξεις τῶν ψυχῶν, τῇ τέχνῃ ἐκείνῃ ἧς ἐστιν ταῦτα θεραπεύειν: ἔστιν δέ που, φαμέν, ὡς οἶμαι, πολιτικῆς. ἦ γάρ;
Κλεινίας
πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
And are not these the conditions in which we are of the character described,—anger, lust, insolence, ignorance, covetousness, and extravagance; and these also,—wealth, beauty, strength, and everything which intoxicates a man with pleasure and turns his head? And for the purpose, first, of providing a cheap and comparatively harmless test of these conditions, and, secondly, of affording practice in them, what more suitable pleasure can we mention than wine, [649e] with its playful testing—provided that it is employed at all carefully? For consider: in the case of a man whose disposition is morose and savage (whence spring numberless iniquities), is it not more dangerous to test him by entering into money transactions with him, at one's own personal risk, than by associating with him with the help of Dionysus and his festive insight?
[650a] And when a man is a slave to the pleasures of sex, is it not a more dangerous test to entrust to him one's own daughters and sons and wife, and thus imperil one's own nearest and dearest, in order to discover the disposition of his soul? In fact, one might quote innumerable instances in a vain endeavor to show the full superiority of this playful method of inspection which is without either serious consequence or costly damage. Indeed, so far as that is concerned, neither the Cretans, [650b] I imagine, nor any other people would dispute the fact that herein we have a fair test of man by man, and that for cheapness, security and speed it is superior to all other tests.
Clinias
That certainly is true.
Athenian
This then—the discovery of the natures and conditions of men's souls—will prove one of the things most useful to that art whose task it is to treat them; and that art is (as I presume we say) the art of politics: is it not so?
Clinias
Undoubtedly.
ἐγὼ δὲ τὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα τοῖς ἀσφαλὲς ἡγουμένοις εἶναι λέγειν περὶ θεῶν ἀφίημι λέγειν
[672α] ὥσπερ τὰ νῦν ἐχθροί, κατὰ νόμους δὲ πᾶσαν τὴν συνουσίαν συγγενόμενοι καὶ ἀκολουθήσαντες, ὁπότε ἀφηγοῖντο οἱ νήφοντες τοῖς μὴ νήφουσιν;
Κλεινίας
ὀρθῶς, εἴ γε δὴ εἴη τοιαύτη οἵαν νῦν λέγεις.
Ἀθηναῖος
μὴ τοίνυν ἐκεῖνό γ᾽ ἔτι τῆς τοῦ Διονύσου δωρεᾶς ψέγωμεν ἁπλῶς, ὡς ἔστιν κακὴ καὶ εἰς πόλιν οὐκ ἀξία παραδέχεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἔτι πλείω τις ἂν ἐπεξέλθοι λέγων: ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ μέγιστον ἀγαθὸν ὃ δωρεῖται λέγειν μὲν ὄκνος εἰς τοὺς πολλοὺς διὰ τὸ κακῶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους αὐτὸ ὑπολαβεῖν [672β] καὶ γνῶναι λεχθέν.
Κλεινίας
τὸ ποῖον δή;
Ἀθηναῖος
λόγος τις ἅμα καὶ φήμη ὑπορρεῖ πως ὡς ὁ θεὸς οὗτος ὑπὸ τῆς μητρυᾶς Ἥρας διεφορήθη τῆς ψυχῆς τὴν γνώμην, διὸ τάς τε βακχείας καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν μανικὴν ἐμβάλλει χορείαν τιμωρούμενος: ὅθεν καὶ τὸν οἶνον ἐπὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ δεδώρηται. ἐγὼ δὲ τὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα τοῖς ἀσφαλὲς ἡγουμένοις εἶναι λέγειν περὶ θεῶν ἀφίημι λέγειν, τὸ δὲ τοσόνδε [672ξ] οἶδα, ὅτι πᾶν ζῷον, ὅσον αὐτῷ προσήκει νοῦν ἔχειν τελεωθέντι, τοῦτον καὶ τοσοῦτον οὐδὲν ἔχον ποτὲ φύεται: ἐν τούτῳ δὴ τῷ χρόνῳ ἐν ᾧ μήπω κέκτηται τὴν οἰκείαν φρόνησιν, πᾶν μαίνεταί τε καὶ βοᾷ ἀτάκτως, καὶ ὅταν ἀκταινώσῃ ἑαυτὸ τάχιστα, ἀτάκτως αὖ πηδᾷ. ἀναμνησθῶμεν δὲ ὅτι μουσικῆς τε καὶ γυμναστικῆς ἔφαμεν ἀρχὰς ταύτας εἶναι.
Κλεινίας
μεμνήμεθα: τί δ᾽ οὔ;
Ἀθηναῖος
οὐκοῦν καὶ ὅτι τὴν ῥυθμοῦ τε καὶ ἁρμονίας αἴσθησιν [672δ] τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἡμῖν ἐνδεδωκέναι τὴν ἀρχὴν ταύτην ἔφαμεν, Ἀπόλλωνα δὲ καὶ μούσας καὶ Διόνυσον θεῶν αἰτίους γεγονέναι;
[672a] and would listen to the directions given to the un-sober by the sober.
Clinias: True, if it really were of the character you describe.
Athenian: Then we must no longer, without qualification, bring that old charge against the gift of Dionysus, that it is bad and unworthy of admittance into a State. Indeed, one might enlarge considerably on this subject; for the greatest benefit that gift confers is one which one hesitates to declare to the multitude, since, [672b] when declared, it is misconceived and misunderstood.
Clinias: What is that?
Athenian: There is a secret stream of story and report to the effect that the god Dionysus was robbed of his soul's judgment by his stepmother Hera, and that in vengeance therefor he brought in Bacchic rites and all the frenzied choristry, and with the same aim bestowed also the gift of wine. These matters, however, I leave to those who think it safe to say them about deities; but this much I know,—that no creature is ever born in possession of that reason, or that amount of reason, [672c] which properly belongs to it when fully developed; consequently, every creature, during the period when it is still lacking in its proper intelligence, continues all in a frenzy, crying out wildly, and, as soon as it can get on its feet, leaping wildly. Let us remember how we said that in this we have the origin of music and gymnastic.
Clinias: We remember that, of course.
Athenian: Do we not also remember how we said that from this origin there was implanted [672d] in us men the sense of rhythm and harmony, and that the joint authors thereof were Apollo and the Muses and the god Dionysus?
ἆρ᾽ οὐκ εἰ συνέστησάν τε ἀσφαλῶς αὐτὸ διέσῳζόν τε εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον
[687α] Μέγιλλος
οὐκοῦν ὀρθὸν καὶ τοῦτο; ἢ πῶς λέγεις;
Ἀθηναῖος
σκόπει δὴ ποῖ βλέπων ὁ τὸν ἔπαινον τοῦτον περὶ ἑκάστου τιθέμενος ὀρθῶς λέγει: πρῶτον δὲ περὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νῦν λεγομένου, πῶς, εἰ κατὰ τρόπον ἠπιστήθησαν τάξαι τὸ στρατόπεδον οἱ τότε διακοσμοῦντες, τοῦ καιροῦ πως ἂν ἔτυχον; ἆρ᾽ οὐκ εἰ συνέστησάν τε ἀσφαλῶς αὐτὸ διέσῳζόν τε εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον, ὥστε αὐτούς τε ἐλευθέρους εἶναι καὶ ἄλλων ἄρχοντας ὧν βουληθεῖεν, καὶ ὅλως ἐν ἀνθρώποις πᾶσι [687β] καὶ Ἕλλησι καὶ βαρβάροις πράττειν ὅτι ἐπιθυμοῖεν αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ ἔκγονοι; μῶν οὐ τούτων χάριν ἐπαινοῖεν ἄν;
Μέγιλλος
πάνυ μὲν οὖν.
Ἀθηναῖος
ἆρ᾽ οὖν καὶ ὃς ἂν ἰδὼν πλοῦτον μέγαν ἢ τιμὰς διαφερούσας γένους, ἢ καὶ ὁτιοῦν τῶν τοιούτων, εἴπῃ ταὐτὰ ταῦτα, πρὸς τοῦτο βλέπων εἶπεν, ὡς διὰ τοῦτο αὐτῷ γενησόμενα ὧν ἂν ἐπιθυμῇ πάντα ἢ τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ ὅσα ἀξιώτατα λόγου;
Μέγιλλος
ἔοικε γοῦν. [687ξ]
[687a]Megillus
Is not that a right conviction? Or what is your view?
Athenian
Just consider what one ought to have in view in every instance, in order to justify the bestowal of such praise. And first, with regard to the matter now under discussion,—if the men who were then marshalling the army knew how to organize it properly, how would they have achieved success? Must it not have been by consolidating it firmly and by maintaining it perpetually, so that they should be both free themselves and masters over all others whom they chose, and so that both they and their children should do [687b] in general just what they pleased throughout the world of Greeks and barbarians alike? Are not these the reasons why they would be praised?
Megillus
Certainly.
Athenian
And in every case where a man uses the language of eulogy on seeing great wealth or eminent family distinctions or anything else of the kind, would it not be true to say that, in using it, he has this fact specially in mind,—that the possessor of such things is likely, just because of this, to realize all, or at least the most and greatest, of his desires.
Megillus
That is certainly probable. [687c]
τῆς ἕξεως ἐφαπτόμενα σωφρονέστατα ἅμα τε ἀσφαλέστατα εἶναι μακρῷ
ψυχῆς οὖν ἀνθρώπῳ κτῆμα οὐκ ἔστιν εὐφυέστερον εἰς [728δ] τὸ φυγεῖν μὲν τὸ κακόν, ἰχνεῦσαι δὲ καὶ ἑλεῖν τὸ πάντων ἄριστον, καὶ ἑλόντα αὖ κοινῇ συνοικεῖν τὸν ἐπίλοιπον βίον: διὸ δεύτερον ἐτάχθη τιμῇ, τὸ δὲ τρίτον—πᾶς ἂν τοῦτό γε νοήσειεν—τὴν τοῦ σώματος εἶναι κατὰ φύσιν τιμήν: τὰς δ᾽ αὖ τιμὰς δεῖ σκοπεῖν, καὶ τούτων τίνες ἀληθεῖς καὶ ὅσαι κίβδηλοι, τοῦτο δὲ νομοθέτου. μηνύειν δή μοι φαίνεται τάσδε καὶ τοιάσδε τινὰς αὐτὰς εἶναι, τίμιον εἶναι σῶμα οὐ τὸ καλὸν οὐδὲ ἰσχυρὸν οὐδὲ τάχος ἔχον οὐδὲ μέγα, οὐδέ [728ε] γε τὸ ὑγιεινόν—καίτοι πολλοῖς ἂν τοῦτό γε δοκοῖ—καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ τὰ τούτων γ᾽ ἐναντία, τὰ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ μέσῳ ἁπάσης ταύτης τῆς ἕξεως ἐφαπτόμενα σωφρονέστατα ἅμα τε ἀσφαλέστατα εἶναι μακρῷ: τὰ μὲν γὰρ χαύνους τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ θρασείας ποιεῖ, τὰ δὲ ταπεινάς τε καὶ ἀνελευθέρους. ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως ἡ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ κτημάτων κτῆσις, καὶ τιμήσεως κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ῥυθμὸν ἔχει: τὰ μὲν ὑπέρογκα γὰρ ἑκάστων
Man has no possession better fitted by nature than the soul for [728d] the avoidance of evil and the tracking and taking of what is best of all, and living in fellowship therewith, when he has taken it, for all his life thereafter. Wherefore the soul is put second in order of honor; as for the third, everyone would conceive that this place naturally belongs to the honor due to the body. But here again one has to investigate the various forms of honor,—which of them are genuine, which spurious; and this is the lawgiver's task. Now he, as I suppose, declares that the honors are these and of these kinds:—the honorable body is not the fair body nor the strong nor [728e] the swift nor the large, nor yet the body that is sound in health, although this is what many believe; neither is it a body of the opposite kind to any of these; rather those bodies which hold the mean position between all these opposite extremes are by far the most temperate and stable; for while the one extreme makes the souls puffed up and proud, the other makes them lowly and spiritless. The same holds good of the possession of goods and chattels, and they are to be valued on a similar scale. In each case, when they are in excess,
πολλὴν ἔγωγε ἀσφάλειαν οἶμαι
Ἀθηναῖος
ὡς ἀνδρείως καὶ παρακεκινδυνευμένως ἐν τῷ νῦν ἡ πόλις ἡμῖν ἔσται κατωκισμένη.
Κλεινίας
περὶ τί βλέπων καὶ ποῖ μάλιστα αὐτὸ εἴρηκας τὰ νῦν;
Ἀθηναῖος
ὡς εὐκόλως καὶ ἀφόβως ἀπείροις ἀνδράσι νομοθετοῦμεν, ὅπως δέξονταί ποτε τοὺς νῦν τεθέντας νόμους. δῆλον δὲ τό γε τοσοῦτον, ὦ Κλεινία, παντὶ σχεδὸν καὶ τῷ [752ξ] μὴ πάνυ σοφῷ, τὸ μὴ ῥᾳδίως γε αὐτοὺς μηδένας προσδέξεσθαι κατ᾽ ἀρχάς, εἰ δὲ μείναιμέν πως τοσοῦτον χρόνον ἕως οἱ γευσάμενοι παῖδες τῶν νόμων καὶ συντραφέντες ἱκανῶς συνήθεις τε αὐτοῖς γενόμενοι τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν τῇ πόλει πάσῃ κοινωνήσειαν: γενομένου γε μὴν οὗ λέγομεν, εἴπερ τινὶ τρόπῳ καὶ μηχανῇ γίγνοιτο ὀρθῶς, πολλὴν ἔγωγε ἀσφάλειαν οἶμαι καὶ μετὰ τὸν τότε παρόντα χρόνον ἂν γενέσθαι τοῦ μεῖναι τὴν παιδαγωγηθεῖσαν οὕτω πόλιν.
Athenian: How bold and adventurous is the fashion in which we shall now have founded this State of ours.
Clinias: What is now specially in your mind, and what makes you say so?
Athenian: The fact that we are legislating lightheartedly and boldly for inexperienced men, in the hope that they will accept the laws we have now enacted. Thus much at least is plain, Clinias, to almost everyone—even to the meanest intelligence— [752c] that they will not readily accept any of those laws at the start; but if those laws could remain unchanged until those who have imbibed them in infancy, and have been reared up in them and grown fully used to them, have taken part in elections to office in every department of State,—then, when this has been effected (if any means or method can be found to effect it rightly) , we have, as I think, a strong security that, after this transitional period of disciplined adolescence, the State will remain firm.
ὅπως ἂν ἱστῶσιν ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ ἄριστα
[752δ]
Κλεινίας
ἔχει γοῦν λόγον.
Ἀθηναῖος
ἴδωμεν τοίνυν πρὸς τοῦτο εἴ πῄ τινα πόρον ἱκανὸν πορίζοιμεν ἂν κατὰ τάδε. φημὶ γάρ, ὦ Κλεινία, Κνωσίους χρῆναι τῶν ἄλλων διαφερόντως Κρητῶν μὴ μόνον ἀφοσιώσασθαι περὶ τῆς χώρας ἣν νῦν κατοικίζετε, συντόνως δ᾽ ἐπιμεληθῆναι τὰς πρώτας ἀρχὰς εἰς δύναμιν ὅπως ἂν ἱστῶσιν ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ ἄριστα. τὰς μὲν οὖν ἄλλας [752ε] καὶ βραχύτερον ἔργον, νομοφύλακας δ᾽ ἡμῖν πρώτους αἱρεῖσθαι ἀναγκαιότατον ἁπάσῃ σπουδῇ.
Κλεινίας
τίνα οὖν ἐπὶ τούτῳ πόρον καὶ λόγον ἀνευρίσκομεν;
Ἀθηναῖος
τόνδε. φημί, ὦ παῖδες Κρητῶν, χρῆναι Κνωσίους, διὰ τὸ πρεσβεύειν τῶν πολλῶν πόλεων, κοινῇ μετὰ τῶν ἀφικομένων εἰς τὴν συνοίκησιν ταύτην ἐξ αὑτῶν τε καὶ ἐκείνων αἱρεῖσθαι τριάκοντα μὲν καὶ ἑπτὰ τοὺς πάντας, ἐννέα δὲ καὶ δέκα ἐκ τῶν ἐποικησάντων, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους [753α] ἐξ αὐτῆς Κνωσοῦ: τούτους δ᾽ οἱ Κνώσιοι τῇ πόλει σοι δόντων, καὶ αὐτόν σε πολίτην εἶναι ταύτης τῆς ἀποικίας καὶ ἕνα τῶν ὀκτωκαίδεκα, πείσαντες ἢ τῇ μετρίᾳ δυνάμει βιασάμενοι.
[752d]
Clinias: It is certainly reasonable to suppose so.
Athenian: Let us then consider whether we might succeed in providing an adequate means to this end on the following lines. For I declare, Clinias, that you Cnosians, above all other Cretans, not only ought to deal in no perfunctory manner with the soil which you are now settling, but ought also to take the utmost care that the first officials are appointed in the best and most secure way possible. The selection of the rest of them will be a less serious task; but it is imperatively necessary [752e] for you to choose your Law-wardens first with the utmost care.
Clinias: What means can we find for this, or what rule?
Athenian: This: I assert, O ye sons of Crete, that, since the Cnosians take precedence over most of the Cretan cities, they should combine with those who have come into this community to select thirty-seven persons in all from their own number and the community—nineteen from the latter body, and the rest from Cnosus itself; [753a] and those men the Cnosians should make over to your State, and they should make you in person a citizen of this colony and one of the eighteen—using persuasion or, possibly, a reasonable degree of compulsion.
οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλές, οὔτ᾽ οὖν δὴ περὶ γάμους ἐσπουδακότα
περὶ δὲ τῶν ἑστιάσεων, φίλους μὲν χρὴ καὶ φίλας μὴ πλείους πέντε ἑκατέρων συγκαλεῖν, συγγενῶν δὲ καὶ οἰκείων ὡσαύτως τοσούτους ἄλλους ἑκατέρων: ἀνάλωμα δὲ μὴ γίγνεσθαι πλέον ἢ κατὰ τὴν οὐσίαν μηδενί, τῷ μὲν εἰς χρήματα μεγίστῳ μνᾶν, τῷ δ᾽ ἥμισυ τοῦ τοσούτου, τῷ δ᾽ [775β] ἐφεξῆς οὕτω, καθάπερ ὑποβέβηκεν ἑκάστῳ τὸ τίμημα. καὶ τὸν μὲν πειθόμενον τῷ νόμῳ ἐπαινεῖν χρὴ πάντας, τὸν δὲ ἀπειθοῦντα κολαζόντων οἱ νομοφύλακες ὡς ἀπειρόκαλόν τε ὄντα καὶ ἀπαίδευτον τῶν περὶ τὰς νυμφικὰς μούσας νόμων. πίνειν δὲ εἰς μέθην οὔτε ἄλλοθί που πρέπει, πλὴν ἐν ταῖς τοῦ τὸν οἶνον δόντος θεοῦ ἑορταῖς, οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλές, οὔτ᾽ οὖν δὴ περὶ γάμους ἐσπουδακότα, ἐν οἷς ἔμφρονα μάλιστα εἶναι πρέπει [775ξ] νύμφην καὶ νυμφίον μεταβολὴν οὐ σμικρὰν βίου μεταλλάττοντας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸ γεννώμενον ὅπως ὅτι μάλιστα ἐξ ἐμφρόνων ἀεὶ γίγνηται: σχεδὸν γὰρ ἄδηλον ὁποία νὺξ ἢ φῶς αὐτὸ γεννήσει μετὰ θεοῦ. καὶ πρὸς τούτοις δεῖ μὴ τῶν σωμάτων διακεχυμένων ὑπὸ μέθης γίγνεσθαι τὴν παιδουργίαν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐπαγὲς ἀπλανὲς ἡσυχαῖόν τε ἐν μοίρᾳ συνίστασθαι τὸ φυόμενον. ὁ δὲ διῳνωμένος αὐτός τε φέρεται πάντῃ καὶ [775δ] φέρει, λυττῶν κατά τε σῶμα καὶ ψυχήν: σπείρειν οὖν παράφορος ἅμα καὶ κακὸς ὁ μεθύων, ὥστ᾽ ἀνώμαλα καὶ ἄπιστα καὶ οὐδὲν εὐθύπορον ἦθος οὐδὲ σῶμα ἐκ τῶν εἰκότων γεννῴη ποτ᾽ ἄν. διὸ μᾶλλον μὲν ὅλον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ βίον χρή, μάλιστα δὲ ὁπόσον ἂν γεννᾷ χρόνον, εὐλαβεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ πράττειν μήτε ὅσα νοσώδη ἑκόντα εἶναι μήτε ὅσα ὕβρεως ἢ ἀδικίας ἐχόμενα—εἰς γὰρ τὰς τῶν γεννωμένων ψυχὰς καὶ σώματα ἀναγκαῖον ἐξομοργνύμενον ἐκτυποῦσθαι καὶ τίκτειν [775ε] πάντῃ φαυλότερα—διαφερόντως δὲ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα ἀπέχεσθαι τῶν περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα: ἀρχὴ γὰρ καὶ θεὸς ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἱδρυμένη σῴζει πάντα, τιμῆς ἐὰν τῆς προσηκούσης αὐτῇ παρ᾽ ἑκάστου τῶν χρωμένων λαγχάνῃ.
Concerning marriage-feasts,—both parties should invite their male and female friends, not more than five on each side, and an equal number of the kinsfolk and connections of both houses: in no case must the expense exceed what the person's means permit—one mina for the richest class, [775b] half that amount for the second, and so on in proportion, according as the valuation grows less. He that obeys the law should be praised by all; but he that disobeys the Law-wardens shall punish as a man of poor taste and ill-trained in the “nomes” of the nuptial Muses. Drinking to excess is a practice that is nowhere seemly—save only at the feasts of the God, the Giver of wine,—nor yet safe; and certainly it is not so for those who take marriage seriously; for at such a time above all it behoves both bride and bridegroom to be sober, seeing that the change [775c] in their life is a great one, and in order to ensure, so far as possible, in every case that the child that is begotten may be sprung from the loins of sober parents: for what shall be, with God's help, the night or day of its begetting is quite uncertain. Moreover, it is not right that procreation should be the work of bodies dissolved by excess of wine, but rather that the embryo should be compacted firmly, steadily and quietly in the womb. But the man that is steeped in wine moves and is moved himself in every way, writhing both in body and soul; [775d] consequently, when drunk, a man is clumsy and bad at sowing seed, and is thus likely to beget unstable and untrusty offspring, crooked in form and character. Wherefore he must be very careful throughout all the year and the whole of his life—and most especially during the time he is begetting—to commit no act that involves either bodily ailment or violence and injustice; for these he will inevitably stamp on the souls and bodies of the offspring, [775e] and will generate them in every way inferior. From acts of such a kind he must especially abstain on the day and night of his marriage; for the Beginning that sits enshrined as a goddess among mortals is the Savior of all, provided that she receives the honor due to her from each one who approaches her.
ἀσφαλέστατον καθάπερ ἐκμαγεῖ᾽ ἄττ᾽ αὐτοῖσιν πρῶτον πλάσασθαι τῷ λόγῳ
[800α] ἂν οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι παντάπασί γ᾽ ἂν ἀφεστῶτες εἶεν τοῦ νῦν λεγομένου, καθ᾽ ὕπνον δὲ οἷόν πού τις ἢ καὶ ὕπαρ ἐγρηγορὼς ὠνείρωξεν μαντευόμενος αὐτό—τὸ δ᾽ οὖν δόγμα περὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦτ᾽ ἔστω: παρὰ τὰ δημόσια μέλη τε καὶ ἱερὰ καὶ τὴν τῶν νέων σύμπασαν χορείαν μηδεὶς μᾶλλον ἢ παρ᾽ ὁντινοῦν ἄλλον τῶν νόμων φθεγγέσθω μηδ᾽ ἐν ὀρχήσει κινείσθω. καὶ ὁ μὲν τοιοῦτος ἀζήμιος ἀπαλλαττέσθω, τὸν δὲ μὴ πειθόμενον, καθάπερ ἐρρήθη νυνδή, νομοφύλακές τε [800β] καὶ ἱέρειαι καὶ ἱερῆς κολαζόντων. κείσθω δὲ νῦν ἡμῖν ταῦτα τῷ λόγῳ;
Κλεινίας
κείσθω.
Ἀθηναῖος
τίνα δὴ τρόπον αὐτὰ νομοθετῶν τις μὴ παντάπασιν καταγέλαστος γίγνοιτ᾽ ἄν; ἴδωμεν δὴ τὸ τοιόνδ᾽ ἔτι περὶ αὐτά. ἀσφαλέστατον καθάπερ ἐκμαγεῖ᾽ ἄττ᾽ αὐτοῖσιν πρῶτον πλάσασθαι τῷ λόγῳ, λέγω δὲ ἓν μὲν τῶν ἐκμαγείων εἶναι τοιόνδε τι: θυσίας γενομένης καὶ ἱερῶν καυθέντων κατὰ νόμον, εἴ τῴ τις, φαμέν, ἰδίᾳ παραστὰς τοῖς βωμοῖς τε καὶ [800ξ] ἱεροῖς, ὑὸς ἢ καὶ ἀδελφός, βλασφημοῖ πᾶσαν βλασφημίαν, ἆρ᾽ οὐκ, ἂν φαῖμεν, ἀθυμίαν καὶ κακὴν ὄτταν καὶ μαντείαν πατρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἂν οἰκείοις φθέγγοιτο ἐντιθείς;
Κλεινίας
τί μήν;
Ἀθηναῖος
ἐν τοίνυν τοῖς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τόποις τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ταῖς πόλεσι γιγνόμενον ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν σχεδὸν ὀλίγου πάσαις: δημοσίᾳ γάρ τινα θυσίαν ὅταν ἀρχή τις θύσῃ, μετὰ ταῦτα χορὸς οὐχ εἷς ἀλλὰ πλῆθος χορῶν ἥκει, καὶ στάντες οὐ [800δ] πόρρω τῶν βωμῶν ἀλλὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐνίοτε, πᾶσαν βλασφημίαν τῶν ἱερῶν καταχέουσιν, ῥήμασί τε καὶ ῥυθμοῖς καὶ γοωδεστάταις ἁρμονίαις συντείνοντες τὰς τῶν ἀκροωμένων ψυχάς, καὶ ὃς ἂν δακρῦσαι μάλιστα τὴν θύσασαν παραχρῆμα ποιήσῃ πόλιν, οὗτος τὰ νικητήρια φέρει. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν νόμον ἆρ᾽ οὐκ ἀποψηφιζόμεθα; καὶ εἴ ποτ᾽ ἄρα δεῖ τοιούτων οἴκτων γίγνεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας ἐπηκόους, ὁπόταν ἡμέραι μὴ καθαραί τινες ἀλλὰ ἀποφράδες ὦσιν, τόθ᾽ ἥκειν [800ε] δέον ἂν εἴη μᾶλλον χορούς τινας ἔξωθεν μεμισθωμένους ᾠδούς, οἷον οἱ περὶ τοὺς τελευτήσαντας μισθούμενοι Καρικῇ τινι μούσῃ προπέμπουσι τοὺς τελευτήσαντας; τοιοῦτόν που πρέπον ἂν εἴη καὶ περὶ τὰς τοιαύτας ᾠδὰς γιγνόμενον, καὶ δὴ καὶ στολή γέ που ταῖς ἐπικηδείοις ᾠδαῖς οὐ στέφανοι πρέποιεν ἂν οὐδ᾽ ἐπίχρυσοι κόσμοι, πᾶν δὲ τοὐναντίον, ἵν᾽ ὅτι τάχιστα περὶ αὐτῶν λέγων ἀπαλλάττωμαι. τὸ δὲ τοσοῦτον ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐπανερωτῶ πάλιν, τῶν ἐκμαγείων ταῖς ᾠδαῖς εἰ πρῶτον ἓν τοῦθ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀρέσκον κείσθω.
[800a] so that they, too, perhaps, would not wholly disagree with our present suggestion, but one of them may have divined it vaguely, as in a dream by night or a waking vision: anyhow, let this be the decree on the matter:—In violation of public tunes and sacred songs and the whole choristry of the young, just as in violation of any other “nome” (law), no person shall utter a note or move a limb in the dance. He that obeys shall be free of all penalty; but he that disobeys shall (as we said just now) be punished by the Law-wardens, the priestesses and the priests. [800b] Shall we now lay down these enactments in our statement?
Clinias: Yes, lay them down.
Athenian: How shall we enact these rules by law in such a way as to escape ridicule? Let us consider yet another point concerning them. The safest plan is to begin by framing in our discourse some typical cases, so to call them; one such case I may describe in this way. Suppose that, when a sacrifice is being performed and the offerings duly burned, some private worshipper—a son or a brother —when standing beside the altar [800c] and the offering, should blaspheme most blasphemously, would not his voice bring upon his father and the rest of the family a feeling of despair and evil forebodings?
Clinias: It would.
Athenian: Well, in our part of the world this is what happens, one may almost say, in nearly every one of the States. Whenever a magistrate holds a public sacrifice, the next thing is for a crowd of choirs— not merely one—to advance and take their stand, not at a distance from the altars, [800d] but often quite close to them; and then they let out a flood of blasphemy over the sacred offerings, racking the souls of their audience with words, rhythms and tunes most dolorous, and the man that succeeds at once in drawing most tears from the sacrificing city carries off the palm of victory. Must we not reject such a custom as this? For if it is ever really necessary that the citizens should listen to such doleful strains, it would be more fitting that the choirs that attend should be hired from abroad, and that not on holy days but only on fast-days— [800e] just as a corpse is escorted with Carian music by hired mourners. Such music would also form the fitting accompaniment for hymns of this kind; and the garb befitting these funeral hymns would not be any crowns nor gilded ornaments, but just the opposite, for I want to get done with this subject as soon as I can. Only I would have us ask ourselves again this single question,—are we satisfied to lay this down as our first typical rule for hymns?
τούς γε μὴν ἔτι ζῶντας ἐγκωμίοις τε καὶ ὕμνοις τιμᾶν οὐκ ἀσφαλές
Ἀθηναῖος
μετά γε μὴν ταῦτα ὕμνοι θεῶν καὶ ἐγκώμια κεκοινωνημένα εὐχαῖς ᾁδοιτ᾽ ἂν ὀρθότατα, καὶ μετὰ θεοὺς ὡσαύτως περὶ δαίμονάς τε καὶ ἥρωας μετ᾽ ἐγκωμίων εὐχαὶ γίγνοιντ᾽ ἂν τούτοις πᾶσιν πρέπουσαι.
Κλεινίας
πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
Ἀθηναῖος
μετά γε μὴν ταῦτ᾽ ἤδη νόμος ἄνευ φθόνων εὐθὺς γίγνοιτ᾽ ἂν ὅδε: τῶν πολιτῶν ὁπόσοι τέλος ἔχοιεν τοῦ βίου, κατὰ σώματα ἢ κατὰ ψυχὰς ἔργα ἐξειργασμένοι καλὰ καὶ ἐπίπονα καὶ τοῖς νόμοις εὐπειθεῖς γεγονότες, ἐγκωμίων αὐτοὺς τυγχάνειν πρέπον ἂν εἴη.
Κλεινίας
πῶς δ᾽ οὔ;
[802α] Ἀθηναῖος
τούς γε μὴν ἔτι ζῶντας ἐγκωμίοις τε καὶ ὕμνοις τιμᾶν οὐκ ἀσφαλές, πρὶν ἂν ἅπαντά τις τὸν βίον διαδραμὼν τέλος ἐπιστήσηται καλόν: ταῦτα δὲ πάντα ἡμῖν ἔστω κοινὰ ἀνδράσιν τε καὶ γυναιξὶν ἀγαθοῖς καὶ ἀγαθαῖς διαφανῶς γενομένοις. τὰς δὲ ᾠδάς τε καὶ ὀρχήσεις οὑτωσὶ χρὴ καθίστασθαι. πολλὰ ἔστιν παλαιῶν παλαιὰ περὶ μουσικὴν καὶ καλὰ ποιήματα, καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ὀρχήσεις ὡσαύτως, ὧν οὐδεὶς φθόνος ἐκλέξασθαι τῇ καθισταμένῃ [802β] πολιτείᾳ τὸ πρέπον καὶ ἁρμόττον: δοκιμαστὰς δὲ τούτων ἑλομένους τὴν ἐκλογὴν ποιεῖσθαι μὴ νεωτέρους πεντήκοντα ἐτῶν, καὶ ὅτι μὲν ἂν ἱκανὸν εἶναι δόξῃ τῶν παλαιῶν ποιημάτων, ἐγκρίνειν, ὅτι δ᾽ ἂν ἐνδεὲς ἢ τὸ παράπαν ἀνεπιτήδειον, τὸ μὲν ἀποβάλλεσθαι παντάπασιν, τὸ δ᾽ ἐπανερόμενον ἐπιρρυθμίζειν, ποιητικοὺς ἅμα καὶ μουσικοὺς ἄνδρας παραλαβόντας, χρωμένους αὐτῶν ταῖς δυνάμεσιν τῆς ποιήσεως, [802ξ] ταῖς δὲ ἡδοναῖς καὶ ἐπιθυμίαις μὴ ἐπιτρέποντας ἀλλ᾽ ἤ τισιν ὀλίγοις, ἐξηγουμένους δὲ τὰ τοῦ νομοθέτου βουλήματα, ὅτι μάλιστα ὄρχησίν τε καὶ ᾠδὴν καὶ πᾶσαν χορείαν συστήσασθαι κατὰ τὸν αὐτῶν νοῦν. πᾶσα δ᾽ ἄτακτός γε τάξιν λαβοῦσα περὶ μοῦσαν διατριβὴ καὶ μὴ παρατιθεμένης τῆς γλυκείας μούσης ἀμείνων μυρίῳ: τὸ δ᾽ ἡδὺ κοινὸν πάσαις. ἐν ᾗ γὰρ ἂν ἐκ παίδων τις μέχρι τῆς ἑστηκυίας τε καὶ ἔμφρονος ἡλικίας διαβιῷ, σώφρονι μὲν μούσῃ καὶ τεταγμένῃ, [802δ] ἀκούων δὲ τῆς ἐναντίας, μισεῖ καὶ ἀνελεύθερον αὐτὴν προσαγορεύει, τραφεὶς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ κοινῇ καὶ γλυκείᾳ, ψυχρὰν καὶ ἀηδῆ τὴν ταύτῃ ἐναντίαν εἶναί φησιν: ὥστε, ὅπερ ἐρρήθη νυνδή, τό γε τῆς ἡδονῆς ἢ ἀηδίας περὶ ἑκατέρας οὐδὲν πεπλεονέκτηκεν, ἐκ περιττοῦ δὲ ἡ μὲν βελτίους, ἡ δὲ χείρους τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ τραφέντας ἑκάστοτε παρέχεται.
Κλεινίας
καλῶς εἴρηκας.
Athenian: Next to these, it will be most proper to sing hymns and praise to the gods, coupled with prayers; and after the gods will come prayers combined with praise to daemons and heroes, as is befitting to each.
Clinias: To be sure. [801e]
Athenian: This done, we may proceed at once without scruple to formulate this law:—all citizens who have attained the goal of life and have wrought with body or soul noble works and toilsome, and have been obedient to the laws, shall be regarded as fitting objects for praise.
Clinias: Certainly.
[802a]Athenian: But truly it is not safe to honor with hymns and praises those still living, before they have traversed the whole of life and reached a noble end. All such honors shall be equally shared by women as well as men who have been conspicuous for their excellence. As to the songs and the dances, this is the fashion in which they should be arranged. Among the compositions of the ancients there exist many fine old pieces of music, and likewise dances, from which we may select without scruple for the constitution we are founding such as are fitting and proper. [802b] To examine these and make the selection, we shall choose out men not under fifty years of age; and whichever of the ancient songs are approved we shall adopt, but whichever fail to reach our standard, or are altogether unsuitable, we shall either reject entirely or revise and remodel. For this purpose we shall call in the advice of poets and musicians, and make use of their poetical ability, without, however, trusting to their tastes or their wishes, [802c] except in rare instances; and by thus expounding the intentions of the lawgiver, we shall organize to his satisfaction dancing, singing, and the whole of choristry. In truth, every unregulated musical pursuit becomes, when brought under regulation, a thousand times better, even when no honeyed strains are served up: all alike provide pleasure. For if a man has been reared from childhood up to the age of steadiness and sense in the use of music that is sober and regulated, then he detests the opposite kind whenever he hears it, and [802d] calls it “vulgar”; whereas if he has been reared in the common honeyed kind of music, he declares the opposite of this to be cold and unpleasing. Hence, as we said just now, in respect of the pleasure or displeasure they cause neither kind excels the other; where the superiority lies is in the fact that the one kind always makes those who are reared in it better, the other worse.
Clinias: Finely spoken!
καταλιπόντα ὑμᾶς ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ, σκέψασθαι εἰ διαβατός ἐστι πρεσβυτέροις οὖσι καὶ ὑμῖν
Ἀθηναῖος
φύσιν βούλονται λέγειν γένεσιν τὴν περὶ τὰ πρῶτα: εἰ δὲ φανήσεται ψυχὴ πρῶτον, οὐ πῦρ οὐδὲ ἀήρ, ψυχὴ δ᾽ ἐν πρώτοις γεγενημένη, σχεδὸν ὀρθότατα λέγοιτ᾽ ἂν εἶναι διαφερόντως φύσει. ταῦτ᾽ ἔσθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχοντα, ἂν ψυχήν τις ἐπιδείξῃ πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν σώματος, ἄλλως δὲ οὐδαμῶς.
Κλεινίας
ἀληθέστατα λέγεις.
Ἀθηναῖος
οὐκοῦν τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ δὴ τοῦτο στελλώμεθα; [892δ]
Κλεινίας
τί μήν;
Ἀθηναῖος
φυλάττωμεν δὴ παντάπασιν ἀπατηλὸν λόγον, μή πῃ πρεσβύτας ἡμᾶς ὄντας νεοπρεπὴς ὢν παραπείσῃ καὶ διαφυγὼν καταγελάστους ποιήσῃ, καὶ δόξωμεν μείζονα ἐπιβαλλόμενοι καὶ τῶν σμικρῶν ἀποτυχεῖν. σκοπεῖτε οὖν. εἰ καθάπερ ποταμὸν ἡμᾶς ἔδει τρεῖς ὄντας διαβαίνειν ῥέοντα σφόδρα, νεώτατος δ᾽ ἐγὼ τυγχάνων ἡμῶν καὶ πολλῶν ἔμπειρος ῥευμάτων, εἶπον ὅτι πρῶτον ἐμὲ χρῆναι πειραθῆναι [892ε] κατ᾽ ἐμαυτόν, καταλιπόντα ὑμᾶς ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ, σκέψασθαι εἰ διαβατός ἐστι πρεσβυτέροις οὖσι καὶ ὑμῖν, ἢ πῶς ἔχει, καὶ φανέντος μὲν ταύτῃ, καλεῖν ὑμᾶς τότε καὶ συνδιαβιβάζειν ἐμπειρίᾳ, εἰ δὲ ἄβατος ἦν ὡς ὑμῖν, ἐν ἐμοὶ τὸν κίνδυνον γεγονέναι, μετρίως ἂν ἐδόκουν λέγειν, καὶ δὴ καὶ νῦν ὁ μέλλων ἐστὶ λόγος σφοδρότερος καὶ σχεδὸν ἴσως ἄβατος ὡς τῇ σφῷν ῥώμῃ: μὴ δὴ σκοτοδινίαν ἴλιγγόν τε ὑμῖν
Athenian: By “nature” they intend to indicate production of things primary; but if soul shall be shown to have been produced first (not fire or air), but soul first and foremost,—it would most truly be described as a superlatively “natural” existence. Such is the state of the case, provided that one can prove that soul is older than body, but not otherwise.
Clinias: Most true.
Athenian: Shall we then, in the next place, address ourselves to the task of proving this? [892d]
Clinias: Certainly.
Athenian: Let us guard against a wholly deceitful argument, lest haply it seduce us who are old with its specious youthfulness, and then elude us and make us a laughing-stock, and so we get the reputation of missing even little things while aiming at big things. Consider then. Suppose that we three had to cross a river that was in violent flood, and that I, being the youngest of the party and having often had experience of currents, were to suggest that the proper course [892e] is for me to make an attempt first by myself—leaving you two in safety—to see whether it is possible for you older men also to cross, or how the matter stands, and then, if the river proved to be clearly fordable, I were to call you, and, by my experience, help you across, while if it proved impassable for such as you, in that case the risk should be wholly mine,—such a suggestion on my part would have sounded reasonable. So too in the present instance; the argument now in front of us is too violent, and probably impassable, for such strength as you possess; so, lest it make you faint and dizzy as it rushes past and poses you with questions
ἀκουόντων ὑμῶν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ
[893α] ἐμποιήσῃ παραφερόμενός τε καὶ ἐρωτῶν ἀήθεις ὄντας ἀποκρίσεων, εἶτ᾽ ἀσχημοσύνην ἀπρέπειάν τε ἐντέκῃ ἀηδῆ, δοκεῖ δή μοι χρῆναι ποιεῖν οὑτωσὶ τὰ νῦν ἐμέ, ἀνερωτᾶν πρῶτον ἐμαυτόν, ἀκουόντων ὑμῶν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἀποκρίνασθαι πάλιν ἐμέ, καὶ τὸν λόγον ἅπαντα οὕτω διεξελθεῖν, μέχριπερ ἂν ψυχῆς πέρι διαπεράνηται καὶ δείξῃ πρότερον ὂν ψυχὴν σώματος.
Κλεινίας
ἄριστ᾽, ὦ ξένε, δοκεῖς ἡμῖν εἰρηκέναι, ποίει τε ὡς λέγεις. [893β]
[893a] you are unused to answering, and thus causes an unpleasing lack of shapeliness and seemliness, I think that I ought now to act in the way described—question myself first, while you remain listening in safety, and then return answer to myself, and in this way proceed through the whole argument until it has discussed in full the subject of soul, and demonstrated that soul is prior to body.
Clinias
Your suggestion, Stranger, we think excellent; so do as you suggest. [893b]
ἐχόμενοι δὲ ὥς τινος ἀσφαλοῦς πείσματος ἐπεισβαίνωμεν εἰς τὸν νῦν λόγον" (Z. 3f.) / καί μοι ἐλεγχομένῳ περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐρωτήσεσιν τοιαῖσδε ἀσφαλέστατα ἀποκρίνεσθαι φαίνεται κατὰ τάδε" (Z. 5f.)
[893β] Ἀθηναῖος
ἄγε δή, θεὸν εἴ ποτε παρακλητέον ἡμῖν, νῦν ἔστω τοῦτο οὕτω γενόμενον—ἐπί γε ἀπόδειξιν ὡς εἰσὶν τὴν αὑτῶν σπουδῇ πάσῃ παρακεκλήσθων—ἐχόμενοι δὲ ὥς τινος ἀσφαλοῦς πείσματος ἐπεισβαίνωμεν εἰς τὸν νῦν λόγον. καί μοι ἐλεγχομένῳ περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐρωτήσεσιν τοιαῖσδε ἀσφαλέστατα ἀποκρίνεσθαι φαίνεται κατὰ τάδε: ὦ ξένε, ὁπόταν φῇ τις, ἆρα ἕστηκε μὲν πάντα, κινεῖται δὲ οὐδέν; ἢ τούτῳ πᾶν τοὐναντίον; ἢ τὰ μὲν αὐτῶν κινεῖται, τὰ δὲ μένει; [893ξ]
τὰ μὲν κινεῖταί που, φήσω, τὰ δὲ μένει.
μῶν οὖν οὐκ ἐν χώρᾳ τινὶ τά τε ἑστῶτα ἕστηκεν καὶ τὰ κινούμενα κινεῖται;
πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
καὶ τὰ μέν γε ἐν μιᾷ ἕδρᾳ που τοῦτο ἂν δρῴη, τὰ δὲ ἐν πλείοσιν.
τὰ τὴν τῶν ἑστώτων ἐν μέσῳ λαμβάνοντα δύναμιν λέγεις, φήσομεν, ἐν ἑνὶ κινεῖσθαι, καθάπερ ἡ τῶν ἑστάναι λεγομένων κύκλων στρέφεται περιφορά;
ναί. μανθάνομεν δέ γε ὡς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ περιφορᾷ τὸν μέγιστον καὶ τὸν σμικρότατον κύκλον ἅμα περιάγουσα, [893δ] ἡ τοιαύτη κίνησις ἀνὰ λόγον ἑαυτὴν διανέμει σμικροῖς τε καὶ μείζοσιν, ἐλάττων τε οὖσα καὶ πλείων κατὰ λόγον: διὸ δὴ τῶν θαυμαστῶν ἁπάντων πηγὴ γέγονεν, ἅμα μεγάλοις καὶ σμικροῖς κύκλοις βραδυτῆτάς τε καὶ τάχη ὁμολογούμενα πορεύουσα, ἀδύνατον, ὡς ἄν τις ἐλπίσειε, γίγνεσθαι πάθος.
ἀληθέστατα λέγεις.
τὰ δέ γε κινούμενα ἐν πολλοῖς φαίνῃ μοι λέγειν ὅσα φορᾷ κινεῖται μεταβαίνοντα εἰς ἕτερον ἀεὶ τόπον, καὶ τοτὲ μὲν ἔστιν ὅτε βάσιν ἑνὸς κεκτημένα [893ε] τινὸς κέντρου, τοτὲ δὲ πλείονα τῷ περικυλινδεῖσθαι. προστυγχάνοντα δ᾽ ἑκάστοτε ἑκάστοις, τοῖς ἑστῶσι μὲν διασχίζεται, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις ἐξ ἐναντίας ἀπαντῶσι καὶ φερομένοις εἰς ἓν γιγνόμενα μέσα τε καὶ μεταξὺ τῶν τοιούτων συγκρίνεται.
λέγω γὰρ οὖν ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχοντα, ὡς σὺ λέγεις.
καὶ μὴν καὶ συγκρινόμενα μὲν αὐξάνεται, διακρινόμενα δὲ φθίνει τότε, ὅταν ἡ καθεστηκυῖα ἑκάστων ἕξις διαμένῃ,
[893b] Athenian: Come then,—if ever we ought to invoke God's aid, now is the time it ought to be done. Let the gods be invoked with all zeal to aid in the demonstration of their own existence. And let us hold fast, so to speak, to a safe cable as we embark on the present discussion. And it is safest, as it seems to me, to adopt the following method of reply when questions such as this are put on these subjects; for instance, when a man asks me—“Do all things stand still, Stranger, and nothing move? Or is the exact opposite the truth? Or do some things move [893c] and some remain at rest?” My answer will be, “Some things move, others remain at rest.” “Then do not the standing things stand, and the moving things move, in a certain place?” “Of course.” “And some will do this in one location, and others in several.” “You mean,” we will say, “that those which have the quality of being at rest at the center move in one location, as when the circumference of circles that are said to stand still revolves?” “Yes. And we perceive that motion of this kind, which simultaneously turns in this revolution both the largest circle and the smallest, distributes itself [893d] to small and great proportionally, altering in proportion its own quantity; whereby it functions as the source of all such marvels as result from its supplying great and small circles simultaneously with harmonizing rates of slow and fast speeds—a condition of things that one might suppose to be impossible.” “Quite true.” “And by things moving in several places you seem to me to mean all things that move by locomotion, continually passing from one spot to another, and sometimes resting [893e] on one axis and sometimes, by revolving, on several axes. And whenever one such object meets another, if the other is at rest, the moving object is split up; but if they collide with others moving to meet them from an opposite direction, they form a combination which is midway between the two.” “Yes, I affirm that these things are so, just as you describe.” “Further, things increase when combined and decrease when separated in all cases where the regular constitution of each persists; but if this does not remain, then both these conditions cause them to perish. And what is the condition which must occur
πρὸς δὲ εἰκόνα τοῦ ἐρωτωμένου βλέποντας ἀσφαλέστερον ὁρᾶν
[897δ] Ἀθηναῖος
εἰ δὲ μανικῶς τε καὶ ἀτάκτως ἔρχεται, τὴν κακήν.
Κλεινίας
καὶ ταῦτα ὀρθῶς.
Ἀθηναῖος
τίνα οὖν δὴ νοῦ κίνησις φύσιν ἔχει; τοῦτο ἤδη χαλεπόν, ὦ φίλοι, ἐρώτημα ἀποκρινόμενον εἰπεῖν ἐμφρόνως: διὸ δὴ καὶ ἐμὲ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως ὑμῖν δίκαιον τὰ νῦν προσλαμβάνειν.
Κλεινίας
εὖ λέγεις.
Ἀθηναῖος
μὴ τοίνυν ἐξ ἐναντίας οἷον εἰς ἥλιον ἀποβλέποντες, νύκτα ἐν μεσημβρίᾳ ἐπαγόμενοι, ποιησώμεθα τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, ὡς νοῦν ποτε θνητοῖς ὄμμασιν ὀψόμενοί τε καὶ γνωσόμενοι [897ε] ἱκανῶς: πρὸς δὲ εἰκόνα τοῦ ἐρωτωμένου βλέποντας ἀσφαλέστερον ὁρᾶν.
Κλεινίας
πῶς λέγεις;
Ἀθηναῖος
ἧι προσέοικεν κινήσει νοῦς τῶν δέκα ἐκείνων κινήσεων, τὴν εἰκόνα λάβωμεν: ἣν συναναμνησθεὶς ὑμῖν ἐγὼ κοινῇ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ποιήσομαι.
Κλεινίας
κάλλιστα ἂν λέγοις.
Ἀθηναῖος
μεμνήμεθα τοίνυν τῶν τότε ἔτι τοῦτό γε, ὅτι τῶν πάντων τὰ μὲν κινεῖσθαι, τὰ δὲ μένειν ἔθεμεν;
Κλεινίας
ναί.
Ἀθηναῖος
τῶν δ᾽ αὖ κινουμένων τὰ μὲν ἐν ἑνὶ τόπῳ κινεῖσθαι,
[897d] Athenian
But the bad soul, if it proceeds in a mad and disorderly way.
Clinias
That also is right.
Athenian
Then what is the nature of the motion of reason? Here, my friends, we come to a question that is difficult to answer wisely; consequently, it is fitting that you should now call me in to assist you with the answer.
Clinias
Very good.
Athenian
In making our answer let us not bring on night, as it were, at midday, by looking right in the eye of the sun, as though with mortal eyes we could ever behold reason and know it fully; [897e] the safer way to behold the object with which our question is concerned is by looking at an image of it.
Clinias
How do you mean?
Athenian
Let us take as an image that one of the ten motions which reason resembles; reminding ourselves of which I, along with you, will make answer.
Clinias
You will probably speak admirably.
Athenian
Do we still recollect thus much about the things then described, that we assumed that, of the total, some were in motion, others at rest?
Clinias
Yes.
Athenian
And further, that, of those in motion, some move in one place,
διὸ τῷ νομοθέτῃ θεῖναι νόμον ἀσφαλὲς τοιούτοις τοιόνδε τινά
[936α] ἐξείργειν ἐκ τῆς χώρας τὸ παράπαν αὐθημερόν, ἢ ζημιοῦσθαι μναῖς τρισὶν ἱεραῖς τοῦ θεοῦ οὗ ἂν ἀγὼν ᾖ. οἷς δ᾽ εἴρηται πρότερον ἐξουσίαν εἶναι περί του ποιεῖν, εἰς ἀλλήλους τούτοις ἄνευ θυμοῦ μὲν μετὰ παιδιᾶς ἐξέστω, σπουδῇ δὲ ἅμα καὶ θυμουμένοισιν μὴ ἐξέστω. τούτου δὴ διάγνωσις ἐπιτετράφθω τῷ τῆς παιδεύσεως ὅλης ἐπιμελητῇ τῶν νέων: καὶ ὃ μὲν ἂν οὗτος ἐγκρίνῃ, προφέρειν εἰς τὸ μέσον ἐξέστω τῷ ποιήσαντι, ὃ δ᾽ ἂν ἀποκρίνῃ, μήτε αὐτὸς ἐπιδεικνύσθω [936β] μηδενὶ μήτε ἄλλον δοῦλον μήτε ἐλεύθερόν ποτε φανῇ διδάξας, ἢ κακὸς εἶναι δοξαζέσθω καὶ ἀπειθὴς τοῖς νόμοις.
οἰκτρὸς δ᾽ οὐχ ὁ πεινῶν ἤ τι τοιοῦτον πάσχων, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ σωφρονῶν ἤ τινα ἀρετὴν ἢ μέρος ἔχων ταύτης, ἄν τινα συμφορὰν πρὸς τούτοις κεκτῆται: διὸ θαυμαστὸν ἂν γένοιτο εἴ τις ὢν τοιοῦτος ἀμεληθείη τὸ παράπαν, ὥστ᾽ εἰς πτωχείαν τὴν ἐσχάτην ἐλθεῖν, δοῦλος ἢ καὶ ἐλεύθερος, ἐν οἰκουμένῃ καὶ μετρίως πολιτείᾳ τε καὶ πόλει. διὸ τῷ νομοθέτῃ θεῖναι [936ξ] νόμον ἀσφαλὲς τοιούτοις τοιόνδε τινά: Πτωχὸς μηδεὶς ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ πόλει γιγνέσθω, τοιοῦτον δ᾽ ἄν τις ἐπιχειρῇ δρᾶν, εὐχαῖς βίον ἀνηνύτοις συλλεγόμενος, ἐκ μὲν ἀγορᾶς ἀγορανόμοι ἐξειργόντων αὐτόν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἄστεος ἡ τῶν ἀστυνόμων ἀρχή, ἀγρονόμοι δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης χώρας εἰς τὴν ὑπερορίαν ἐκπεμπόντων, ὅπως ἡ χώρα τοῦ τοιούτου ζῴου καθαρὰ γίγνηται τὸ παράπαν.
[936a] shall on the same day banish him wholly from the country, failing which they shall be fined three minas, dedicated to the god whose festival is being held. Those to whom permission has been given, as we previously said, to write songs about one another shall be allowed to ridicule others in jest and without passion; but they shall not be allowed to do so with passion and in earnest. The task of making this distinction shall be entrusted to the minister in charge of the general education of the young: whatever he shall approve, the composer shall be allowed to produce in public, but whatever he shall disapprove, the composer shall be forbidden either personally to exhibit to anyone or to be found teaching to any other person, free man or slave; [936b] and if he does so, he shall be held to be a base man and disobedient to the laws. The man who suffers from hunger or the like is not the man who deserves pity, but he who, while possessing temperance or virtue of some sort, or a share thereof gains in addition evil fortune; wherefore it would be a strange thing indeed if in a polity and State that is even moderately well organized, a man of this kind (be he slave or free man) should be so entirely neglected as to come to utter beggary. Wherefore the Lawgiver will be safe in enacting for such cases some such law as this:— [936c] There shall be no beggar in our State; and if anyone attempts to beg, and to collect a livelihood by ceaseless prayers, the market-stewards shall expel him from the market, and the Board of city-stewards from the city, and from any other district he shall be driven across the border by the country-stewards, to the end that the land may be wholly purged of such a creature. (weiter über das Vorgehen gg. stehlende Sklaven)
ὅρκον τοῖς ἀμφισβητοῦσιν ἀπηλλάττετο ταχὺ καὶ ἀσφαλῶς
Ῥαδαμάνθυος δὲ περὶ τὴν λεγομένην κρίσιν τῶν δικῶν ἄξιον ἄγασθαι, διότι κατεῖδεν τοὺς τότε ἀνθρώπους ἡγουμένους ἐναργῶς εἶναι θεούς, εἰκότως, ἅτε κατὰ τὸν τότε χρόνον τῶν πολλῶν ἐκ θεῶν ὄντων, ὧν εἷς ἦν αὐτός, ὥς γε λόγος. ἔοικεν δὴ δικαστῇ μὲν ἀνθρώπων οὐδενὶ διανοούμενος δεῖν ἐπιτρέπειν, θεοῖς δέ, ὅθεν ἁπλαῖ καὶ ταχεῖαι δίκαι ἐκρίνοντ᾽ αὐτῷ: διδοὺς γὰρ περὶ ἑκάστων τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων [948ξ] ὅρκον τοῖς ἀμφισβητοῦσιν ἀπηλλάττετο ταχὺ καὶ ἀσφαλῶς. νῦν δὲ δὴ ὅτε μέρος τι μέν, φαμέν, ἀνθρώπων τὸ παράπαν οὐχ ἡγοῦνται θεούς, οἱ δὲ οὐ φροντίζειν ἡμῶν αὐτοὺς διανοοῦνται, τῶν δὲ δὴ πλείστων ἐστὶ καὶ κακίστων ἡ δόξα ὡς σμικρὰ δεχόμενοι θύματα καὶ θωπείας πολλὰ συναποστεροῦσι χρήματα καὶ μεγάλων σφᾶς ἐκλύονται κατὰ πολλὰ ζημιῶν, οὐκέτι δὴ τοῖς νῦν ἀνθρώποις ἡ Ῥαδαμάνθυος [948δ] ἂν εἴη τέχνη πρέπουσα ἐν δίκαις. μεταβεβληκυιῶν οὖν τῶν περὶ θεοὺς δοξῶν ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μεταβάλλειν δεῖ καὶ τοὺς νόμους: ἐν γὰρ λήξεσιν δικῶν τοὺς μετὰ νοῦ τιθεμένους νόμους ἐξαιρεῖν χρὴ τοὺς ὅρκους τῶν ἀντιδικούντων ἑκατέρων, καὶ τὸν λαγχάνοντά τῴ τινα δίκην τὰ μὲν ἐγκλήματα γράφειν, ὅρκον δὲ μὴ ἐπομνύναι, καὶ τὸν φεύγοντα κατὰ ταὐτὰ τὴν ἄρνησιν γράψαντα παραδοῦναι τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἀνώμοτον. δεινὸν γάρ που, δικῶν γ᾽ ἐν πόλει πολλῶν [948ε] γενομένων, εὖ εἰδέναι σμικροῦ δεῖν τοὺς ἡμίσεις αὐτῶν ἐπιωρκηκότας, ἐν συσσιτίοις τε ἀλλήλοις εὐχερῶς συγγιγνομένους καὶ ἐν ἄλλαις συνουσίαις τε καὶ ἰδιωτικαῖς συγγενήσεσιν ἑκάστων. νόμος δὴ κείσθω δικαστὴν μὲν ὀμνύναι δικάζειν μέλλοντα, καὶ τὸν τὰς ἀρχὰς τῷ κοινῷ καθιστάντα
Rhadamanthys deserves admiration for the way in which, as we are told, he judged cases of law, in that he perceived that the men of his time had a clear belief in the existence of gods,—and naturally so, seeing that most men at that time were the offspring of gods, he himself among others, as the story declares. Probably he thought that he ought not to entrust lawsuits to any man, but only to gods, from whom he obtained verdicts that were both simple and speedy; for he administered an oath [948c] to the disputants regarding each matter in dispute, and thus secured a speedy and safe settlement. But nowadays, when, as we say, a certain section of mankind totally disbelieve in gods, and others hold that they pay no regard to us men, while a third party, consisting of the most and worst of men, suppose that in return for small offerings and flatteries the gods lend them aid in committing large robberies, and often set them free from great penalties,—under such conditions, for men as they now are, the device of Rhadamanthys would no longer be appropriate in actions at law. [948d] Since, therefore, the opinions of men about the gods have changed, so also must their laws change. In legal actions laws that are framed intelligently ought to debar both litigants from taking oaths; he that is bringing an action against anyone ought to write down his charges, but swear no oath, and the defendant in like manner ought to write down his denial and hand it to the magistrates without an oath. For truly it is a horrible thing to know full well that, inasmuch as lawsuits are frequent in a State, well-nigh half the citizens are perjurers, [948e] although they have no scruple in associating with one another at common meals and at other public and private gatherings. So it shall be laid down by law that a judge shall take an oath when he is about to give judgment, and likewise oaths shall be taken by him who is appointing public officials
ἀκούοντα δὲ ἀσφαλέστατον πείθεσθαι τῷ νόμῳ
τὸν αὐτὸν φίλον τε καὶ ἐχθρὸν νομιζέτω πᾶς τῇ πόλει: [955ξ] ἐὰν δέ τις ἰδίᾳ ποιῆται πρός τινας εἰρήνην ἢ πόλεμον ἄνευ τοῦ κοινοῦ, θάνατος ἔστω καὶ τούτῳ ζημία: ἐὰν δέ τι μέρος τῆς πόλεως εἰρήνην ἢ πόλεμον πρός τινας ἑαυτῷ ποιῆται, τοὺς αἰτίους οἱ στρατηγοὶ ταύτης τῆς πράξεως εἰσαγόντων εἰς δικαστήριον, ὀφλόντι δὲ θάνατος ἔστω δίκη.
τοὺς τῇ πατρίδι διακονοῦντάς τι δώρων χωρὶς χρὴ διακονεῖν, πρόφασιν δ᾽ εἶναι μηδεμίαν μηδὲ λόγον ἐπαινούμενον, ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθοῖς μὲν δεῖ δέχεσθαι δῶρα, ἐπὶ δὲ φλαύροις [955δ] οὔ: τὸ γὰρ γνῶναι καὶ γνόντα καρτερεῖν οὐκ εὐπετές, ἀκούοντα δὲ ἀσφαλέστατον πείθεσθαι τῷ νόμῳ, μηδὲν ἐπὶ δώροισιν διακονεῖν. ὁ δὲ μὴ πειθόμενος ἁπλῶς τεθνάτω ἁλοὺς τῇ δίκῃ.
χρημάτων εἰσφορᾶς πέρι τῷ κοινῷ, τετιμῆσθαι μὲν ἕκαστον τὴν οὐσίαν ἕνεκα πολλῶν χρεὼν καὶ τὴν ἐπέτειον ἐπικαρπίαν ἐν γράμμασιν ἀποφέρειν ἀγρονόμοις φυλέτας, ὅπως ἂν δυοῖν οὔσαιν ταῖν εἰσφοραῖν, ὁποτέρᾳ τὸ δημόσιον [955ε] ἂν χρῆσθαι βούληται, χρῆται, κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστον βουλευομένων, ἐάντε τοῦ τιμήματος ὅλου μέρει ἐάντε τῆς γενομένης ἐπ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἑκάστοτε προσόδου, χωρὶς τῶν εἰς τὰ συσσίτια τελουμένων.
Everyone shall regard the friend or enemy of the State as his own personal friend or enemy; and if anyone makes peace or war with any parties privately and without public consent, in his case also the penalty shall be death; [955c] and if any section of the State makes peace or war on its own account with any parties, the generals shall summon the authors of this action before the court, and the penalty for him who is convicted shall be death. Those who are performing any act of service to the State must do it without gifts; and it shall be no excuse nor laudable plea to argue that for good deeds a man ought to receive gifts, though not for bad: to decide wisely, and firmly to abide by one's decision, is no easy thing, [955d] and the safest course is for a man to listen and obey the law, which says, “Perform no service for gifts.” Whoso disobeys, if convicted by the court, shall be put to death once for all. Touching money-contributions to the public treasury, not only must the property of every man be valued, for many reasons, but the tribesmen also must furnish an annual record of the year's produce to the land-wardens, so that the Treasury may adopt whichever it may prefer of the two existing methods of contribution, [955e] and may determine year by year whether it will require a proportion of the whole assessed value, or a proportion of the current yearly income, exclusive of the taxes paid for the common meals.
μοι δοκεῖ ἀσφαλέστατον εἶναι καὶ ἐμαυτῷ ἀποκρίνασθαι καὶ ἄλλῳ (100d, Z. 8) / ἀλλ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ ὁτῳοῦν ἄλλῳ ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι τῷ καλῷ τὰ καλὰ [γίγνεται] καλά (100e, Z. 1)
[100δ] δι᾽ ὅτι καλόν ἐστιν ὁτιοῦν, ἢ χρῶμα εὐανθὲς ἔχον ἢ σχῆμα ἢ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν τῶν τοιούτων, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χαίρειν ἐῶ, —ταράττομαι γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις πᾶσι—τοῦτο δὲ ἁπλῶς καὶ ἀτέχνως καὶ ἴσως εὐήθως ἔχω παρ᾽ ἐμαυτῷ, ὅτι οὐκ ἄλλο τι ποιεῖ αὐτὸ καλὸν ἢ ἡ ἐκείνου τοῦ καλοῦ εἴτε παρουσία εἴτε κοινωνία εἴτε ὅπῃ δὴ καὶ ὅπως †προσγενομένη: οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τοῦτο διισχυρίζομαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι τῷ καλῷ πάντα τὰ καλὰ [γίγνεται] καλά. τοῦτο γάρ μοι δοκεῖ ἀσφαλέστατον εἶναι καὶ ἐμαυτῷ ἀποκρίνασθαι καὶ ἄλλῳ, καὶ τούτου ἐχόμενος´
[100ε] ἡγοῦμαι οὐκ ἄν ποτε πεσεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ ὁτῳοῦν ἄλλῳ ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι τῷ καλῷ τὰ καλὰ [γίγνεται] καλά: ἢ οὐ καὶ σοὶ δοκεῖ;
δοκεῖ.
καὶ μεγέθει ἄρα τὰ μεγάλα μεγάλα καὶ τὰ μείζω μείζω, καὶ σμικρότητι τὰ ἐλάττω ἐλάττω;
ναί.
οὐδὲ σὺ ἄρ᾽ ἂν ἀποδέχοιο εἴ τίς τινα φαίη ἕτερον ἑτέρου τῇ κεφαλῇ μείζω εἶναι, καὶ τὸν ἐλάττω τῷ αὐτῷ τούτῳ
[100d] or its shape or anything else of the sort, I let all that go, for all those things confuse me, and I hold simply and plainly and perhaps foolishly to this, that nothing else makes it beautiful but the presence or communion (call it which you please) of absolute beauty, however it may have been gained; about the way in which it happens, I make no positive statement as yet, but I do insist that beautiful things are made beautiful by beauty. For I think this is the safest answer I can give to myself or to others, and if I cleave fast to this,
[100e] I think I shall never be overthrown, and I believe it is safe for me or anyone else to give this answer, that beautiful things are beautiful through beauty. Do you agree?”
“I do.”
“And great things are great and greater things greater by greatness, and smaller things smaller by smallness?”
“Yes.”
“And you would not accept the statement, if you were told that one man was greater or smaller than another by a head,
(die Einführung der Ideenlehre... das sicherste Argument!!!)
ἐχόμενος ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς ὑποθέσεως
[101ξ] τοῦ δύο γενέσθαι ἢ διασχισθέντος τὴν σχίσιν οὐκ εὐλαβοῖο ἂν λέγειν; καὶ μέγα ἂν βοῴης ὅτι οὐκ οἶσθα ἄλλως πως ἕκαστον γιγνόμενον ἢ μετασχὸν τῆς ἰδίας οὐσίας ἑκάστου οὗ ἂν μετάσχῃ, καὶ ἐν τούτοις οὐκ ἔχεις ἄλλην τινὰ αἰτίαν τοῦ δύο γενέσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τὴν τῆς δυάδος μετάσχεσιν, καὶ δεῖν τούτου μετασχεῖν τὰ μέλλοντα δύο ἔσεσθαι, καὶ μονάδος ὃ ἂν μέλλῃ ἓν ἔσεσθαι, τὰς δὲ σχίσεις ταύτας καὶ προσθέσεις καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς τοιαύτας κομψείας ἐῴης ἂν χαίρειν, παρεὶς ἀποκρίνασθαι τοῖς σεαυτοῦ σοφωτέροις: σὺ δὲ δεδιὼς ἄν, τὸ
[101δ] λεγόμενον, τὴν σαυτοῦ σκιὰν καὶ τὴν ἀπειρίαν, ἐχόμενος ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς ὑποθέσεως, οὕτως ἀποκρίναιο ἄν. εἰ δέ τις αὐτῆς τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἔχοιτο, χαίρειν ἐῴης ἂν καὶ οὐκ ἀποκρίναιο ἕως ἂν τὰ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης ὁρμηθέντα σκέψαιο εἴ σοι ἀλλήλοις συμφωνεῖ ἢ διαφωνεῖ: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐκείνης αὐτῆς δέοι σε διδόναι λόγον, ὡσαύτως ἂν διδοίης, ἄλλην αὖ ὑπόθεσιν ὑποθέμενος ἥτις τῶν ἄνωθεν βελτίστη φαίνοιτο,
[101c] or if one is divided, you would avoid saying that the addition or the division is the cause of two? You would exclaim loudly that you know no other way by which any thing can come into existence than by participating in the proper essence of each thing in which it participates, and therefore you accept no other cause of the existence of two than participation in duality, and things which are to be two must participate in duality, and whatever is to be one must participate in unity, and you would pay no attention to the divisions and additions and other such subtleties, leaving those for wiser men to explain. You would distrust
[101d] your inexperience and would be afraid, as the saying goes, of your own shadow; so you would cling to that safe principle of ours and would reply as I have said. And if anyone attacked the principle, you would pay him no attention and you would not reply to him until you had examined the consequences to see whether they agreed with one another or not; and when you had to give an explanation of the principle, you would give it in the same way by assuming some other principle which seemed to you the best of the higher ones, and so on until
"τὸ πρῶτον ἔλεγον ἀπόκρισιν, τὴν ἀσφαλῆ ἐκείνην" (105b, Z. 7) / "ἐκ τῶν νῦν λεγομένων ἄλλην ὁρῶν ἀσφάλειαν" (105b, Z. 8)
[105β] τοῦ περιττοῦ οὐ δέξεται: οὐδὲ δὴ τὸ ἡμιόλιον οὐδὲ τἆλλα τὰ τοιαῦτα, τὸ ἥμισυ, τὴν τοῦ ὅλου, καὶ τριτημόριον αὖ καὶ πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα, εἴπερ ἕπῃ τε καὶ συνδοκεῖ σοι οὕτως.
πάνυ σφόδρα καὶ συνδοκεῖ, ἔφη, καὶ ἕπομαι.
πάλιν δή μοι, ἔφη, ἐξ ἀρχῆς λέγε. καὶ μή μοι ὃ ἂν ἐρωτῶ ἀποκρίνου, ἀλλὰ μιμούμενος ἐμέ. λέγω δὴ παρ᾽ ἣν τὸ πρῶτον ἔλεγον ἀπόκρισιν, τὴν ἀσφαλῆ ἐκείνην, ἐκ τῶν νῦν λεγομένων ἄλλην ὁρῶν ἀσφάλειαν. εἰ γὰρ ἔροιό με ᾧ ἂν τί ἐν τῷ σώματι ἐγγένηται θερμὸν ἔσται, οὐ τὴν
[105b] and so one-and-a-half and other mixed fractions and one-third and other simple fractions reject the idea of the whole. Do you go with me and agree to this?”
“Yes, I agree entirely,” he said, “and am with you.”
“Then,” said Socrates, “please begin again at the beginning. And do not answer my questions in their own words, but do as I do. I give an answer beyond that safe answer which I spoke of at first, now that I see another safe reply deduced from what has just been said. If you ask me what causes anything in which it is to be hot, I will not give
"οὐ τὴν ἀσφαλῆ σοι ἐρῶ ἀπόκρισιν ἐκείνην τὴν ἀμαθῆ" (105c, Z. 1)
[105ξ] ἀσφαλῆ σοι ἐρῶ ἀπόκρισιν ἐκείνην τὴν ἀμαθῆ, ὅτι ᾧ ἂν θερμότης, ἀλλὰ κομψοτέραν ἐκ τῶν νῦν, ὅτι ᾧ ἂν πῦρ: οὐδὲ ἂν ἔρῃ ᾧ ἂν σώματι τί ἐγγένηται νοσήσει, οὐκ ἐρῶ ὅτι ᾧ ἂν νόσος, ἀλλ᾽ ᾧ ἂν πυρετός: οὐδ᾽ ᾧ ἂν ἀριθμῷ τί ἐγγένηται περιττὸς ἔσται, οὐκ ἐρῶ ᾧ ἂν περιττότης, ἀλλ᾽ ᾧ ἂν μονάς, καὶ τἆλλα οὕτως. ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα εἰ ἤδη ἱκανῶς οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι βούλομαι.
ἀλλὰ πάνυ ἱκανῶς, ἔφη.
ἀποκρίνου δή, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ᾧ ἂν τί ἐγγένηται σώματι ζῶν ἔσται;
ὧι ἂν ψυχή, ἔφη.
[105c] you that safe but stupid answer and say that it is heat, but I can now give a more refined answer, that it is fire; and if you ask, what causes the body in which it is to be ill, I shall not say illness, but fever; and if you ask what causes a number in which it is to be odd, I shall not say oddness, but the number one, and so forth. Do you understand sufficiently what I mean?”
“Quite sufficiently,” he replied.
“Now answer,” said he. “What causes the body in which it is to be alive?”
“The soul,” he replied.
"ἀσφαλέστερον γὰρ εἶναι μὴ ἀπιέναι πρὶν ἀφοσιώσασθαι ποιήσαντα ποιήματα [καὶ] πιθόμενον τῷ ἐνυπνίῳ"
[60ε] εἶναι ἐποίησα ταῦτα—ᾔδη γὰρ ὡς οὐ ῥᾴδιον εἴη—ἀλλ᾽ ἐνυπνίων τινῶν ἀποπειρώμενος τί λέγοι, καὶ ἀφοσιούμενος εἰ ἄρα πολλάκις ταύτην τὴν μουσικήν μοι ἐπιτάττοι ποιεῖν. ἦν γὰρ δὴ ἄττα τοιάδε: πολλάκις μοι φοιτῶν τὸ αὐτὸ ἐνύπνιον ἐν τῷ παρελθόντι βίῳ, ἄλλοτ᾽ ἐν ἄλλῃ ὄψει φαινόμενον, τὰ αὐτὰ δὲ λέγον, “ὦ Σώκρατες,” ἔφη, “μουσικὴν ποίει καὶ ἐργάζου.” καὶ ἐγὼ ἔν γε τῷ πρόσθεν χρόνῳ ὅπερ ἔπραττον τοῦτο ὑπελάμβανον αὐτό μοι παρακελεύεσθαί τε
[61α] καὶ ἐπικελεύειν, ὥσπερ οἱ τοῖς θέουσι διακελευόμενοι, καὶ ἐμοὶ οὕτω τὸ ἐνύπνιον ὅπερ ἔπραττον τοῦτο ἐπικελεύειν, μουσικὴν ποιεῖν, ὡς φιλοσοφίας μὲν οὔσης μεγίστης μουσικῆς, ἐμοῦ δὲ τοῦτο πράττοντος. νῦν δ᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἥ τε δίκη ἐγένετο καὶ ἡ τοῦ θεοῦ ἑορτὴ διεκώλυέ με ἀποθνῄσκειν, ἔδοξε χρῆναι, εἰ ἄρα πολλάκις μοι προστάττοι τὸ ἐνύπνιον ταύτην τὴν δημώδη μουσικὴν ποιεῖν, μὴ ἀπειθῆσαι αὐτῷ ἀλλὰ ποιεῖν: ἀσφαλέστερον γὰρ εἶναι μὴ ἀπιέναι πρὶν ἀφοσιώσασθαι
[61β] ποιήσαντα ποιήματα [καὶ] πιθόμενον τῷ ἐνυπνίῳ. οὕτω δὴ πρῶτον μὲν εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἐποίησα οὗ ἦν ἡ παροῦσα θυσία: μετὰ δὲ τὸν θεόν, ἐννοήσας ὅτι τὸν ποιητὴν δέοι, εἴπερ μέλλοι ποιητὴς εἶναι, ποιεῖν μύθους ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λόγους, καὶ αὐτὸς οὐκ ἦ μυθολογικός, διὰ ταῦτα δὴ οὓς προχείρους εἶχον μύθους καὶ ἠπιστάμην τοὺς Αἰσώπου, τούτων ἐποίησα οἷς πρώτοις ἐνέτυχον. ταῦτα οὖν, ὦ Κέβης, Εὐήνῳ φράζε, καὶ ἐρρῶσθαι καί, ἂν σωφρονῇ, ἐμὲ διώκειν ὡς τάχιστα.
[60e] for I knew that would not be easy, but because I wished to test the meaning of certain dreams, and to make sure that I was neglecting no duty in case their repeated commands meant that I must cultivate the Muses in this way. They were something like this. The same dream came to me often in my past life, sometimes in one form and sometimes in another, but always saying the same thing: 'Socrates,' it said, 'make music and work at it.' And I formerly thought it was urging and encouraging me
[61a] to do what I was doing already and that just as people encourage runners by cheering, so the dream was encouraging me to do what I was doing, that is, to make music, because philosophy was the greatest kind of music and I was working at that. But now, after the trial and while the festival of the god delayed my execution, I thought, in case the repeated dream really meant to tell me to make this which is ordinarily called music, I ought to do so and not to disobey. For I thought it was safer not to go hence
[61b] before making sure that I had done what I ought, by obeying the dream and composing verses. So first I composed a hymn to the god whose festival it was; and after the god, considering that a poet, if he is really to be a poet, must compose myths and not speeches, since I was not a maker of myths, I took the myths of Aesop, which I had at hand and knew, and turned into verse the first I came upon. So tell Evenus that, Cebes, and bid him farewell, and tell him, if he is wise, to come after me as quickly as he can.
"εἰ μή τις δύναιτο ἀσφαλέστερον καὶ ἀκινδυνότερον ἐπὶ βεβαιοτέρου ὀχήματος"
[85ξ] ἀπορῶ, καὶ αὖ ὅδε, ᾗ οὐκ ἀποδέχεται τὰ εἰρημένα. ἐμοὶ γὰρ δοκεῖ, ὦ Σώκρατες, περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἴσως ὥσπερ καὶ σοὶ τὸ μὲν σαφὲς εἰδέναι ἐν τῷ νῦν βίῳ ἢ ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἢ παγχάλεπόν τι, τὸ μέντοι αὖ τὰ λεγόμενα περὶ αὐτῶν μὴ οὐχὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ ἐλέγχειν καὶ μὴ προαφίστασθαι πρὶν ἂν πανταχῇ σκοπῶν ἀπείπῃ τις, πάνυ μαλθακοῦ εἶναι ἀνδρός: δεῖν γὰρ περὶ αὐτὰ ἕν γέ τι τούτων διαπράξασθαι, ἢ μαθεῖν ὅπῃ ἔχει ἢ εὑρεῖν ἤ, εἰ ταῦτα ἀδύνατον, τὸν γοῦν βέλτιστον τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων λόγων λαβόντα καὶ δυσεξελεγκτότατον,
[85δ] ἐπὶ τούτου ὀχούμενον ὥσπερ ἐπὶ σχεδίας κινδυνεύοντα διαπλεῦσαι τὸν βίον, εἰ μή τις δύναιτο ἀσφαλέστερον καὶ ἀκινδυνότερον ἐπὶ βεβαιοτέρου ὀχήματος, [ἢ] λόγου θείου τινός, διαπορευθῆναι. καὶ δὴ καὶ νῦν ἔγωγε οὐκ ἐπαισχυνθήσομαι ἐρέσθαι, ἐπειδὴ καὶ σὺ ταῦτα λέγεις, οὐδ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν αἰτιάσομαι ἐν ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ὅτι νῦν οὐκ εἶπον ἅ μοι δοκεῖ. ἐμοὶ γάρ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐπειδὴ καὶ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν καὶ πρὸς τόνδε σκοπῶ τὰ εἰρημένα, οὐ πάνυ φαίνεται ἱκανῶς εἰρῆσθαι.
[85c] “I will tell you my difficulty, and then Cebes in turn will say why he does not agree to all you have said. I think, Socrates, as perhaps you do yourself, that it is either impossible or very difficult to acquire clear knowledge about these matters in this life. And yet he is a weakling who does not test in every way what is said about them and persevere until he is worn out by studying them on every side. For he must do one of two things; either he must learn or discover the truth about these matters, or if that is impossible, he must take whatever human doctrine is best
[85d] and hardest to disprove and, embarking upon it as upon a raft, sail upon it through life in the midst of dangers, unless he can sail upon some stronger vessel, some divine revelation, and make his voyage more safely and securely. And so now I am not ashamed to ask questions, since you encourage me to do so, and I shall not have to blame myself hereafter for not saying now what I think. For, Socrates, when I examine what has been said, either alone or with Cebes, it does not seem quite satisfactory.”
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀσφαλές.
[61δ] Σωκράτης
φέρε δὴ πρότερον: ἆρα πᾶσαν ἡδονὴν πάσῃ φρονήσει μειγνύντες τοῦ καλῶς ἂν μάλιστα ἐπιτύχοιμεν;
Πρώταρχος
ἴσως.
Σωκράτης
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀσφαλές. ᾗ δὲ ἀκινδυνότερον ἂν μειγνύοιμεν, δόξαν μοι δοκῶ τινα ἀποφήνασθαι ἄν.
Πρώταρχος
λέγε τίνα.
Σωκράτης
ἦν ἡμῖν ἡδονή τε ἀληθῶς, ὡς οἰόμεθα, μᾶλλον ἑτέρας ἄλλη καὶ δὴ καὶ τέχνη τέχνης ἀκριβεστέρα;
Πρώταρχος
πῶς γὰρ οὔ;
Σωκράτης
καὶ ἐπιστήμη δὴ ἐπιστήμης διάφορος, ἡ μὲν ἐπὶ
[61d] Socrates
Before we make the mixture, tell me: should we be most likely to succeed by mixing all pleasure with all wisdom?
Protarchus
Perhaps.
Socrates
But that is not safe; and I think I can offer a plan by which we can make our mixture with less risk.
Protarchus
What is it?
Socrates
We found, I believe, that one pleasure was greater than another and one art more exact than another?
Protarchus
Certainly.
Socrates
And knowledge was of two kinds, one turning its eyes towards transitory things,
πολύ τι διαφέρει πρός γε ἀσφάλειαν πρώτας τὰς ἀληθεῖς ἀφεῖναι
[62ε] τῶν ἡδονῶν.
Πρώταρχος
ἀληθέστατα λέγεις.
Σωκράτης
ὥρα δὴ βουλεύεσθαι νῷν καὶ περὶ τῶν ἡδονῶν, πότερα καὶ ταύτας πάσας ἁθρόας ἀφετέον ἢ καὶ τούτων πρώτας μεθετέον ἡμῖν ὅσαι ἀληθεῖς.
Πρώταρχος
πολύ τι διαφέρει πρός γε ἀσφάλειαν πρώτας τὰς ἀληθεῖς ἀφεῖναι.
Σωκράτης
μεθείσθων δή. τί δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα; ἆρ᾽ οὐκ εἰ μέν τινες ἀναγκαῖαι, καθάπερ ἐκεῖ, συμμεικτέον καὶ ταύτας;
Πρώταρχος
τί δ᾽ οὔ; τάς γε ἀναγκαίας δήπουθεν.
[62e] we let all kinds of knowledge in together before pleasure.
Protarchus
Very true.
Socrates
So now it is time for us to consider about pleasures also, whether these, too, shall be all let loose together, or we shall let only the true ones loose at first.
Protarchus
It is much safer to let loose the true first.
Socrates
We will let them loose, then. But what next? If there are any necessary pleasures, as there were kinds of knowledge, must we not mix them with the true?
Protarchus
Of course; the necessary pleasures must certainly be added.
μιμούμενος τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἀσφαλῶς τε καὶ ἐμφρόνως πράττοντα
[396ξ] κἀγαθός, ὁπότε τι δέοι αὐτὸν λέγειν, καὶ ἕτερον αὖ ἀνόμοιον τούτῳ εἶδος, οὗ ἂν ἔχοιτο ἀεὶ καὶ ἐν ᾧ διηγοῖτο ὁ ἐναντίως ἐκείνῳ φύς τε καὶ τραφείς.
ποῖα δή, ἔφη, ταῦτα;
ὁ μέν μοι δοκεῖ, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, μέτριος ἀνήρ, ἐπειδὰν ἀφίκηται ἐν τῇ διηγήσει ἐπὶ λέξιν τινὰ ἢ πρᾶξιν ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ, ἐθελήσειν ὡς αὐτὸς ὢν ἐκεῖνος ἀπαγγέλλειν καὶ οὐκ αἰσχυνεῖσθαι ἐπὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ μιμήσει, μάλιστα μὲν μιμούμενος
[396δ] τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἀσφαλῶς τε καὶ ἐμφρόνως πράττοντα, ἐλάττω δὲ καὶ ἧττον ἢ ὑπὸ νόσων ἢ ὑπὸ ἐρώτων ἐσφαλμένον ἢ καὶ ὑπὸ μέθης ἤ τινος ἄλλης συμφορᾶς: ὅταν δὲ γίγνηται κατά τινα ἑαυτοῦ ἀνάξιον, οὐκ ἐθελήσειν σπουδῇ ἀπεικάζειν ἑαυτὸν τῷ χείρονι, εἰ μὴ ἄρα κατὰ βραχύ, ὅταν τι χρηστὸν ποιῇ, ἀλλ᾽ αἰσχυνεῖσθαι, ἅμα μὲν ἀγύμναστος ὢν τοῦ μιμεῖσθαι τοὺς τοιούτους, ἅμα δὲ καὶ δυσχεραίνων αὑτὸν ἐκμάττειν τε καὶ
[396c] the really good and true man would narrate anything that he had to say, and another form unlike this to which the man of the opposite birth and breeding would cleave and which he would tell his story.” “What are these forms?” he said. “A man of the right sort, I think, when he comes in the course of his narrative to some word or act of a good man will be willing to impersonate the other in reporting it, and will feel no shame at that kind of mimicry, by preference imitating the good man
[396d] when he acts steadfastly and sensibly, and less and more reluctantly when he is upset by sickness or love or drunkenness or any other mishap. But when he comes to someone unworthy of himself, he will not wish to liken himself in earnest to one who is inferior, except in the few cases where he is doing something good, but will be embarrassed both because he is unpractised in the mimicry of such characters, and also because he shrinks in distaste from molding and fitting himself the types of baser things.
φίλων τἀληθῆ εἰδότα λέγειν ἀσφαλὲς καὶ θαρραλέον
[450δ] διὸ δὴ καὶ ὄκνος τις αὐτῶν ἅπτεσθαι, μὴ εὐχὴ δοκῇ εἶναι ὁ λόγος, ὦ φίλε ἑταῖρε.
μηδέν, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, ὄκνει: οὔτε γὰρ ἀγνώμονες οὔτε ἄπιστοι οὔτε δύσνοι οἱ ἀκουσόμενοι.
καὶ ἐγὼ εἶπον: ὦ ἄριστε, ἦ που βουλόμενός με παραθαρρύνειν λέγεις;
ἔγωγ᾽, ἔφη.
πᾶν τοίνυν, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, τοὐναντίον ποιεῖς. πιστεύοντος μὲν γὰρ ἐμοῦ ἐμοὶ εἰδέναι ἃ λέγω, καλῶς εἶχεν ἡ παραμυθία: ἐν γὰρ φρονίμοις τε καὶ φίλοις περὶ τῶν μεγίστων τε καὶ
[450ε] φίλων τἀληθῆ εἰδότα λέγειν ἀσφαλὲς καὶ θαρραλέον, ἀπιστοῦντα δὲ καὶ ζητοῦντα ἅμα τοὺς λόγους ποιεῖσθαι, ὃ δὴ
[451α] ἐγὼ δρῶ, φοβερόν τε καὶ σφαλερόν, οὔ τι γέλωτα ὀφλεῖν— παιδικὸν γὰρ τοῦτό γε—ἀλλὰ μὴ σφαλεὶς τῆς ἀληθείας οὐ μόνον αὐτὸς ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς φίλους συνεπισπασάμενος κείσομαι περὶ ἃ ἥκιστα δεῖ σφάλλεσθαι. προσκυνῶ δὲ Ἀδράστειαν, ὦ Γλαύκων, χάριν οὗ μέλλω λέγειν: ἐλπίζω γὰρ οὖν ἔλαττον ἁμάρτημα ἀκουσίως τινὸς φονέα γενέσθαι ἢ ἀπατεῶνα καλῶν τε καὶ ἀγαθῶν καὶ δικαίων νομίμων πέρι. τοῦτο οὖν τὸ κινδύνευμα κινδυνεύειν ἐν ἐχθροῖς κρεῖττον ἢ
[450d] For which reason one as it were, shrinks from touching on the matter lest the theory be regarded as nothing but a ‘wish-thought,’ my dear friend.” “Do not shrink,” he said, “for your hearers will not be inconsiderate nor distrustful nor hostile.” And I said, “My good fellow, is that remark intended to encourage me?” “It is,” he said. “Well, then,” said I, “it has just the contrary effect. For, if I were confident that I was speaking with knowledge, it would be an excellent encouragement.
[450e] For there is both safety and security in speaking the truth with knowledge about our greatest and dearest concerns to those who are both wise and dear. But to speak when one doubts himself and is seeking while he talks is
[451a] a fearful and slippery venture. The fear is not of being laughed at, for that is childish, but, lest, missing the truth, I fall down and drag my friends with me in matters where it most imports not to stumble. So I salute Nemesis, Glaucon, in what I am about to say. For, indeed, I believe that involuntary homicide is a lesser fault than to mislead opinion about the honorable, the good, and the just. This is a risk that it is better to run with enemies
προσμηχανᾶσθαι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀσφάλειαν (467c) / ἀσφαλέστατα, ἄν τι δέῃ, σωθήσονται μετὰ πρεσβυτέρων ἡγεμόνων (467e, Z. 6)
[467ξ] ἀλλὰ σμικρὸν οἴει διαφέρειν καὶ οὐκ ἄξιον κινδύνου θεωρεῖν ἢ μὴ τὰ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον παῖδας τοὺς ἄνδρας πολεμικοὺς ἐσομένους;
οὔκ, ἀλλὰ διαφέρει πρὸς ὃ λέγεις.
τοῦτο μὲν ἄρα ὑπαρκτέον, θεωροὺς πολέμου τοὺς παῖδας ποιεῖν, προσμηχανᾶσθαι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀσφάλειαν, καὶ καλῶς ἕξει: ἦ γάρ;
ναί.
οὐκοῦν, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῶν οἱ πατέρες, ὅσα ἄνθρωποι, οὐκ ἀμαθεῖς ἔσονται ἀλλὰ γνωμονικοὶ τῶν
[467δ] στρατειῶν ὅσαι τε καὶ μὴ ἐπικίνδυνοι;
εἰκός, ἔφη.
εἰς μὲν ἄρα τὰς ἄξουσιν, εἰς δὲ τὰς εὐλαβήσονται.
ὀρθῶς.
καὶ ἄρχοντάς γέ που, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, οὐ τοὺς φαυλοτάτους αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήσουσιν ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἐμπειρίᾳ τε καὶ ἡλικίᾳ ἱκανοὺς ἡγεμόνας τε καὶ παιδαγωγοὺς εἶναι.
πρέπει γάρ.
ἀλλὰ γάρ, φήσομεν, καὶ παρὰ δόξαν πολλὰ πολλοῖς δὴ ἐγένετο.
καὶ μάλα.
πρὸς τοίνυν τὰ τοιαῦτα, ὦ φίλε, πτεροῦν χρὴ παιδία ὄντα εὐθύς, ἵν᾽, ἄν τι δέῃ, πετόμενοι ἀποφεύγωσιν.
[467ε] πῶς λέγεις; ἔφη.
ἐπὶ τοὺς ἵππους, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, ἀναβιβαστέον ὡς νεωτάτους, καὶ διδαξαμένους ἱππεύειν ἐφ᾽ ἵππων ἀκτέον ἐπὶ τὴν θέαν, μὴ θυμοειδῶν μηδὲ μαχητικῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ποδωκεστάτων καὶ εὐηνιωτάτων. οὕτω γὰρ κάλλιστά τε θεάσονται τὸ αὑτῶν ἔργον, καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα, ἄν τι δέῃ, σωθήσονται μετὰ πρεσβυτέρων ἡγεμόνων ἑπόμενοι.
ὀρθῶς, ἔφη, μοι δοκεῖς λέγειν.
[467c] “Clearly.” “Do you think it makes a slight difference and not worth some risk whether men who are to be warriors do or do not observe war as boys?” “No, it makes a great difference for the purpose of which you speak.” “Starting, then, from this assumption that we are to make the boys spectators of war, we must further contrive (1) security for them and all will be well, will it not?” “Yes.” “To begin with, then,” said I, “will not the fathers be, humanly speaking, not ignorant of war
[467d] and shrewd judges of which campaigns are hazardous and which not?” “Presumably,” he said. “They will take the boys with them to the one and avoid the others?” “Rightly.” “And for officers, I presume,” said I, “they will put in charge of them not those who are good for nothing else but men who by age and experience are qualified to serve at once as leaders and as caretakers of children.” “Yes, that would be the proper way.” “Still, we may object, it is the unexpected that happens to many in many cases.” “Yes, indeed.” “To provide against such chances, then, we must wing the children from the start so that if need arises they may fly away and escape.”
[467e] “What do you mean?” he said. “We must mount them when very young,” said I, “and first have them taught to ride, and then conduct them to the scene of war, not on mettlesome war-steeds, but on the swiftest and gentlest horses possible; for thus they will have the best view of their own future business and also, if need arises, will most securely escape to safety in the train of elder guides.” “I think you are right,” he said.
ἐάν που ἀσφαλὲς ᾖ, προσακτέον ἐγγὺς καὶ γευστέον αἵματος
[537α] μαθήμασιν ἀλλὰ παίζοντας τρέφε, ἵνα καὶ μᾶλλον οἷός τ᾽ ᾖς καθορᾶν ἐφ᾽ ὃ ἕκαστος πέφυκεν.
ἔχει ὃ λέγεις, ἔφη, λόγον.
οὐκοῦν μνημονεύεις, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, ὅτι καὶ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἔφαμεν τοὺς παῖδας εἶναι ἀκτέον ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων θεωρούς, καὶ ἐάν που ἀσφαλὲς ᾖ, προσακτέον ἐγγὺς καὶ γευστέον αἵματος, ὥσπερ τοὺς σκύλακας;
μέμνημαι, ἔφη.
ἐν πᾶσι δὴ τούτοις, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, τοῖς τε πόνοις καὶ μαθήμασι καὶ φόβοις ὃς ἂν ἐντρεχέστατος ἀεὶ φαίνηται, εἰς ἀριθμόν τινα ἐγκριτέον.
[537a] but by play.(1) That will also better enable you to discern the natural capacities of each.” “There is reason in that,” he said. “And do you not remember,” I said, “that we also declared (2) that we must conduct the children to war on horseback to be spectators, and wherever it may be safe, bring them to the front and give them a taste of blood as we do with whelps?” “I do remember.” “And those who as time goes on show the most facility in all these toils and studies and alarms are to be selected and enrolled on a list.(3)”
(1) Cf. 424 E-425 A, Laws 819 B-C, 643 B-D, 797 A-B, Polit. 308 D. Cf. the naive statement in Colvin And Bagley, Human Behavior, p. 41: “The discovery [sic !] by Karl Groos that play was actually a preparation for the business of later life was almost revolutionary from the standpoint of educational theory and practice.”
(2) Cf. 467, vol. I. pp. 485-487.
(3) ἐγκριτέον cf. 413 D, 377 C, 486 D, Laws 802 B, 820 D, 936 A, 952 A.
λεπτουργεῖν οὐκ ἀσφαλές, διὰ μέσων δὲ ἀσφαλέστερον ἰέναι τέμνοντας
[262β] ἀφαιρῶμεν, μηδὲ εἴδους χωρίς: ἀλλὰ τὸ μέρος ἅμα εἶδος ἐχέτω. κάλλιστον μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων εὐθὺς διαχωρίζειν τὸ ζητούμενον, ἂν ὀρθῶς ἔχῃ, καθάπερ ὀλίγον σὺ πρότερον οἰηθεὶς ἔχειν τὴν διαίρεσιν ἐπέσπευσας τὸν λόγον, ἰδὼν ἐπ᾽ ἀνθρώπους πορευόμενον: ἀλλὰ γάρ, ὦ φίλε, λεπτουργεῖν οὐκ ἀσφαλές, διὰ μέσων δὲ ἀσφαλέστερον ἰέναι τέμνοντας, καὶ μᾶλλον ἰδέαις ἄν τις προστυγχάνοι. τοῦτο δὲ διαφέρει τὸ
[262ξ] πᾶν πρὸς τὰς ζητήσεις.
Νεώτερος Σωκράτης
πῶς, ὦ ξένε, λέγεις τοῦτο;
Ξένος
πειρατέον ἔτι σαφέστερον φράζειν εὐνοίᾳ τῆς σῆς φύσεως, ὦ Σώκρατες. ἐν τῷ μὲν οὖν παρεστηκότι τὰ νῦν δηλῶσαι μηδὲν ἐνδεῶς ἀδύνατον: ἐπιχειρητέον δέ τι καὶ σμικρῷ πλέον αὐτὸ προαγαγεῖν εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν σαφηνείας ἕνεκα.
[262b] On the contrary, the part must be also a species. It is a very fine thing to separate the object of our search at once from everything else, if the separation can be made correctly, and so, just now, you thought you had the right division and you hurried our discussion along, because you saw that it was leading towards man. But, my friend, it is not safe to whittle off shavings; it is safer to proceed by cutting through the middle, and in that way one is more likely to find classes.
[262c] This makes all the difference in the conduct of research.
Younger Socrates
What do you mean by that, Stranger?
Stranger
I must try to speak still more clearly, Socrates, out of regard for your capacity. Just at present it is impossible to make the matter entirely plain, but I will try to lay it before you a little more fully for the sake of clearness.
ἀσφαλές σοι ὠνεῖσθαι μαθήματα καὶ παρὰ Πρωταγόρου καὶ παρ᾽ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν
[313δ] ἔμπορός τε καὶ κάπηλος. καὶ γὰρ οὗτοί που ὧν ἄγουσιν ἀγωγίμων οὔτε αὐτοὶ ἴσασιν ὅτι χρηστὸν ἢ πονηρὸν περὶ τὸ σῶμα, ἐπαινοῦσιν δὲ πάντα πωλοῦντες, οὔτε οἱ ὠνούμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἐὰν μή τις τύχῃ γυμναστικὸς ἢ ἰατρὸς ὤν. οὕτω δὲ καὶ οἱ τὰ μαθήματα περιάγοντες κατὰ τὰς πόλεις καὶ πωλοῦντες καὶ καπηλεύοντες τῷ ἀεὶ ἐπιθυμοῦντι ἐπαινοῦσιν μὲν πάντα ἃ πωλοῦσιν, τάχα δ᾽ ἄν τινες, ὦ ἄριστε, καὶ τούτων ἀγνοοῖεν ὧν πωλοῦσιν ὅτι χρηστὸν ἢ πονηρὸν
[313ε] πρὸς τὴν ψυχήν: ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως καὶ οἱ ὠνούμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἐὰν μή τις τύχῃ περὶ τὴν ψυχὴν αὖ ἰατρικὸς ὤν. εἰ μὲν οὖν σὺ τυγχάνεις ἐπιστήμων τούτων τί χρηστὸν καὶ πονηρόν, ἀσφαλές σοι ὠνεῖσθαι μαθήματα καὶ παρὰ Πρωταγόρου καὶ παρ᾽ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν: εἰ δὲ μή, ὅρα, ὦ μακάριε,
[314α] μὴ περὶ τοῖς φιλτάτοις κυβεύῃς τε καὶ κινδυνεύῃς. καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ πολὺ μείζων κίνδυνος ἐν τῇ τῶν μαθημάτων ὠνῇ ἢ ἐν τῇ τῶν σιτίων. σιτία μὲν γὰρ καὶ ποτὰ πριάμενον παρὰ τοῦ καπήλου καὶ ἐμπόρου ἔξεστιν ἐν ἄλλοις ἀγγείοις ἀποφέρειν, καὶ πρὶν δέξασθαι αὐτὰ εἰς τὸ σῶμα πιόντα ἢ φαγόντα, καταθέμενον οἴκαδε ἔξεστιν συμβουλεύσασθαι, παρακαλέσαντα τὸν ἐπαΐοντα, ὅτι τε ἐδεστέον ἢ ποτέον καὶ ὅτι μή, καὶ ὁπόσον καὶ ὁπότε: ὥστε ἐν τῇ ὠνῇ οὐ μέγας ὁ
[313d] For among the provisions, you know, in which these men deal, not only are they themselves ignorant what is good or bad for the body, since in selling they commend them all, but the people who buy from them are so too, unless one happens to be a trainer or a doctor. And in the same way, those who take their doctrines the round of our cities, hawking them about to any odd purchaser who desires them, commend everything that they sell, and there may well be some of these too, my good sir, who are ignorant which of their wares is
[313e] good or bad for the soul; and in just the same case are the people who buy from them, unless one happens to have a doctor's knowledge here also, but of the soul. So then, if you are well informed as to what is good or bad among these wares, it will be safe for you to buy doctrines from Protagoras or from anyone else you please: but if not, take care, my dear fellow, that you do not risk your greatest treasure on a toss of the dice.
[314a] For I tell you there is far more serious risk in the purchase of doctrines than in that of eatables. When you buy victuals and liquors you can carry them off from the dealer or merchant in separate vessels, and before you take them into your body by drinking or eating you can lay them in your house and take the advice of an expert whom you can call in, as to what is fit to eat or drink and what is not, and how much you should take and when; so that in this purchase the risk is not serious.
μοι δοκεῖ οὐ μόνον πρὸς τὴν νῦν ἀπόκρισιν ἐμοὶ ἀσφαλέστερον εἶναι ἀποκρίνασθαι
[351δ] εἰ ἐμοὶ ἀποκριτέον ἐστὶν ὡς τὰ ἡδέα τε ἀγαθά ἐστιν ἅπαντα καὶ τὰ ἀνιαρὰ κακά: ἀλλά μοι δοκεῖ οὐ μόνον πρὸς τὴν νῦν ἀπόκρισιν ἐμοὶ ἀσφαλέστερον εἶναι ἀποκρίνασθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς πάντα τὸν ἄλλον βίον τὸν ἐμόν, ὅτι ἔστι μὲν ἃ τῶν ἡδέων οὐκ ἔστιν ἀγαθά, ἔστι δ᾽ αὖ καὶ ἃ τῶν ἀνιαρῶν οὐκ ἔστι κακά, ἔστι δ᾽ ἃ ἔστι, καὶ τρίτον ἃ οὐδέτερα, οὔτε κακὰ οὔτ᾽ ἀγαθά.
ἡδέα δὲ καλεῖς, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, οὐ τὰ ἡδονῆς
[351ε] μετέχοντα ἢ ποιοῦντα ἡδονήν;
πάνυ γ᾽, ἔφη.
τοῦτο τοίνυν λέγω, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἡδέα ἐστίν, εἰ οὐκ ἀγαθά, τὴν ἡδονὴν αὐτὴν ἐρωτῶν εἰ οὐκ ἀγαθόν ἐστιν.
ὥσπερ σὺ λέγεις, ἔφη, ἑκάστοτε, ὦ Σώκρατες, σκοπώμεθα αὐτό, καὶ ἐὰν μὲν πρὸς λόγον δοκῇ εἶναι τὸ σκέμμα καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ φαίνηται ἡδύ τε καὶ ἀγαθόν, συγχωρησόμεθα: εἰ δὲ μή, τότε ἤδη ἀμφισβητήσομεν.
πότερον οὖν, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, σὺ βούλει ἡγεμονεύειν τῆς σκέψεως, ἢ ἐγὼ ἡγῶμαι;
δίκαιος, ἔφη, σὺ ἡγεῖσθαι: σὺ γὰρ καὶ κατάρχεις τοῦ λόγου.
[351d] that all pleasant things are good and painful things bad: I rather think it safer for me to reply, with a view not merely to my present answer but to all the rest of my life, that some pleasant things are not good, and also that some painful things are not bad, and some are, while a third class of them are indifferent—neither bad nor good.
You call pleasant, do you not, I asked, things that partake of pleasure or
[351e] cause pleasure?
Certainly, he said.
So when I put it to you, whether things are not good in so far as they are pleasant, I am asking whether pleasure itself is not a good thing.
Let us examine the matter, Socrates, he said, in the form in which you put it at each point, and if the proposition seems to be reasonable, and pleasant and good are found to be the same, we shall agree upon it; if not, we shall dispute it there and then.
And would you like, I asked, to be leader in the inquiry, or am I to lead?
You ought to lead, he replied, since you are the inaugurator of this discussion.
Well then,
τὸν δὲ ἀσφαλῆ δεῖ πάντων μάλιστα περὶ τὰς ὁμοιότητας ἀεὶ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν φυλακήν
[231α] φήσομεν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ φοβοῦμαι σοφιστὰς φάναι.
Θεαίτητος
τί δή;
Ξένος
μὴ μεῖζον αὐτοῖς προσάπτωμεν γέρας.
Θεαίτητος
ἀλλὰ μὴν προσέοικέ γε τοιούτῳ τινὶ τὰ νῦν εἰρημένα.
Ξένος
καὶ γὰρ κυνὶ λύκος, ἀγριώτατον ἡμερωτάτῳ. τὸν δὲ ἀσφαλῆ δεῖ πάντων μάλιστα περὶ τὰς ὁμοιότητας ἀεὶ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν φυλακήν: ὀλισθηρότατον γὰρ τὸ γένος. ὅμως δὲ ἔστω: οὐ γὰρ περὶ σμικρῶν ὅρων τὴν ἀμφισβήτησιν οἴομαι
[231a] I am afraid to say the sophists.
Theaetetus: Why so?
Stranger: Lest we grant them too high a meed of honor.
Theaetetus: But the description you have just given is very like someone of that sort.
Stranger: Yes, and a wolf is very like a dog, the wildest like the tamest of animals. But the cautious man must be especially on his guard in the matter of resemblances, for they are very slippery things. However, let us agree that they are the sophists; for I think the strife will not be about petty discriminations
συμπλέκειν ἀσφαλέστατον ἀμφότερα καὶ λέγειν ὡς τὸ ὂν πολλά τε καὶ ἕν ἐστιν
[242δ] ἐνίοτε αὐτῶν ἄττα πῃ, τοτὲ δὲ καὶ φίλα γιγνόμενα γάμους τε καὶ τόκους καὶ τροφὰς τῶν ἐκγόνων παρέχεται: δύο δὲ ἕτερος εἰπών, ὑγρὸν καὶ ξηρὸν ἢ θερμὸν καὶ ψυχρόν, συνοικίζει τε αὐτὰ καὶ ἐκδίδωσι: τὸ δὲ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν Ἐλεατικὸν ἔθνος, ἀπὸ Ξενοφάνους τε καὶ ἔτι πρόσθεν ἀρξάμενον, ὡς ἑνὸς ὄντος τῶν πάντων καλουμένων οὕτω διεξέρχεται τοῖς μύθοις. Ἰάδες δὲ καὶ Σικελαί τινες ὕστερον Μοῦσαι συνενόησαν ὅτι συμπλέκειν
[242ε] ἀσφαλέστατον ἀμφότερα καὶ λέγειν ὡς τὸ ὂν πολλά τε καὶ ἕν ἐστιν, ἔχθρᾳ δὲ καὶ φιλίᾳ συνέχεται. διαφερόμενον γὰρ ἀεὶ συμφέρεται, φασὶν αἱ συντονώτεραι τῶν Μουσῶν: αἱ δὲ μαλακώτεραι τὸ μὲν ἀεὶ ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχειν ἐχάλασαν, ἐν μέρει δὲ τοτὲ μὲν ἓν εἶναί φασι τὸ πᾶν καὶ φίλον ὑπ᾽
[243α] ἀφροδίτης, τοτὲ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ πολέμιον αὐτὸ αὑτῷ διὰ νεῖκός τι. ταῦτα δὲ πάντα εἰ μὲν ἀληθῶς τις ἢ μὴ τούτων εἴρηκε, χαλεπὸν καὶ πλημμελὲς οὕτω μεγάλα κλεινοῖς καὶ παλαιοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπιτιμᾶν: ἐκεῖνο δὲ ἀνεπίφθονον ἀποφήνασθαι—
[242d] become friends and marry and have children and bring them up; and another says there are two, wet and dry or hot and cold, which he settles together and unites in marriage.(1) And the Eleatic sect in our region, beginning with Xenophanes and even earlier, have their story that all things, as they are called, are really one. Then some Ionian (2) and later some Sicilian (3) Muses reflected
[242e] that it was safest to combine the two tales and to say that being is many and one, and is (or are) held together by enmity and friendship. For the more strenuous Muses say it is always simultaneously coming together and separating; but the gentler ones relaxed the strictness of the doctrine of perpetual strife; they say that the all is sometimes one and friendly, under the influence of Aphrodite,
[243a] and sometimes many and at variance with itself by reason of some sort of strife. Now whether any of them spoke the truth in all this, or not, it is harsh and improper to impute to famous men of old such a great wrong as falsehood. But one assertion can be made without offence.
1 This refers apparently to Pherecydes and the early lonians.
2 Heracleitus and his followers.
3 Empedocles and his disciples.
"Γαῖ᾽ εὐρύστερνος, πάντων ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεί"
[178β] εἶναι τὸν θεὸν τίμιον, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, τεκμήριον δὲ τούτου: γονῆς γὰρ Ἔρωτος οὔτ᾽ εἰσὶν οὔτε λέγονται ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς οὔτε ἰδιώτου οὔτε ποιητοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ Ἡσίοδος πρῶτον μὲν Χάος φησὶ γενέσθαι—“. . . αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα
Γαῖ᾽ εὐρύστερνος, πάντων ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεί,
ἠδ᾽ Ἔρος . . .
”Ἡσιόδῳ δὲ καὶ Ἀκουσίλεως σύμφησιν μετὰ τὸ Χάος δύο τούτω γενέσθαι, Γῆν τε καὶ ἔρωτα. Παρμενίδης δὲ τὴν γένεσιν λέγει—“πρώτιστον μὲν ἔρωτα θεῶν μητίσατο πάντων.
(Hes. Theog. 116)
[178b] “Of the most venerable are the honors of this god, and the proof of it is this: parents of Love there are none, nor are any recorded in either prose or verse. Hesiod says that Chaos came first into being—“and thereafter rose
Broad-breasted Earth, sure seat of all for aye,
And Love.
”(1)
Acusilaus (2) also agrees with Hesiod, saying that after Chaos were born these two, Earth and Love. Parmenides says of Birth that she “invented Love before all other gods.
1 Hes. Theog. 116
2 An Argive compiler of genealogies in the first part of the fifth century B.C.
ἀσφαλῶς ἀπῄει καὶ οὗτος καὶ ὁ ἑταῖρος
[221β] Λάχητος τῷ ἔμφρων εἶναι: ἔπειτα ἔμοιγ᾽ ἐδόκει, ὦ Ἀριστόφανες, τὸ σὸν δὴ τοῦτο, καὶ ἐκεῖ διαπορεύεσθαι ὥσπερ καὶ ἐνθάδε, “βρενθυόμενος καὶ τὠφθαλμὼ παραβάλλων”(1) ἠρέμα παρασκοπῶν καὶ τοὺς φιλίους καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, δῆλος ὢν παντὶ καὶ πάνυ πόρρωθεν ὅτι εἴ τις ἅψεται τούτου τοῦ ἀνδρός, μάλα ἐρρωμένως ἀμυνεῖται. διὸ καὶ ἀσφαλῶς ἀπῄει καὶ οὗτος καὶ ὁ ἑταῖρος: σχεδὸν γάρ τι τῶν οὕτω διακειμένων ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ οὐδὲ ἅπτονται, ἀλλὰ τοὺς προτροπάδην
(1) Aristoph. Clouds 362
[221b] and next I felt—to use a phrase of yours, Aristophanes—how there he stepped along, as his wont is in our streets, ““strutting like a proud marsh-goose, with ever a side-long glance,””(1) turning a calm sidelong look on friend and foe alike, and convincing anyone even from afar that whoever cares to touch this person will find he can put up a stout enough defence. The result was that both he and his comrade got away unscathed: for, as a rule, people will not lay a finger on those
(es geht um Sokrates' geistige Gesammeltheit bei der Flucht aus der Schlacht von Delium!)
1 Aristoph. Clouds 362
ὅρα οὖν μή σοι ἀσφαλέστερον ᾖ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων τινὶ παιδεύεσθαι οἳ ἐγκρατεῖς αὐτοί εἰσιν
[130ε] σέ, μᾶλλον ἢ ὁπότε ἄλλοσε ὁρῴην, πολὺ δὲ μάλιστα καὶ πλεῖστον ἐπεδίδουν ὁπότε παρ᾽ αὐτόν σε καθοίμην ἐχόμενός σου καὶ ἁπτόμενος: νῦν δέ,” ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, “πᾶσα ἐκείνη ἡ ἕξις ἐξερρύηκε.”
ἔστιν οὖν, ὦ Θέαγες, τοιαύτη ἡ ἡμετέρα συνουσία: ἐὰν μὲν τῷ θεῷ φίλον ᾖ, πάνυ πολὺ ἐπιδώσεις καὶ ταχύ, εἰ δὲ μή, οὔ. ὅρα οὖν μή σοι ἀσφαλέστερον ᾖ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων τινὶ παιδεύεσθαι οἳ ἐγκρατεῖς αὐτοί εἰσιν τῆς ὠφελίας ἣν ὠφελοῦσιν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους μᾶλλον ἢ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ ὅτι ἂν τύχῃ τοῦτο πρᾶξαι.
[130e] I turned my eyes elsewhere: but my progress was far the greatest and most marked whenever I sat beside you and held and touched you. Now, however,” he said, “that condition has all oozed away.”
Such then, Theages, is the intercourse you would have with me: if God so wills, you will make very great and rapid progress, but otherwise, you will not. Consider, therefore, if it is not safer for you to be educated by one of those persons who have command themselves of the benefit which they bestow on mankind, rather than follow the course on which you may chance with me.
ἀλλ᾽ ἀσφαλέστατα μακρῷ περὶ τούτων τιθεμένους ὧδε λέγειν
[49ξ] ὁρῶμεν, τηκόμενον δὲ καὶ διακρινόμενον αὖ ταὐτὸν τοῦτο πνεῦμα καὶ ἀέρα, συγκαυθέντα δὲ ἀέρα πῦρ, ἀνάπαλιν δὲ συγκριθὲν καὶ κατασβεσθὲν εἰς ἰδέαν τε ἀπιὸν αὖθις ἀέρος πῦρ, καὶ πάλιν ἀέρα συνιόντα καὶ πυκνούμενον νέφος καὶ ὁμίχλην, ἐκ δὲ τούτων ἔτι μᾶλλον συμπιλουμένων ῥέον ὕδωρ, ἐξ ὕδατος δὲ γῆν καὶ λίθους αὖθις, κύκλον τε οὕτω διαδιδόντα εἰς ἄλληλα, ὡς φαίνεται, τὴν γένεσιν. οὕτω δὴ τούτων οὐδέποτε
[49δ] τῶν αὐτῶν ἑκάστων φανταζομένων, ποῖον αὐτῶν ὡς ὂν ὁτιοῦν τοῦτο καὶ οὐκ ἄλλο παγίως διισχυριζόμενος οὐκ αἰσχυνεῖταί τις ἑαυτόν; οὐκ ἔστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀσφαλέστατα μακρῷ περὶ τούτων τιθεμένους ὧδε λέγειν: ἀεὶ ὃ καθορῶμεν ἄλλοτε ἄλλῃ γιγνόμενον, ὡς πῦρ, μὴ τοῦτο ἀλλὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἑκάστοτε προσαγορεύειν πῦρ, μηδὲ ὕδωρ τοῦτο ἀλλὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀεί, μηδὲ ἄλλο ποτὲ μηδὲν ὥς τινα ἔχον βεβαιότητα, ὅσα
[49ε] δεικνύντες τῷ ῥήματι τῷ τόδε καὶ τοῦτο προσχρώμενοι δηλοῦν ἡγούμεθά τι: φεύγει γὰρ οὐχ ὑπομένον τὴν τοῦ τόδε καὶ τοῦτο καὶ τὴν τῷδε καὶ πᾶσαν ὅση μόνιμα ὡς ὄντα αὐτὰ ἐνδείκνυται φάσις. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἕκαστα μὴ λέγειν, τὸ δὲ τοιοῦτον ἀεὶ περιφερόμενον ὅμοιον ἑκάστου πέρι καὶ συμπάντων οὕτω καλεῖν, καὶ δὴ καὶ πῦρ τὸ διὰ παντὸς τοιοῦτον, καὶ ἅπαν ὅσονπερ ἂν ἔχῃ γένεσιν: ἐν ᾧ δὲ ἐγγιγνόμενα ἀεὶ ἕκαστα αὐτῶν φαντάζεται καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖθεν ἀπόλλυται,
[49c] as we believe, stones and earth; and again, this same substance, by dissolving and dilating, becoming breath and air; and air through combustion becoming fire; and conversely, fire when contracted and quenched returning back to the form of air and air once more uniting and condensing into cloud and mist; and issuing from these, when still further compressed, flowing water; and from water earth and stones again: thus we see the elements passing on to one another, as it would seem,
[49d] in an unbroken circle the gift of birth. Accordingly, since no one of these ever remains identical in appearance, which of them shall a man definitely affirm to be any one particular element and no other without incurring ridicule? None such exists. On the contrary, by far the safest plan in treating of these elements is to proceed thus: Whatsoever object we perceive to be constantly changing from one state to another, like fire, that object, be it fire, we must never describe as “this” but as “suchlike,” nor should we ever call water “this” but “suchlike” nor should we describe any other element, as though it possessed stability,
[49e] of all those which we indicate by using the terms “this” and “that” and suppose ourselves to refer to a definite object. For such an object shuns and eludes the names “this” and “that” and every name which indicates that they are stable. Thus we must not call the several elements “these,” but in regard to each of them and all together we must apply the term “suchlike” to represent what is always circling round: thus we shall call that which is constantly “suchlike” by the name of fire, and so with everything else that is generated. But that “wherein” they are always, in appearance,
Z. 1: μακρῷ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν ἀσφαλέστατον εἰπεῖν ὅτι χρυσός / Z. 5: τὸ τοιοῦτον μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας ἐθέλῃ δέχεσθαί τινος, ἀγαπᾶν
[50α] μόνον ἐκεῖνο αὖ προσαγορεύειν τῷ τε τοῦτο καὶ τῷ τόδε προσχρωμένους ὀνόματι, τὸ δὲ ὁποιονοῦν τι, θερμὸν ἢ λευκὸν ἢ καὶ ὁτιοῦν τῶν ἐναντίων, καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἐκ τούτων, μηδὲν ἐκεῖνο αὖ τούτων καλεῖν. ἔτι δὲ σαφέστερον αὐτοῦ πέρι προθυμητέον αὖθις εἰπεῖν. εἰ γὰρ πάντα τις σχήματα πλάσας ἐκ χρυσοῦ μηδὲν μεταπλάττων παύοιτο ἕκαστα εἰς ἅπαντα, δεικνύντος δή τινος αὐτῶν ἓν καὶ ἐρομένου
[50β] τί ποτ᾽ ἐστί, μακρῷ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν ἀσφαλέστατον εἰπεῖν ὅτι χρυσός, τὸ δὲ τρίγωνον ὅσα τε ἄλλα σχήματα ἐνεγίγνετο, μηδέποτε λέγειν ταῦτα ὡς ὄντα, ἅ γε μεταξὺ τιθεμένου μεταπίπτει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐὰν ἄρα καὶ τὸ τοιοῦτον μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας ἐθέλῃ δέχεσθαί τινος, ἀγαπᾶν. ὁ αὐτὸς δὴ λόγος καὶ περὶ τῆς τὰ πάντα δεχομένης σώματα φύσεως. ταὐτὸν αὐτὴν ἀεὶ προσρητέον: ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ἑαυτῆς τὸ παράπαν οὐκ ἐξίσταται δυνάμεως—δέχεταί τε γὰρ ἀεὶ τὰ πάντα, καὶ
[50ξ] μορφὴν οὐδεμίαν ποτὲ οὐδενὶ τῶν εἰσιόντων ὁμοίαν εἴληφεν οὐδαμῇ οὐδαμῶς: ἐκμαγεῖον γὰρ φύσει παντὶ κεῖται, κινούμενόν τε καὶ διασχηματιζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν εἰσιόντων, φαίνεται δὲ δι᾽ ἐκεῖνα ἄλλοτε ἀλλοῖον—τὰ δὲ εἰσιόντα καὶ ἐξιόντα τῶν ὄντων ἀεὶ μιμήματα, τυπωθέντα ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν τρόπον τινὰ δύσφραστον καὶ θαυμαστόν, ὃν εἰς αὖθις μέτιμεν. ἐν δ᾽ οὖν τῷ παρόντι χρὴ γένη διανοηθῆναι τριττά, τὸ μὲν
[50a] coming severally into existence, and “wherefrom” in turn they perish, in describing that and that alone should we employ the terms “this” and “that”; whereas, in describing what is “suchlike”—hot, for instance, or white, or any of the opposite qualities, or any compounds thereof—we ought never to apply to it any of these terms.
But we must bestir ourselves to explain this matter again yet more clearly. Now imagine that a man were to model all possible figures out of gold, and were then to proceed without cessation to remodel each of these into every other, then, if someone were to point to one of the figures and ask what it is,
[50b] by far the safest reply, in point of truth, would be that it is gold; but as for the triangle and all the other figures which were formed in it, one should never describe them as “being” seeing that they change even while one is mentioning them; rather one should be content if the figure admits of even the title “suchlike” being applied to it with any safety. And of the substance which receives all bodies
[50c] the same account must be given. It must be called always by the same name; for from its own proper quality it never departs at all for while it is always receiving all things, nowhere and in no wise does it assume any shape similar to any of the things that enter into it. For it is laid down by nature as a molding-stuff for everything, being moved and marked by the entering figures, and because of them it appears different at different times. And the figures that enter and depart are copies of those that are always existent, being stamped from them in a fashion marvellous and hard to describe, which we shall investigate hereafter.
For the present, then, we must conceive of three kinds,—the Becoming, that “Wherein” it becomes, and the source” Wherefrom” the Becoming
Z. 3: μάλιστα δὲ ἀνάγκη γεγονέναι τοιοῦτον τὸ τὰς βάσεις ἀσφαλεστάτας ἔχον / Z. 4: τριγώνων ὑποτεθέντων ἀσφαλεστέρα κατὰ φύσιν ἡ τῶν ἴσων πλευρῶν τῆς τῶν ἀνίσων
[55δ] ἀπείρους ἡγήσαιτ᾽ ἂν ὄντως ἀπείρου τινὸς εἶναι δόγμα ὧν ἔμπειρον χρεὼν εἶναι, πότερον δὲ ἕνα ἢ πέντε αὐτοὺς ἀληθείᾳ πεφυκότας λέγειν ποτὲ προσήκει, μᾶλλον ἂν ταύτῃ στὰς εἰκότως διαπορήσαι. τὸ μὲν οὖν δὴ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἕνα αὐτὸν κατὰ τὸν εἰκότα λόγον πεφυκότα μηνύει θεόν, ἄλλος δὲ εἰς ἄλλα πῃ βλέψας ἕτερα δοξάσει. καὶ τοῦτον μὲν μεθετέον, τὰ δὲ γεγονότα νῦν τῷ λόγῳ γένη διανείμωμεν εἰς πῦρ καὶ γῆν καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ ἀέρα. γῇ μὲν δὴ τὸ κυβικὸν εἶδος δῶμεν:
[55ε] ἀκινητοτάτη γὰρ τῶν τεττάρων γενῶν γῆ καὶ τῶν σωμάτων πλαστικωτάτη, μάλιστα δὲ ἀνάγκη γεγονέναι τοιοῦτον τὸ τὰς βάσεις ἀσφαλεστάτας ἔχον: βάσις δὲ ἥ τε τῶν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς τριγώνων ὑποτεθέντων ἀσφαλεστέρα κατὰ φύσιν ἡ τῶν ἴσων πλευρῶν τῆς τῶν ἀνίσων, τό τε ἐξ ἑκατέρου συντεθὲν ἐπίπεδον ἰσόπλευρον ἰσοπλεύρου τετράγωνον τριγώνου κατά τε μέρη καὶ καθ᾽ ὅλον στασιμωτέρως ἐξ ἀνάγκης βέβηκεν. διὸ
[56α] γῇ μὲν τοῦτο ἀπονέμοντες τὸν εἰκότα λόγον διασῴζομεν, ὕδατι δ᾽ αὖ τῶν λοιπῶν τὸ δυσκινητότατον εἶδος, τὸ δ᾽ εὐκινητότατον πυρί, τὸ δὲ μέσον ἀέρι: καὶ τὸ μὲν σμικρότατον σῶμα πυρί, τὸ δ᾽ αὖ μέγιστον ὕδατι, τὸ δὲ μέσον ἀέρι: καὶ τὸ μὲν ὀξύτατον αὖ πυρί, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον ἀέρι, τὸ δὲ τρίτον ὕδατι. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν δὴ πάντα, τὸ μὲν ἔχον ὀλιγίστας βάσεις εὐκινητότατον ἀνάγκη πεφυκέναι, τμητικώτατόν τε
[55d] in matters wherein he ought to be versed; but the question whether they ought really to be described as one Universe or five is one which might with more reason give us pause. Now our view declares the Universe to be essentially one, in accordance with the probable account; but another man, considering other facts, will hold a different opinion. Him, however, we must let pass. But as for the Kinds which have now been generated by our argument, let us assign them severally to fire and earth and water and air. To earth let us give the cubic form; for of the four Kinds earth is the most immobile
[55e] and the most plastic body, and of necessity the body which has the most stable bases must be pre-eminently of this character. Now of the triangles we originally assumed, the basis formed by equal sides is of its nature more stable than that formed by unequal sides; and of the plane surfaces which are compounded of these several triangles, the equilateral quadrangle, both in its parts and as a whole, has a more stable base than the equilateral triangle.
[56a] Wherefore, we are preserving the probable account when we assign this figure to earth, and of the remaining figures the least mobile to water, and the most mobile to fire, and the intermediate figure to air; and, further, when we assign the smallest body to fire, and the greatest to water, and the intermediate to air; and again, the first in point of sharpness to fire, the second to air, and the third to water. As regards all these forms, that which has the fewest bases must necessarily be the most mobile,
δεῖν εἶναι στέγασμα τῆς περὶ τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἕνεκα ἀσφαλείας κοῦφον καὶ θέρους χειμῶνός τε ἱκανὸν σκιὰν καὶ σκέπην παρέχειν
[76ξ] εἱλλόμενον κατερριζοῦτο: καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα δὴ τὰ πάθη τὸ τριχῶν γένος ἐν τῷ δέρματι πέφυκεν, συγγενὲς μὲν ἱμαντῶδες ὂν αὐτοῦ, σκληρότερον δὲ καὶ πυκνότερον τῇ πιλήσει τῆς ψύξεως, ἣν ἀποχωριζομένη δέρματος ἑκάστη θρὶξ ψυχθεῖσα συνεπιλήθη. τούτῳ δὴ λασίαν ἡμῶν ἀπηργάσατο τὴν κεφαλὴν ὁ ποιῶν, χρώμενος μὲν αἰτίοις τοῖς εἰρημένοις, διανοούμενος δὲ ἀντὶ σαρκὸς αὐτὸ δεῖν εἶναι στέγασμα τῆς
[76δ] περὶ τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἕνεκα ἀσφαλείας κοῦφον καὶ θέρους χειμῶνός τε ἱκανὸν σκιὰν καὶ σκέπην παρέχειν, εὐαισθησίας δὲ οὐδὲν διακώλυμα ἐμποδὼν γενησόμενον. τὸ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ περὶ τοὺς δακτύλους καταπλοκῇ τοῦ νεύρου καὶ τοῦ δέρματος ὀστοῦ τε, συμμειχθὲν ἐκ τριῶν, ἀποξηρανθὲν ἓν κοινὸν συμπάντων σκληρὸν γέγονεν δέρμα, τοῖς μὲν συναιτίοις τούτοις δημιουργηθέν, τῇ δὲ αἰτιωτάτῃ διανοίᾳ τῶν ἔπειτα ἐσομένων ἕνεκα εἰργασμένον. ὡς γάρ ποτε ἐξ ἀνδρῶν γυναῖκες καὶ τἆλλα
[76c] Such, then, were the processes by which hair grew in the skin, it being a cord-like species akin to the skin but harder and denser owing to the constriction of the cold, whereby each hair as it separated off from the skin was chilled and constricted. Making use, then, of the causes mentioned our Maker fashioned the head shaggy with hair, purposing that, in place of flesh, the hair should serve as a light roofing for the part about the brain for safety's sake,
[76d] providing a sufficient shade and screen alike in summer and in winter, while proving no obstacle in the way of easy perception.
And at the place in the fingers where sinew and skin and bone were interlaced there was formed a material blended of these three; and this when it was dried off became a single hard skin compounded of them all and whereas these were the auxiliary causes whereby it was fashioned, it was wrought by the greatest of causes, divine Purpose, for the sake of what should come to pass hereafter. For those who were constructing us knew that out of men women should one day spring
"σφαλερωτέραν αὑτῷ πεποίηκεν" vs. " ὁ μὲν ἐπιθυμεῖ δόξης, οἱ δ᾽ ἀσφαλείας"
[9] ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτὴν οὗτος τοῖς πολέμοις καὶ ταῖς στρατείαις καὶ πᾶσιν οἷς ἄν τις αὐτὸν μέγαν εἶναι νομίσειε, σφαλερωτέραν αὑτῷ πεποίηκεν. μὴ γὰρ οἴεσθ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῖς αὐτοῖς χαίρειν Φίλιππόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἀρχομένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐννοεῖσθ᾽ ὡς ὁ μὲν ἐπιθυμεῖ δόξης, οἱ δ᾽ ἀσφαλείας, καὶ αὐτῷ μὲν οὐκ ἔστι τυχεῖν ταύτης ἀκινδύνως, οἱ δ᾽ οὐδὲν δέονται, καταλείποντες οἴκοι τέκνα, γονεῖς, γυναῖκας, φθείρεσθαι καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν κινδυνεύειν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ.
[9] and Philip, by his wars and his campaigns and by all those activities to which his greatness might be attributed, has really made it a less trusty weapon to his own hand. For you must not imagine, men of Athens, that his subjects share his tastes; you must rather reflect that he wants glory, but they security. He cannot gain his end without danger; they, thinking of children, parents, and wives left at home, are not so eager to court ruin and danger every day to oblige him.
τὸν τόπον τοῖς πλέουσιν ἀσφαλῆ παρέχοντος
[13] ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ὧν μὲν ἠδίκησαν ἐμὲ Πεπαρήθιοι, τούτων μὲν οὐδὲν ἐπεσκέψασθε, τὴν δὲ τιμωρίαν, ἀκριβῶς εἰδότες. καίτοι τὴν νῆσον οὔτ᾽ ἐκείνους οὔθ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἀφειλόμην, ἀλλὰ τὸν λῃστὴν Σώστρατον. εἰ μὲν οὖν αὐτοί φατε παραδοῦναι Σωστράτῳ, λῃστὰς ὁμολογεῖτε καταπέμπειν: εἰ δ᾽ ἀκόντων ὑμῶν ἐκεῖνος ἐκράτει, τί δεινὸν πεπόνθατε λαβόντος ἐμοῦ καὶ τὸν τόπον τοῖς πλέουσιν ἀσφαλῆ παρέχοντος;
[14] τοσαύτην δέ μου ποιουμένου πρόνοιαν τῆς ὑμετέρας πόλεως, καὶ διδόντος αὐτῇ τὴν νῆσον, οἱ ῥήτορες λαμβάνειν μὲν οὐκ εἴων, ἀπολαβεῖν δὲ συνεβούλευον, ὅπως ὑπομείνας μὲν τὸ προσταττόμενον τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν ἔχειν ὁμολογῶ, μὴ προέμενος δὲ τὸ χωρίον ὕποπτος γένωμαι τῷ πλήθει. γνοὺς ἐγὼ ταῦτα προὐκαλούμην κριθῆναι περὶ τούτων πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ἵν᾽ ἐὰν μὲν ἐμὴ γνωσθῇ, παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ δοθῇ τὸ χωρίον ὑμῖν, ἐὰν δ᾽ ὑμετέρα κριθῇ, τότ᾽ ἀποδῶ τῷ δήμῳ.
[13] But you, with full knowledge of the facts, ignored their offences against me, and only considered their punishment. Yet I robbed neither them nor you of the island, but only the pirate chief, Sostratus. Now, if you say that you handed it over to Sostratus, you admit that you employ pirates; if he captured it against your wishes, why this indignation against me for taking it and making the district safe for traders?
[14] In my regard for the interests of your city, I offered you the island, but your statesmen urged you to refuse it as a gift and demand it as an act of restitution, in order that, if I submit to their dictation, I may thereby confess that I have no right to the place, but if I do not give it up, I may arouse the suspicions of your democracy. Conscious of this, I challenged you to submit our claims to arbitration, so that if the island was adjudged to be mine, I might give it to you; if yours, then I might restore it to your people.
τοῖς καιροῖς ἀσφαλέστατα χρήσεσθαι
[30] αἷς ἐγὼ διακελεύομαι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πείθεσθαι, καθάπερ ἐδίδαξα, καὶ διαβεβαιωσαίμην ἄν, ὡς τοῦθ᾽ ἡλικίας ἔχων, ἅμα καὶ τῷ δικαίῳ ἡμᾶς ἀνεγκλήτως καὶ τοῖς καιροῖς ἀσφαλέστατα χρήσεσθαι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ συμφέρον κατεπείγουσιν. καὶ γὰρ ἔτι προσγέγραπται <ἐν> ταῖς συνθήκαις, ‘ἐὰν βουλώμεθα τῆς κοινῆς εἰρήνης μετέχειν’: τὸ δ᾽ ‘ἐὰν βουλώμεθα’ ἐστὶν ἅμα καὶ τοὐναντίον, εἰ ἄρα ποτὲ δεῖ παύσασθαι αἰσχρῶς ἑτέροις ἀκολουθοῦντας, ἢ μηδ᾽ ἀναμνησθῆναι μηδεμιᾶς φιλοτιμίας τῶν ἐξ ἀρχαιοτάτου καὶ πλείστων καὶ μάλιστα πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἡμῖν ὑπαρχουσῶν. ἐὰν οὖν κελεύητ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, γράψω, καθάπερ αἱ συνθῆκαι κελεύουσι, πολεμεῖν τοῖς παραβεβηκόσιν.
[30] That agreement, men of Athens, I urge you to keep in the way that I have explained, and I would confidently assure you, with the authority that my age confers, that we shall at once be exercising our undoubted rights, and also making the safest use of those opportunities which impel us to secure our interests. For, indeed, there is this clause appended to the agreement, “if it is our wish to share in the common peace.” But the words “if it is our wish” mean also the opposite—if it is ever our duty to abandon our disgraceful submission to the dictates of others, or even our forgetfulness of those high ideals, which from time immemorial we have cherished in greater measure than any other people. Therefore, if you approve, Athenians, I will now propose that, as the agreement directs, we declare war on the transgressors.
ἐμὲ δ᾽ ἐκέλευεν πρᾶξαι ὅπως αὐτῷ ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα ἕξει
[8] αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν διὰ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐβούλετο ποιήσασθαι τὸ συμβόλαιον, ἐμὲ δ᾽ ἐκέλευεν πρᾶξαι ὅπως αὐτῷ ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα ἕξει. λαβὼν δὲ [ἐγὼ] τὰς ἑπτὰ μνᾶς παρὰ τοῦ Παρμένοντος, καὶ τὰς τρεῖς ἃς προειλήφει οὗτος παρ᾽ ἐκείνου, ἀνθομολογησάμενος πρὸς τοῦτον, ὠνὴν ποιοῦμαι τῆς νεὼς καὶ τῶν παίδων, ἕως ἀποδοίη τάς τε δέκα μνᾶς ἃς δι᾽ ἐμοῦ ἔλαβεν, καὶ τὰς τριάκοντα ὧν κατέστησεν ἐμὲ ἐγγυητὴν τῷ τραπεζίτῃ. καὶ ὡς ἀληθῆ λέγω, ἀκούσατε τῶν μαρτυριῶν.“Μαρτυρίαι”
[8] Not wishing, however, for the reason given, to make the loan in his own name, he bade me to arrange it so that things should be as safe as possible for him. So I took over the seven minae from Parmeno, and having had transferred to myself the obligation for the three, which the plaintiff had already received from him, caused a bill of sale to be executed on the ship and the slaves until such time as he should repay me the ten minae, which he had received through me, and also the thirty for which he had made me his surety with the banker. In proof that my words are true, hear the depositions.“Depositions”
εἴπερ ἀσφαλῶς ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ ἀργύριον δεδανεισμένον καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἐνεχύρῳ
[53] θαυμάζω δ᾽ ἔγωγε καὶ τίνος ἕνεκ᾽ ἄν ποτε ὑπετίθει τὸν χαλκὸν τῷ πατρὶ τῷ ἐμῷ ὁ Βοιώτιος ναύαρχος, Φιλίππῳ ὀφείλων χιλίας δραχμάς. πότερον ὡς Φίλιππος οὐκ ἂν ἡδέως τόκον ἐλάμβανεν, εἴπερ ἀσφαλῶς ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ ἀργύριον δεδανεισμένον καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἐνεχύρῳ; ἢ ὡς οὐκ ἦν τῷ Φιλίππῳ ἀργύριον; ὥστε τι ἔδει τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ ἐμοῦ δεηθῆναι δανεῖσαι τὰς χιλίας δραχμὰς τὸν Βοιώτιον ναύαρχον καὶ ἀποδοῦναι Φιλίππῳ μᾶλλον ἢ οὐ τὸν χαλκὸν ὑποθεῖναι τῷ Φιλίππῳ;
[53] And I certainly wonder for what possible reason the Boeotian admiral should have given the copper to my father as security, if he owed a thousand drachmae to Philip. Was it that Philip would not have been glad to receive interest, if his money was lent safely and on security? or that Philip had no money? So, what need was there for the Boeotian admiral to ask my father to lend the thousand drachmae and pay Philip, rather than give the copper as security to Philip?
{Αι.} πέμφ’ ὡς τάχιστα· νῦν γὰρ ἀσφαλῶς φρονεῖς. σὺν σοὶ δ’ ἔμ’ ὄψηι καρτεροῦνθ’ ὅταν δέηι
Ἕκτωρ
νικᾶτ᾽, ἐπειδὴ πᾶσιν ἁνδάνει τάδε.
στείχων δὲ κοίμα συμμάχους: τάχ᾽ ἂν στρατὸς
κινοῖτ᾽ ἀκούσας νυκτέρους ἐκκλησίας.
140 ἐγὼ δὲ πέμψω πολεμίων κατάσκοπον.
κἂν μέν τιν᾽ ἐχθρῶν μηχανὴν πυθώμεθα,
σὺ πάντ᾽ ἀκούσῃ καὶ παρὼν εἴσῃ λόγον:
ἐὰν δ᾽ ἀπαίρωσ᾽ ἐς φυγὴν ὁρμώμενοι,
σάλπιγγος αὐδὴν προσδοκῶν καραδόκει,
145 ὡς οὐ μενοῦντά μ᾽: ἀλλὰ προσμείξω νεῶν
ὁλκοῖσι νυκτὸς τῆσδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ Ἀργείων στρατῷ.
Αἰνείας
πέμφ᾽ ὡς τάχιστα: νῦν γὰρ ἀσφαλῶς φρονεῖς.
σὺν σοὶ δ᾽ ἔμ᾽ ὄψῃ καρτεροῦνθ᾽, ὅταν δέῃ.
Ἕκτωρ
τίς δῆτα Τρώων οἳ πάρεισιν ἐν λόγῳ
150θ έλει κατόπτης ναῦς ἐπ᾽ Ἀργείων μολεῖν;
τίς ἂν γένοιτο τῆσδε γῆς εὐεργέτης;
τίς φησιν; οὔτοι πάντ᾽ ἐγὼ δυνήσομαι
πόλει πατρῴᾳ συμμάχοις θ᾽ ὑπηρετεῖν.
HECTOR.
Ye all so wish it?-Well, ye conquer me.
(To AENEAS)
Go thou and calm the allies. There
will be
Some stir among them, hearing of these high
And midnight councils.-I will seek the spy
To send to the Greek camp. If there we learn
Of some plot hatching, on the man's return
I straight will call thee and share counsels. So.
But wait attentive. If he says they go
Shipward and plan to escape, one trumpet call
Shall warn thee, and I wait no more, but fall
On camp and hulls, or ever dawn can rise.
AENEAS.
Aye, haste and send him. Now thy plans are wise,
And when need comes I am with thee, sword by
sword. [Exit AENEAS.
HECTOR (turning to the Guards and other soldiers).
Ye gathered Trojans, sharers of my word,
Who dares to creep through the Greek lines alone?
Who will so help his fatherland?
Doth none
Offer? Must I do everything, one hand
Alone, to save our allies and our land?
[A lean dark man pushes forward from the back.
{Εκ.} εἰ τοῦ παρόντος τοῦδ’ ἀπαλλαχθεὶς κακοῦ | πόλιν νεμοίμην ὡς τὸ πρίν ποτ’ ἀσφαλῆ,
Ἕκτωρ
εἰ τοῦ παρόντος τοῦδ᾽ ἀπαλλαχθεὶς κακοῦ
475 πόλιν νεμοίμην ὡς τὸ πρίν ποτ᾽ ἀσφαλῆ,
ἦ κάρτα πολλὴν θεοῖς ἂν εἰδείην χάριν.
τὰ δ᾽ ἀμφί τ᾽ Ἄργος καὶ νομὸν τὸν Ἑλλάδος
οὐχ ὧδε πορθεῖν ῥᾴδι᾽, ὡς λέγεις, δορί.
Ῥῆσος
οὐ τούσδ᾽ ἀριστέας φασὶν Ἑλλήνων μολεῖν;
Ἕκτωρ
480 κοὐ μεμφόμεσθά γ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἄδην ἐλαύνομεν.
Ῥῆσος
οὐκ οὖν κτανόντες τούσδε πᾶν εἰργάσμεθα;
Ἕκτωρ
μή νυν τὰ πόρρω τἀγγύθεν μεθεὶς σκόπει.
Ῥῆσος
ἀρκεῖν ἔοικέ σοι παθεῖν, δρᾶσαι δὲ μή.
Ἕκτωρ
πολλῆς γὰρ ἄρχω κἀνθάδ᾽ ὢν τυραννίδος.
485 ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε λαιὸν εἴτε δεξιὸν κέρας
εἴτ᾽ ἐν μέσοισι συμμάχοις πάρεστί σοι
πέλτην ἐρεῖσαι καὶ καταστῆσαι στρατόν.
HECTOR.
By heaven, could I once see this peril rolled
Past us, and live in Ilion as of old,
Untrembling, I would thank my gods! To seek
Argos and sack the cities of the Greek-
'Twere not such light work as thou fanciest.
RHESUS.
These Greeks that face thee, are they not their best?
HECTOR.
We seek not better. These do all we need.
RHESUS.
When these are beaten, then, we have done the deed.
HECTOR.
Lose not thy path watching a distant view.
RHESUS.
Thou seem'st content to suffer, not to do?
HECTOR.
I have a kingdom large by mine own right ..
What station will best please thee in this fight
To ground the targe and stablish thine array?
Right, left, or midmost in the allies? Say.
{Αι.} τί τοῦδ’ ἂν εἴποις ἀσφαλὲς τεκμήριον;
Ἕκτωρ
90 Αἰνέα, πύκαζε τεύχεσιν δέμας σέθεν.
Αἰνείας
τί δ᾽ ἔστι; μῶν τις πολεμίων ἀγγέλλεται
δόλος κρυφαῖος ἑστάναι κατ᾽ εὐφρόνην;
Ἕκτωρ
φεύγουσιν ἅνδρες κἀπιβαίνουσιν νεῶν.
Αἰνείας
τί τοῦδ᾽ ἂν εἴποις ἀσφαλὲς τεκμήριον;
Ἕκτωρ
95 αἴθουσι πᾶσαν νύκτα λαμπάδας πυρός:
καί μοι δοκοῦσιν οὐ μενεῖν ἐς αὔριον,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκκέαντες πύρσ᾽ ἐπ᾽ εὐσέλμων νεῶν
φυγῇ πρὸς οἴκους τῆσδ᾽ ἀφορμήσειν χθονός.
Αἰνείας
σὺ δ᾽ ὡς τί δράσων πρὸς τάδ᾽ ὁπλίζῃ χέρας;
HECTOR.
To arms, Aeneas! Arm from head to heel!
AENEAS.
What is it? Tidings? Doth the Argive steal
Some march, some ambush in the day's eclipse?
HECTOR.
'Tis flight, man! They are marching to the ships.
AENEAS.
How know'st thou?-Have we proof that it is flight?
HECTOR.
They are burning beacon-fires the livelong night.
They never mean to wait till dawn. Behind
That screen of light they are climbing in the blind
Dark to their ships-unmooring from our coast.
AENEAS (looking toward the distant fires: after a pause).
God guide them!-Why then do you arm the host?
ὁπόσαι μὲν σωτηρίαν φέρουσι τῶν ἀρχῶν χρησταὶ οὖσαι καὶ μὴ χρησταὶ κίνδυνον τῷ δήμῳ ἅπαντι
[2] πρῶτον μὲν οὖν τοῦτο ἐρῶ, ὅτι δικαίως <δοκοῦσιν> αὐτόθι [καὶ] οἱ πένητες καὶ ὁ δῆμος πλέον ἔχειν τῶν γενναίων καὶ τῶν πλουσίων διὰ τόδε, ὅτι ὁ δῆμός ἐστιν ὁ ἐλαύνων τὰς ναῦς καὶ ὁ τὴν δύναμιν περιτιθεὶς τῇ πόλει, καὶ οἱ κυβερνῆται καὶ οἱ κελευσταὶ καὶ οἱ πεντηκόνταρχοι καὶ οἱ πρῳρᾶται καὶ οἱ ναυπηγοί, —οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ τὴν δύναμιν περιτιθέντες τῇ πόλει πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ οἱ ὁπλῖται καὶ οἱ γενναῖοι καὶ οἱ χρηστοί. ἐπειδὴ οὖν ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχει, δοκεῖ δίκαιον εἶναι πᾶσι τῶν ἀρχῶν μετεῖναι ἔν τε τῷ κλήρῳ καὶ ἐν τῇ χειροτονίᾳ, καὶ λέγειν ἐξεῖναι τῷ βουλομένῳ τῶν πολιτῶν.
[3] ἔπειτα ὁπόσαι μὲν σωτηρίαν φέρουσι τῶν ἀρχῶν χρησταὶ οὖσαι καὶ μὴ χρησταὶ κίνδυνον τῷ δήμῳ ἅπαντι, τούτων μὲν τῶν ἀρχῶν οὐδὲν δεῖται ὁ δῆμος μετεῖναι: —οὔτε τῶν στρατηγιῶν κλήρῳ οἴονταί σφισι χρῆναι μετεῖναι οὔτε τῶν ἱππαρχιῶν: —γιγνώσκει γὰρ ὁ δῆμος ὅτι πλείω ὠφελεῖται ἐν τῷ μὴ αὐτὸς ἄρχειν ταύτας τὰς ἀρχάς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐᾶν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους ἄρχειν: ὁπόσαι δ᾽ εἰσὶν ἀρχαὶ μισθοφορίας ἕνεκα καὶ ὠφελείας εἰς τὸν οἶκον, ταύτας ζητεῖ ὁ δῆμος ἄρχειν.
[2] First I want to say this: there the poor and the people generally are right to have more than the highborn and wealthy for the reason that it is the people who man the ships and impart strength to the city; the steersmen, the boatswains, the sub-boatswains, the look-out officers, and the shipwrights -- these are the ones who impart strength to the city far more than the hoplites, the high-born, and the good men. This being the case, it seems right for everyone to have a share in the magistracies, both allotted and elective, for anyone to be able to speak his mind if he wants to.
[3] Then there are those magistracies which bring safety or danger to the people as a whole depending on whether or not they are well managed: of these the people claim no share (they do not think they should have an allotted share in the generalships or cavalry commands). For these people realize that there is more to be gained from their not holding these magistracies but leaving them instead in the hands of the most influential men. However, such magistracies as are salaried and domestically profitable the people are keen to hold.
Z. 20: Ἀσφαλὴς ὁ ἐμὸς βίος καὶ ἡσύχιος / Z. 24: μέγα καὶ ἀσφαλὲς αὐτάρκεια·
To Hieron. Hercher, Epistologr. Gr. p.601 Πυθαγόρας Ἱέρωνι.
Ἀσφαλὴς ὁ ἐμὸς βίος καὶ ἡσύχιος, ὁ δὲ σὸς κατ’ οὐδὲν ἐμοὶ (20)
προσπελάζει. μέτριος ἀνὴρ καὶ λιποδεὴς Σικελικῆς τραπέζης οὐδὲν
προσδεῖται. πάντ’ ἔχει Πυθαγόρας ἱκανὰ τὰ καθ’ ἡμέραν, οὗ ἂν ἔλθῃ·
θεραπεία δὲ δυνάστου βαρὺ καὶ ἐπαχθὲς τῷ μὴ εἰθισμένῳ. μέγα καὶ
ἀσφαλὲς αὐτάρκεια· οὔτε γὰρ ἔχει τὸν φθονήσοντα οὔτε τὸν ἐπιβουλεύ-
σοντα. διὸ καὶ δοκεῖ εἶναι ἐγγυτάτω θεοῦ ἡ διαγωγή. διάθεσις ἀγαθὴ (25)
οὐ γεννᾶται ὑπὸ ἀφροδισίων οὐδὲ ὑπὸ ἐδεσμάτων, ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ ἐνδείας
ἀγούσης πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀρετήν· ἡδοναὶ δὲ ποικίλαι καὶ ἀκρατεῖς δουλοῦνται
ψυχὰς ἀσθενῶν ἀνθρώπων, πολὺ δὲ μάλιστα ὧν νῦν σὺ ἀπολαύεις.
διὸ καὶ ἐπιδοὺς σεαυτὸν εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτα αἰωρῇ [γὰρ] καὶ οὐ δύνασαι @1
(186.) σώζεσθαι· λόγος γὰρ ὁ παρὰ σοῦ οὐκ ἐναντιοῦται τοῖς ἀσυμφόροις.
μὴ οὖν κάλει Πυθαγόραν συμβιώσοντά σοι· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἰατροὶ αἱροῦνται
τοῖς νοσοῦσι συγκάμνειν.
frg. ab — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
1 εἶπεν̣· [τύχηι ἀγαθῆι τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Ἀθην]-
αίων, <ὅ>πως [ἂν εἰδῶσιν ἅπαντες οἱ Ἑλλη%⁸⁰]-
νες ὅτι ὁ δῆ[μος ὁ Ἀθηναίων ἐπίσταται v]
χάριτας ἀπ[οδιδόναι τοῖς εὐεργετήσα]-
5 σιν αὑτὸν ἀ[ξίας τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν, v δεδό]-
%⁸⁰χθαι τῶι δή[μωι· ἐπειδὴ ․․․․․․14․․․․․․]
〚․․λ̣ο̣․․․υ̣[․․․․․․․․․․23․․․․․․․․․․․]〛
ος διατελε[ῖ εὔνους ὢν τῶι δήμωι καὶ π%⁸⁰]-
ρά%⁸⁰ττων ὅ, τ[ι δύναται ἀγαθὸν τοῖς ἐν Βυ]-
10 ζαντίωι πο[λιορκουμένοις καὶ ποεῖ τὰ]
συνφέροντ[α τῶι τε δήμωι τῶν Ἀθηναίων]
καὶ ἰδί<αι> Ἀθη[ναίων τοῖς εἰσπλέουσιν ε]-
ἰς Ἑλλήσπο[ντον ἅπερ πρὶν(?) ἐφιλοτιμεῖ]-
το καὶ ὑπὲρ Ἑλ[λήνων ἁπάντων εὖ ποιῶν δ]-
15 ιετέλει <ὅ>πω[ς ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα ἀφίκωντ]-
αι εἰς τὸ ἐντ̣[αῦθα ἐμπόριον οἱ ἔμποροι]
οἱ [πλ]έον[τες ἐν ξέναις ναυσὶν εἰς Ἑλλή]-
σπο[ντον ․․․․․․․․․․․24․․․․․․․․․․․]
εν․․․․․․․․․․․․․29․․․․․․․․․․․․․․
20 ․τ․․․․․․․․․․․․․29․․․․․․․․․․․․․․
lacuna
frg. c.21 ․․․․11․․․․․γ̣[․․․․․13․․․․․․ ἀναγρά]-
[ψαι δὲ τόδε τ]ὸ ψή[φισμα τὸν γραμματέα τ]-
[ῆς βολῆς ἐν σ]τήλ[ηι λιθίνηι καὶ στῆσαι]
[ἐν ἀκροπόλ]ε̣ι, εἰς [δὲ τὴν ἀναγραφὴν τῆς]
25 [στήλης δοῦν]αι τὸν [ταμίαν τοῦ δήμου v Δ]-
[ΔΔ v δραχμὰς] ἐκ τῶ[ν εἰς τὰ κατὰ ψηφίσμα]-
[τ’ ἀναλισκομ]ένω[ν τῶι δήμωι. vac. ]
in corona: [θε]ο[ί].
[Ἀντίδωρος Παιανιεὺ]ς(?) ἐγραμμάτευεν.
[δεδόχθαι τῶι δήμωι, ἀναγράψασθαι παρὰ τ]ὴν στήλην τὴν περὶ τῆς εἰρ-
[ήνης θεῖναι ἱπποδρομίαν ὑπὲρ ἅρματα τέ]θ̣ριππα, ποεῖν δὲ καὶ ἀγῶνα̣
5 [— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — τοῦ] τρίτου ἔτους μουσικὸν π̣-
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — ν ἀπὸ πέντε ταλάντων τι<θ>-
[έναι — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —] ἐν τῶι ἐνιαυτῶι ἐν ὧι ἂν τὰ
[Παναθήναια τὰ μεγάλα ἄγωσιν, ․․․․9-15․․․․]α̣ι δὲ τὴν πανήγυριν περ̣-
[ὶ ἅπασαν τὴν Ἑλλάδα — — — — — — — —]ι πύλας, ἐκεχειρίαν δὲ
10 [ἐπαγγεῖλαι(?) — — — — — ἀσφάλε]ιαν τοῖς ἀφικνουμέν[ο]-
[ις Ἀθήναζε — — — — — — — — — — — — — —] τὴν πανήγυριν ὑ․․․․
[— — — — — κληρῶσαι δὲ ἀθλοθέτας εἴκοσ]ι, δέκα μὲν <τ>οῦ̣ [τριετ]-
[ηρικοῦ(?) δέκα δὲ τοῦ πεντετηρικοῦ(?) ἀγῶνος — — — σ]ιν π̣[αρὰ] τ̣α̣ῦ̣[τα(?) — —]
τῆι Ἀθηνᾶι {καὶ}(?) τῆι Νίκηι καὶ τῶι Ποσει-| 40 δῶνι τῶι Ἀσφα[λ]είωι· vv ἐπειδὰν δὲ πεπληρωμέναι ὦσιν| αἱ νῆες̣, τα[ῖ]ς μὲν ἑκατὸν αὐτῶν βοηθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ Ἀρτεμίσ-| [ι]ο̣ν τ̣ὸ̣ Εὐβοϊκόν
1 [θεοί].
ἔδοξ[εν] τῆι̣ βουλῆι καὶ τῶι δήμωι·
Θεμισ[τοκλ]ῆ̣ς̣ Ν̣εοκλέ̣ους Φρεάρριος εἶπεν·
τὴ[μ] μὲ̣ν̣ πό[λιν παρ]ακ̣α̣τ[αθέ]σθαι τῆι Ἀθηνᾶι τῆι Ἀθηνῶ-
5 μ [μεδεο]ύ[σηι] κ[αὶ τοῖς ἄλλ]οις θε̣οῖς ἅ̣πα̣σιν φυλάττει-
ν κ̣α̣[ὶ] ἀ̣μ̣[ύνειν τὸμ βά]ρ̣β̣α̣ρ̣[ο]ν ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας· Ἀθηναίου-
[ς δ’ ἅπ]α̣[ντας καὶ τοὺς ξένο]υ̣ς τοὺς οἰκοῦντας Ἀθήνησι
[τὰ τέκ]ν[α καὶ τὰς γυναῖκ]α̣ς̣ ε̣[ἰς] Τροιζῆνα καταθέσθαι
τ̣[․․․․․․․․․20․․․․․․․․․] τοῦ̣ ἀ̣ρχηγέτου τῆς χώρας· τ-
10 [οὺς δὲ πρεσβύτας καὶ τὰ] κτήματα εἰς Σαλαμῖνα καταθ-
έ[σ]θ[αι· τοὺς δὲ ταμίας καὶ τ]ὰς ἱερέας ἐν τῆι ἀκροπόλε-
[ι μένειν φυλάττοντας τὰ τῶ]ν̣ θ̣εῶν· τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους Ἀθη-
[ναίους ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς ξέ]νο̣υς τοὺς ἡβῶντας εἰσβαί-
νειν ε̣[ἰς τὰς ἑτοιμασθ]ε̣[ί]σ̣[α]ς̣ διακοσίας ναῦς καὶ ἀμύ-
15 νεσ[θαι] τ[ὸμ βάρβαρον ὑπὲρ τῆ]ς ἐλευθερίας τῆς τε ἑαυ-
τῶ̣ν [καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων] μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Κο-
ρ̣ι̣ν̣[θίων καὶ Αἰγινητῶν] κ̣α̣ὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶμ βουλομένω-
[ν] κ̣οινω[νήσειν τοῦ κινδύνο]υ· καταστῆσαι δὲ καὶ τριη̣-
[ρ]ά̣[ρχους διακοσίους ἕνα ἐπὶ] τὴν ναῦν ἑκάστην τοὺς [σ]-
20 τρατη[γ]οὺ[ς ἀρχομένους τ]ῆι αὔριον ἡμέραι ἐκ τῶν κ[εκ]-
τ̣η̣μ̣έ̣ν̣[ω]ν̣ γ̣[ῆν] τ̣[ε κ]α̣ὶ̣ [οἰκί]αν Ἀθ[ή]νησι καὶ οἷς ἂμ παῖδ[ες]
ὦσ̣ι γνή[σιοι μὴ πρεσβυτέρο]υς πεντήκοντα ἐτῶν κα̣[ὶ ἐ]-
πικλ[ηρῶσαι αὐτ]ο̣ῖ̣ς [τ]ὰς να̣ῦς· vv καταλέξαι δὲ καὶ ἐπ̣[ι]-
βάτας [δ]έκα̣ [ἐφ’ ἑκάστη]ν ναῦν ἐκ τῶν ὑπὲρ εἴκοσιν ἔτη [γ]-
25 εγονότω[ν μέχρι τριά]κο̣ντα ἐτῶν καὶ τοξότας τέτταρ-
ας· δια[κληρῶσαι δὲ κ]α̣ὶ̣ [τ]ὰ̣ς̣ ὑ̣πηρεσίας ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ὅτ-
αμπερ κ[αὶ τοὺς τριηράρ]χους ἐπικληρῶσιν· ἀναγράψα-
ι δὲ κα̣[ὶ τοὺς ἄλλους {²⁷ναύτας?}²⁷ κατὰ] ναῦ̣ν̣ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς εἰς λ-
ευκώ[ματα, τοὺς μὲν Ἀ]θ̣η̣ν̣α̣ί̣ο̣υ̣ς ἐκ τῶν ληξιαρχικῶν γρ-
30 αμματεί̣[ων, τοὺς] δ̣ὲ̣ ξ[έν]ους ἐκ τῶν ἀπογεγραμμένων πα̣-
[ρ]ὰ̣ τ̣ῶι [πολε]μ̣[άρχ]ω̣[ι]· ἀνα̣γράφειν δὲ νέμοντας κατὰ τάξ-
ει[ς ε]ἰς διακοσία[ς] ἀ̣[ν]ὰ̣ ἑκατὸν ἀριθμὸν καὶ ἐπιγράψα-
ι τ̣ῆ̣ι̣ [τάξ]ει̣ ἑ̣κ̣ά̣στηι τῆς τρι̣ήρους τοὔνομα καὶ τοῦ τρι-
η̣ράρχου καὶ τ̣ῆ̣ς̣ ὑ̣πηρε[σί]ας, ὅπως ἂν εἰδῶσιν εἰς ὁποί-
35 αν τριήρη ἐ[μ]βήσεται ἡ [τ]άξις ἑ[κ]άστη· ἐπειδὰν δὲ νεμη-
θ̣ῶσ̣ιν ἅπα[σ]αι αἱ τάξεις καὶ ἐπικληρωθῶσι ταῖς τριή-
ρεσ̣ι, πλ̣η̣ροῦν ἁ̣[π]άσας̣ τὰς διακοσίας ναῦς τὴμ βουλὴν
καὶ τ̣[ο]ὺ̣σ̣τρατηγ̣οὺ[ς {²⁶τοὺς στρατηγοὺς}²⁶ θύ]σαντας ἀρεστήριον τῶι Διὶ τῶι
Παγκρατεῖ καὶ τῆι Ἀθηνᾶι {καὶ}(?) τῆι Νίκηι καὶ τῶι Ποσει-
40 δῶνι τῶι Ἀσφα[λ]είωι· vv ἐπειδὰν δὲ πεπληρωμέναι ὦσιν
αἱ νῆες̣, τα[ῖ]ς μὲν ἑκατὸν αὐτῶν βοηθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ Ἀρτεμίσ-
[ι]ο̣ν τ̣ὸ̣ Εὐβοϊκόν, ταῖς δὲ ἑκατὸν αὐτῶν περὶ τὴν Σαλαμ-
ῖνα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Ἀττικὴν ναυλοχεῖν καὶ φυλάττειν
τὴν χώρ̣α̣ν· ὅπως δ’ ἂν καὶ ὁμονοοῦντες ἅπαντες Ἀθηναῖοι
45 ἀ̣μ̣ύ̣νωνται τὸμ βάρβαρον, τοὺς μὲν μεθεστηκότας τὰ [δ]-
[έκα] ἔτη ἀπιέναι εἰς Σαλαμῖνα καὶ μένειν αὐτοὺς̣ ἐ̣[κε]-
[ῖ ἕως ἄν τι τῶι δήμ]ω̣ι δόξηι περὶ αὐτῶν· τοὺς δὲ [ἀτίμου]-
[ς — — — — — — — — — —] reliquiae incertae — — — — — — —
․․․c.11․․․․ ἀνέ[θ]ε̣σ̣α̣[ν οἱ θια]σ̣ῶται ἐπ’ Ἀντιφάνο[υ]
․․․c.11․․․․ς ∶ Κόνων Καλλίστρατος ∶ Ῥύνδαξ ἱερέω[ς]
․․․c.11․․․․όξενος Ἀπολλωνίδης ∶ Κόμων
․․․c.11․․․․ης ∶ Μίδας Ἀπολλόδωρος Φιλῖνος
5 ․․․c.11․․․․ς ∶ Εὐξενίδης Ἡφαιστίων ∶ Κίτος
[․․․c.10․․․ Ἀ]ρ̣χ̣έτιμος Ἀνδρίσκος ∶ Ἀσφαλίων
․․․c.11․․․․ω̣ν Μίδας ∶ Λυδός ∶ Δᾶος
Ἀνδρίσκος.
ὅρος χωρί[ου]
καὶ οἰκίας [πε]-
πραμένης Ἀ[σ]-
φά̣λ̣[ει ἐ]π̣[ὶ λ]ύ̣σ̣[ει]
5 ο̣— — — — vac. εν
ΧΧΧ οφειλ— — — — {²⁷ὀφελ(—) Pritchett}²⁷
[ἀσυλί]α̣ν, ἀσφάλ̣- | [ειαν κα]ὶ̣ αὐτῶι καὶ χ- | [ρήμα]σιν καὶ πολέμ-
[— — — — — — —]
1
[ἀσυλί]α̣ν, ἀσφάλ̣-
[ειαν κα]ὶ̣ αὐτῶι καὶ χ-
[ρήμα]σιν καὶ πολέμ-
[ου] καὶ εἰρήνης· ταγ-
5
ευόντων Γενυΐδα
Φιλίππου, Κλεομά-
χου Λαΐστα, Εὐά̣[ν]-
δρου Ἱ̣π̣πονίκο̣[υ].
229 [ἀσφαλῶς ε]ἰσπλέωσιν εἰ-
230 [ς τὸ ἐμπόρι]ο̣ν τὸ Ἀθηναίων,
[(?)σῖτον εἰσάγον]τες καὶ τὰ ἄλ-
[λα — — —]τες ὅτι
[․․6․․․]Ι[․․․․․․․․․․․․26․․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․ πρ]οξε[ν․․․․․․․․․․․24․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․4․․] Ἀθην[α․․․․․․․․․․․24․․․․․․․․․․․]
[․․․] τοὺς τ[․․․8․․․․ ἀναγράψαι δὲ τόδε τὸ]
5 [ψήφι]σμα τ[ὸν γραμματέα τῆς βολ]ῆς ἐν στήλ-
[ηι λι]θίνη[ι καὶ στῆσαι] ἐν ἀκροπόλει δέκα
[ἡμερῶν. σ]τῆ[σαι δὲ καὶ] ἐν Σηστῶι τὸν ἄρχον-
[τα ἐν ἀγο]ρ̣[ᾶι· ἐπιμελη]θῆναι δὲ αὐτῶν τὴμ β-
[ουλὴν ὅπως ἂν σώως οἰ]κῶσιν ἤδη καὶ ὡς ἀσφ-
10 [αλέστατα. ἐπαινέσαι δ]ὲ αὐτοὺς ἀν<δ>ραγαθ-
[ίας ἕνεκα τῆς εἰς τὸν δ]ῆμον τὸν Ἀθηναίων
[καὶ καλέσαι ἐπὶ δεῖπν]ον εἰς τὸ πρυτανεῖ-
[ον εἰς αὔριον]. {²vacat}²
δέος γὰρ ᾧ πρόσεστιν αἰσχύνη θ᾽ ὁμοῦ, σωτηρίαν ἔχοντα τόνδ᾽ ἐπίστασο:
Μενέλαος
1050 δοκοῦντ᾽ ἐμοί, δοκοῦντα δ᾽ ὃς κραίνει στρατοῦ.
Τεῦκρος
οὔκουν ἂν εἴποις ἥντιν᾽ αἰτίαν προθείς;
Μενέλαος
ὁθούνεκ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλπίσαντες οἴκοθεν
ἄγειν Ἀχαιοῖς ξύμμαχόν τε καὶ φίλον,
ἐξηύρομεν ζητοῦντες ἐχθίω Φρυγῶν:
1055ὅστις στρατῷ ξύμπαντι βουλεύσας φόνον
νύκτωρ ἐπεστράτευσεν, ὡς ἕλοι δόρει:
κεἰ μὴ θεῶν τις τήνδε πεῖραν ἔσβεσεν,
ἡμεῖς μὲν ἂν τήνδ᾽ ἣν ὅδ᾽ εἴληχεν τύχην
θανόντες ἂν προυκείμεθ᾽ αἰσχίστῳ μόρῳ,
1060οὗτος δ᾽ ἂν ἔζη. νῦν δ᾽ ἐνήλλαξεν θεὸς
τὴν τοῦδ᾽ ὕβριν πρὸς μῆλα καὶ ποίμνας πεσεῖν.
ὧν εἵνεκ᾽ αὐτὸν οὔτις ἔστ᾽ ἀνὴρ σθένων
τοσοῦτον ὥστε σῶμα τυμβεῦσαι τάφῳ,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφὶ χλωρὰν ψάμαθον ἐκβεβλημένος
1065ὄρνισι φορβὴ παραλίοις γενήσεται.
πρὸς ταῦτα μηδὲν δεινὸν ἐξάρῃς μένος.
εἰ γὰρ βλέποντος μὴ 'δυνήθημεν κρατεῖν,
πάντως θανόντος γ᾽ ἄρξομεν, κἂν μὴ θέλῃς,
χερσὶν παρευθύνοντες: οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπου
1070λόγων γ᾽ ἀκοῦσαι ζῶν ποτ᾽ ἠθέλησ᾽ ἐμῶν.
καίτοι κακοῦ πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ὄντα δημότην
μηδὲν δικαιοῦν τῶν ἐφεστώτων κλύειν.
οὐ γάρ ποτ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐν πόλει νόμοι καλῶς
φέροιντ᾽ ἄν, ἔνθα μὴ καθεστήκῃ δέος,
1075οὔτ᾽ ἂν στρατός γε σωφρόνως ἄρχοιτ᾽ ἔτι,
μηδὲν φόβου πρόβλημα μηδ᾽ αἰδοῦς ἔχων.
ἀλλ᾽ ἄνδρα χρή, κἂν σῶμα γεννήσῃ μέγα,
δοκεῖν πεσεῖν ἂν κἂν ἀπὸ σμικροῦ κακοῦ.
δέος γὰρ ᾧ πρόσεστιν αἰσχύνη θ᾽ ὁμοῦ,
1080 σωτηρίαν ἔχοντα τόνδ᾽ ἐπίστασο:
ὅπου δ᾽ ὑβρίζειν δρᾶν θ᾽ ἃ βούλεται παρῇ,
ταύτην νόμιζε τὴν πόλιν χρόνῳ ποτὲ
ἐξ οὐρίων δραμοῦσαν εἰς βυθὸν πεσεῖν.
ἀλλ᾽ ἑστάτω μοι καὶ δέος τι καίριον,
1085καὶ μὴ δοκῶμεν δρῶντες ἃν ἡδώμεθα
οὐκ ἀντιτίσειν αὖθις ἂν λυπώμεθα.
ἕρπει παραλλὰξ ταῦτα. πρόσθεν οὗτος ἦν
αἴθων ὑβριστής, νῦν δ᾽ ἐγὼ μέγ᾽ αὖ φρονῶ.
καί σοι προφωνῶ τόνδε μὴ θάπτειν, ὅπως
1090μὴ τόνδε θάπτων αὐτὸς εἰς ταφὰς πέσῃς.
Menelaus
[1050] It conveys my decree, and the decree of the army's supreme ruler.
Teucer
Would you mind, then, telling me what reason you pretend?
Menelaus
This—that when we had hoped we were bringing Ajax from home to be an ally and a friend for the Greeks, we found him on closer examination to be an enemy worse than the Phrygians, [1055] since he plotted the murder of the entire army and marched by night against us in order to take us with his spear. And if some god had not smothered this attempt, we would have been allotted the fate which he now has, and we would be dead and lie prostrate by an ignoble doom, [1060] while he would be living. But now a god has turned his outrage aside, so that it fell on the sheep and cattle.
For this reason there is no man so powerful that he will be able to entomb the corpse of Ajax. Instead he shall be cast forth somewhere on the yellow sand [1065] to become forage for the birds of the seashore. So then do not inflame the terrible force of your spirit. If we were unable to master him while he lived, in any case in death, at least, we shall rule him despite your opposition and control him by force of our hands. For while he lived, there never was a time [1070] when he would obey my commands.
Now it is, in truth, the mark of a base nature when a commoner does not think it right to obey those who stand over him. Never can the laws maintain a prosperous course in a city where fear has no fixed place, [1075] nor can a camp be ruled any more with moderation, if it lacks the guarding force of fear and reverence. A man, though he grow his body great and mighty, must expect to fall, even from a light blow. Whoever knows fear and shame both, [1080] you can be certain that he has found his salvation; but where there is license to attack others and act at will, do not doubt that such a State, though she has run before a favoring wind, will eventually sink with time into the depths.
No, let me see fear, too, established, where fear is fitting; [1085] let us not think that we can act on our desires without paying the price in pain. These things come by turns. He was once the hot attacker, now it is my hour to glory. And so I warn you not to bury him, [1090] so that you can avoid falling into your own grave.
οὐ γὰρ οἱ πλατεῖς οὐδ’ εὐρύνωτοι φῶτες ἀσφαλέστατοι
Ἀγαμέμνων
σὲ δὴ τὰ δεινὰ ῥήματ᾽ ἀγγέλλουσί μοι
τλῆναι καθ᾽ ἡμῶν ὧδ᾽ ἀνοιμωκτὶ χανεῖν;
σέ τοι, τὸν ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωτίδος λέγω,
ἦ που τραφεὶς ἂν μητρὸς εὐγενοῦς ἄπο
1230 ὑψήλ᾽ ἐκόμπεις κἀπ᾽ ἄκρων ὡδοιπόρεις,
ὅτ᾽ οὐδὲν ὢν τοῦ μηδὲν ἀντέστης ὕπερ,
κοὔτε στρατηγοὺς οὔτε ναυάρχους μολεῖν
ἡμᾶς Ἀχαιῶν οὐδὲ σοῦ διωμόσω
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς ἄρχων, ὡς σὺ φής, Αἴας ἔπλει.
1235 ταῦτ᾽ οὐκ ἀκούειν μεγάλα πρὸς δούλων κακά;
ποίου κέκραγας ἀνδρὸς ὧδ᾽ ὑπέρφρονα;
ποῖ βάντος ἢ ποῦ στάντος οὗπερ οὐκ ἐγώ;
οὐκ ἆρ᾽ Ἀχαιοῖς ἄνδρες εἰσὶ πλὴν ὅδε;
πικροὺς ἔοιγμεν τῶν Ἀχιλλείων ὅπλων
1240 ἀγῶνας Ἀργείοισι κηρῦξαι τότε,
εἰ πανταχοῦ φανούμεθ᾽ ἐκ Τεύκρου κακοί,
κοὐκ ἀρκέσει ποθ᾽ ὑμὶν οὐδ᾽ ἡσσημένοις
εἴκειν ἃ τοῖς πολλοῖσιν ἤρεσκεν κριταῖς,
ἀλλ᾽ αἰὲν ἡμᾶς ἢ κακοῖς βαλεῖτέ που
1245 ἢ σὺν δόλῳ κεντήσεθ᾽ οἱ λελειμμένοι.
ἐκ τῶνδε μέντοι τῶν τρόπων οὐκ ἄν ποτε
κατάστασις γένοιτ᾽ ἂν οὐδενὸς νόμου,
εἰ τοὺς δίκῃ νικῶντας ἐξωθήσομεν
καὶ τοὺς ὄπισθεν εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν ἄξομεν.
1250 ἀλλ᾽ εἰρκτέον τάδ᾽ ἐστίν: οὐ γὰρ οἱ πλατεῖς
οὐδ᾽ εὐρύνωτοι φῶτες ἀσφαλέστατοι,
ἀλλ᾽ οἱ φρονοῦντες εὖ κρατοῦσι πανταχοῦ.
μέγας δὲ πλευρὰ βοῦς ὑπὸ σμικρᾶς ὅμως
μάστιγος ὀρθὸς εἰς ὁδὸν πορεύεται.
1255καὶ σοὶ προσέρπον τοῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ τὸ φάρμακον
ὁρῶ τάχ᾽, εἰ μὴ νοῦν κατακτήσει τινά:
ὃς ἀνδρὸς οὐκέτ᾽ ὄντος, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη σκιᾶς,
θαρσῶν ὑβρίζεις κἀξελευθεροστομεῖς.
οὐ σωφρονήσεις; οὐ μαθὼν ὃς εἶ φύσιν
1260ἄλλον τιν᾽ ἄξεις ἄνδρα δεῦρ᾽ ἐλεύθερον,
ὅστις πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀντὶ σοῦ λέξει τὰ σά;
σοῦ γὰρ λέγοντος οὐκέτ᾽ ἂν μάθοιμ᾽ ἐγώ:
τὴν βάρβαρον γὰρ γλῶσσαν οὐκ ἐπαΐω.
Enter Agamemnon.
Agamemnon
So it is you, they tell me, who dared open your mouth wide to make fierce threats against us—and are you still unpunished? Yes, I mean you—you, the captive slave's son. No doubt if you were born from a noble mother, [1230] your talk would reach the sky and you would proudly strut about, when now it is the case that, though you are a nobody and a nothing, you have stood up for this other nothing lying here, and have vowed that we came out with no authority either as admirals or as generals to rule the Greeks or you. No, as an autonomous ruler, you say, Ajax set sail.
[1235] Does it not shame me that I hear these proud words from slavish mouths? What was the man whom you shout about with such arrogance? Where did he advance, or where did he stand his ground, where I did not do the same? Have the Greeks, then, no other men but him? To our own harm, it seems, we announced [1240] to the Greeks the contests for the arms of Achilles, if on all sides we are accounted corrupt because of Teucer, and if it will never satisfy you Salaminians, even when you are defeated, to accept the verdict which satisfied the majority of the judges. But instead you will always no doubt aim your slanderous arrows at us, [1245] or treacherously lash at our backs when you fall behind us in the race.
Yet in a place where such ways prevail, there could be no settled order for any law, if we are to thrust the rightful winners aside and bring those in the rear up to the front ranks. [1250] These tendencies must be checked. It is not the stout, broad-shouldered men that are the steadiest allies. No, it is the wise who prevail in every engagement. A broad-backed ox is kept straight on the road all the same when only a small whip directs him. [1255] And a dose of this very medicine, I foresee, will find you before long, unless you gain a little good sense. He no longer exists, but is already a shade, yet still you boldly insult us and give your tongue too much freedom. Restrain yourself, I say. Recall your birth, your nature. [1260] Bring someone else here—a man who is freeborn—who can plead your cause before me in your place. For when you speak, I no longer understand— I do not know your barbarian language.
ἄνδρες, τὰ μὲν δὴ πόλεος ἀσφαλῶς θεοὶ πολλῷ σάλῳ σείσαντες ὤρθωσαν πάλιν
Κρέων
ἄνδρες, τὰ μὲν δὴ πόλεος ἀσφαλῶς θεοὶ
πολλῷ σάλῳ σείσαντες ὤρθωσαν πάλιν.
ὑμᾶς δ᾽ ἐγὼ πομποῖσιν ἐκ πάντων δίχα
165 ἔστειλ᾽ ἱκέσθαι τοῦτο μὲν τὰ Λαΐου
σέβοντας εἰδὼς εὖ θρόνων ἀεὶ κράτη,
τοῦτ᾽ αὖθις, ἡνίκ᾽ Οἰδίπους ὤρθου πόλιν,
κἀπεὶ διώλετ᾽, ἀμφὶ τοὺς κείνων ἔτι
παῖδας μένοντας ἐμπέδοις φρονήμασιν.
170 ὅτ᾽ οὖν ἐκεῖνοι πρὸς διπλῆς μοίρας μίαν
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ὤλοντο παίσαντές τε καὶ
πληγέντες αὐτόχειρι σὺν μιάσματι,
ἐγὼ κράτη δὴ πάντα καὶ θρόνους ἔχω
γένους κατ᾽ ἀγχιστεῖα τῶν ὀλωλότων.
175ἀμήχανον δὲ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐκμαθεῖν
ψυχήν τε καὶ φρόνημα καὶ γνώμην, πρὶν ἂν
ἀρχαῖς τε καὶ νόμοισιν ἐντριβὴς φανῇ.
ἐμοὶ γὰρ ὅστις πᾶσαν εὐθύνων πόλιν
μὴ τῶν ἀρίστων ἅπτεται βουλευμάτων
180ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ φόβου του γλῶσσαν ἐγκλῄσας ἔχει
κάκιστος εἶναι νῦν τε καὶ πάλαι δοκεῖ:
καὶ μεῖζον ὅστις ἀντὶ τῆς αὑτοῦ πάτρας
φίλον νομίζει, τοῦτον οὐδαμοῦ λέγω.
ἐγὼ γάρ, ἴστω Ζεὺς ὁ πάνθ᾽ ὁρῶν ἀεί,
185οὔτ᾽ ἂν σιωπήσαιμι τὴν ἄτην ὁρῶν
στείχουσαν ἀστοῖς ἀντὶ τῆς σωτηρίας,
οὔτ᾽ ἂν φίλον ποτ᾽ ἄνδρα δυσμενῆ χθονὸς
θείμην ἐμαυτῷ, τοῦτο γιγνώσκων ὅτι
ἥδ᾽ ἐστὶν ἡ σῴζουσα καὶ ταύτης ἔπι
190πλέοντες ὀρθῆς τοὺς φίλους ποιούμεθα.
τοιοῖσδ᾽ ἐγὼ νόμοισι τήνδ᾽ αὔξω πόλιν,
καὶ νῦν ἀδελφὰ τῶνδε κηρύξας ἔχω
ἀστοῖσι παίδων τῶν ἀπ᾽ Οἰδίπου πέρι:
Ἐτεοκλέα μέν, ὃς πόλεως ὑπερμαχῶν
195ὄλωλε τῆσδε, πάντ᾽ ἀριστεύσας δόρει,
τάφῳ τε κρύψαι καὶ τὰ πάντ᾽ ἀφαγνίσαι
ἃ τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἔρχεται κάτω νεκροῖς.
τὸν δ᾽ αὖ ξύναιμον τοῦδε, Πολυνείκη λέγω,
ὃς γῆν πατρῴαν καὶ θεοὺς τοὺς ἐγγενεῖς
200φυγὰς κατελθὼν ἠθέλησε μὲν πυρὶ
πρῆσαι κατ᾽ ἄκρας, ἠθέλησε δ᾽ αἵματος
κοινοῦ πάσασθαι, τοὺς δὲ δουλώσας ἄγειν,
τοῦτον πόλει τῇδ᾽ ἐκκεκήρυκται τάφῳ
μήτε κτερίζειν μήτε κωκῦσαί τινα,
205ἐᾶν δ᾽ ἄθαπτον καὶ πρὸς οἰωνῶν δέμας
καὶ πρὸς κυνῶν ἐδεστὸν αἰκισθέν τ᾽ ἰδεῖν.
τοιόνδ᾽ ἐμὸν φρόνημα, κοὔποτ᾽ ἔκ γ᾽ ἐμοῦ
τιμὴν προέξουσ᾽ οἱ κακοὶ τῶν ἐνδίκων:
ἀλλ᾽ ὅστις εὔνους τῇδε τῇ πόλει, θανὼν
210καὶ ζῶν ὁμοίως ἐξ ἐμοῦ τιμήσεται.
Enter Creon, with two attendants.
Creon
[162] My fellow citizens! First, the gods, after tossing the fate of our city on wild waves, have once more righted it. Second, I have ordered you through my messengers to come here [165] apart from all the rest, because I knew, first of all, how constant was your reverence for the power of the throne of Laius; how, again, you were reverent, when Oedipus was guiding our city; and lastly, how, when he was dead, you still maintained loyal thoughts towards his children. [170] Since, then, these latter have fallen in one day by a twofold doom—each striking, each struck, both with the stain of a brother's murder—I now possess all the power and the throne according to my kinship with the dead. [175] Now, it is impossible to know fully any man's character, will, or judgment, until he has been proved by the test of rule and law-giving. For if anyone who directs the entire city does not cling to the best and wisest plans, [180] but because of some fear keeps his lips locked, then, in my judgment, he is and has long been the most cowardly traitor. And if any man thinks a friend more important than his fatherland, that man, I say, is of no account. Zeus, god who sees all things always, be my witness— [185] I would not be silent if I saw ruin, instead of safety, marching upon the citizens. Nor would I ever make a man who is hostile to my country a friend to myself, because I know this, that our country is the ship that bears us safe, and that only when [190] we sail her on a straight course can we make true friends. Such are the rules by which I strengthen this city. Akin to these is the edict which I have now published to the citizenry concerning the sons of Oedipus: Eteocles, who fell fighting [195] in behalf of our city and who excelled all in battle, they shall entomb and heap up every sacred offering that descends to the noblest of the dead below. But as for his brother, Polyneices, I mean, who on his return from exile wanted to burn to the ground [200] the city of his fathers and his race's gods, and wanted to feed on kindred blood and lead the remnant into slavery—it has been proclaimed to the city that no one shall give him funeral honors or lamentation, [205] but all must leave him unburied and a sight of shame, with his body there for birds and dogs to eat. This is my will, and never will I allow the traitor to stand in honor before the just. But whoever has good will to Thebes, [210] he shall be honored by me in death as in life.
ὥστ’ ἄγραπτα κἀσφαλῆ θεῶν νόμιμα δύνασθαι θνητά γ’ ὄνθ’ ὑπερδραμεῖν.
Κρέων
σὲ δή, σὲ τὴν νεύουσαν εἰς πέδον κάρα,
φὴς ἢ καταρνεῖ μὴ δεδρακέναι τάδε:
Ἀντιγόνη
καὶ φημὶ δρᾶσαι κοὐκ ἀπαρνοῦμαι τὸ μή.
Κρέων
σὺ μὲν κομίζοις ἂν σεαυτὸν ᾖ θέλεις
445 ἔξω βαρείας αἰτίας ἐλεύθερον:
σὺ δ᾽ εἰπέ μοι μὴ μῆκος, ἀλλὰ συντόμως,
ᾔδησθα κηρυχθέντα μὴ πράσσειν τάδε;
Ἀντιγόνη
ᾔδη: τί δ᾽ οὐκ ἔμελλον; ἐμφανῆ γὰρ ἦν.
Κρέων
καὶ δῆτ᾽ ἐτόλμας τούσδ᾽ ὑπερβαίνειν νόμους;
Ἀντιγόνη
450 οὐ γάρ τί μοι Ζεὺς ἦν ὁ κηρύξας τάδε,
οὐδ᾽ ἡ ξύνοικος τῶν κάτω θεῶν Δίκη
τοιούσδ᾽ ἐν ἀνθρώποισιν ὥρισεν νόμους.
οὐδὲ σθένειν τοσοῦτον ᾠόμην τὰ σὰ
κηρύγμαθ᾽, ὥστ᾽ ἄγραπτα κἀσφαλῆ θεῶν
455 νόμιμα δύνασθαι θνητὸν ὄνθ᾽ ὑπερδραμεῖν.
οὐ γάρ τι νῦν γε κἀχθές, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεί ποτε
ζῇ ταῦτα, κοὐδεὶς οἶδεν ἐξ ὅτου 'φάνη.
τούτων ἐγὼ οὐκ ἔμελλον, ἀνδρὸς οὐδενὸς
φρόνημα δείσασ᾽, ἐν θεοῖσι τὴν δίκην
460 δώσειν: θανουμένη γὰρ ἐξῄδη, τί δ᾽ οὔ;
κεἰ μὴ σὺ προὐκήρυξας. εἰ δὲ τοῦ χρόνου
πρόσθεν θανοῦμαι, κέρδος αὔτ᾽ ἐγὼ λέγω.
ὅστις γὰρ ἐν πολλοῖσιν ὡς ἐγὼ κακοῖς
ζῇ, πῶς ὅδ᾽ Οὐχὶ κατθανὼν κέρδος φέρει;
465 οὕτως ἔμοιγε τοῦδε τοῦ μόρου τυχεῖν
παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἄλγος: ἀλλ᾽ ἄν, εἰ τὸν ἐξ ἐμῆς
μητρὸς θανόντ᾽ ἄθαπτον ἠνσχόμην νέκυν,
κείνοις ἂν ἤλγουν: τοῖσδε δ᾽ οὐκ ἀλγύνομαι.
σοὶ δ᾽ εἰ δοκῶ νῦν μῶρα δρῶσα τυγχάνειν,
470 σχεδόν τι μώρῳ μωρίαν ὀφλισκάνω.
Creon
You, you with your face bent to the ground, do you admit, or deny that you did this?
Antigone
I declare it and make no denial.
Creon
To the Guard.
You can take yourself wherever you please, [445] free and clear of a heavy charge.Exit Guard.
To Antigone.
You, however, tell me—not at length, but briefly—did you know that an edict had forbidden this?
Antigone
I knew it. How could I not? It was public.
Creon
And even so you dared overstep that law?
Antigone
[450] Yes, since it was not Zeus that published me that edict, and since not of that kind are the laws which Justice who dwells with the gods below established among men. Nor did I think that your decrees were of such force, that a mortal could override the unwritten [455] and unfailing statutes given us by the gods. For their life is not of today or yesterday, but for all time, and no man knows when they were first put forth. Not for fear of any man's pride was I about to owe a penalty to the gods for breaking these. [460] Die I must, that I knew well （how could I not?）. That is true even without your edicts. But if I am to die before my time, I count that a gain. When anyone lives as I do, surrounded by evils, how can he not carry off gain by dying? [465] So for me to meet this doom is a grief of no account. But if I had endured that my mother's son should in death lie an unburied corpse, that would have grieved me. Yet for this, I am not grieved. And if my present actions are foolish in your sight, [470] it may be that it is a fool who accuses me of folly.
Ὀρέστης ἐξ ἀναγκαίας τύχης, ἄθλοισι Πυθικοῖσιν ἐκ τροχηλάτων δίφρων κυλισθείς
Ὀρέστης
ὦ φίλτατ᾽ ἀνδρῶν προσπόλων, ὥς μοι σαφῆ
σημεῖα φαίνεις ἐσθλὸς εἰς ἡμᾶς γεγώς.
25 ὥσπερ γὰρ ἵππος εὐγενής, κἂν ᾖ γέρων,
ἐν τοῖσι δεινοῖς θυμὸν οὐκ ἀπώλεσεν,
ἀλλ᾽ ὀρθὸν οὖς ἵστησιν, ὡσαύτως δὲ σὺ
ἡμᾶς τ᾽ ὀτρύνεις καὐτὸς ἐν πρώτοις ἕπει.
τοιγὰρ τὰ μὲν δόξαντα δηλώσω, σὺ δὲ
30 ὀξεῖαν ἀκοὴν τοῖς ἐμοῖς λόγοις διδούς,
εἰ μή τι καιροῦ τυγχάνω, μεθάρμοσον.
ἐγὼ γὰρ ἡνίχ᾽ ἱκόμην τὸ Πυθικὸν
μαντεῖον, ὡς μάθοιμ᾽ ὅτῳ τρόπῳ πατρὶ
δίκας ἀροίμην τῶν φονευσάντων πάρα,
35χρῇ μοι τοιαῦθ᾽ ὁ Φοῖβος ὧν πεύσει τάχα:
ἄσκευον αὐτὸν ἀσπίδων τε καὶ στρατοῦ
δόλοισι κλέψαι χειρὸς ἐνδίκους σφαγάς.
ὅτ᾽ οὖν τοιόνδε χρησμὸν εἰσηκούσαμεν,
σὺ μὲν μολών, ὅταν σε καιρὸς εἰσάγῃ,
40 δόμων ἔσω τῶνδ᾽, ἴσθι πᾶν τὸ δρώμενον,
ὅπως ἂν εἰδὼς ἡμὶν ἀγγείλῃς σαφῆ.
οὐ γάρ σε μὴ γήρᾳ τε καὶ χρόνῳ μακρῷ
γνῶσ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ὑποπτεύσουσιν ὧδ᾽ ἠνθισμένον.
λόγῳ δὲ χρῶ τοιῷδ᾽, ὅτι ξένος μὲν εἶ
45 Φωκέως παρ᾽ ἀνδρὸς Φανοτέως ἥκων: ὃ γὰρ
μέγιστος αὐτοῖς τυγχάνει δορυξένων.
ἄγγελλε δ᾽ ὅρκον προστιθεὶς ὁθούνεκα
τέθνηκ᾽ Ὀρέστης ἐξ ἀναγκαίας τύχης,
ἄθλοισι Πυθικοῖσιν ἐκ τροχηλάτων
50 δίφρων κυλισθείς: ὧδ᾽ ὁ μῦθος ἑστάτω.
Orestes
True friend and follower, how well you prove your loyalty to our house! [25] Just as a thoroughbred mount, even if advanced in years, does not lose courage in danger, but pricks up his ears, so you speed us forward and follow in the first ranks. I will tell you, then, what I have determined. [30] Listen closely to my words and correct me, if I miss the mark in any way.
When I went to the Pythian oracle to learn how I might avenge my father on his murderers, [35] Phoebus gave me the commandment which you will now hear: that alone, and by stealth, without the aid of arms or large numbers, I should carry off my right hand's just slaughters. Accordingly, since I received this divine declaration, you must go into that house there [40] when opportunity gives you entrance, and learn all that is happening, so that you may report to us out of sure knowledge. Your age and the lapse of time will prevent them from recognizing you; they will never suspect who you are with that silvered hair. Let your story be that you are a Phocian stranger [45] sent by Phanoteus, since he is the greatest of their allies. Tell them, and affirm it with your oath, that Orestes has perished by a fatal chance, hurled at the Pythian games [50] from his speeding chariot. Let that be the substance of your message.
ἀλλ᾽ ὧδέ μ᾽ αἰεὶ ζῶσαν ἀβλαβεῖ βίῳ δόμους Ἀτρειδῶν σκῆπτρά τ᾽ ἀμφέπειν τάδε
Κλυταιμνήστρα
ἔπαιρε δὴ σὺ θύμαθ᾽ ἡ παροῦσά μοι
635 πάγκαρπ᾽, ἄνακτι τῷδ᾽ ὅπως λυτηρίους
εὐχὰς ἀνάσχω δειμάτων, ἃ νῦν ἔχω.
κλύοις ἂν ἤδη, Φοῖβε προστατήριε,
κεκρυμμένην μου βάξιν: οὐ γὰρ ἐν φίλοις
ὁ μῦθος, οὐδὲ πᾶν ἀναπτύξαι πρέπει
640 πρὸς φῶς παρούσης τῆσδε πλησίας ἐμοί,
μὴ σὺν φθόνῳ τε καὶ πολυγλώσσῳ βοῇ
σπείρῃ ματαίαν βάξιν εἰς πᾶσαν πόλιν.
ἀλλ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἄκουε: τῇδε γὰρ κἀγὼ φράσω.
ἃ γὰρ προσεῖδον νυκτὶ τῇδε φάσματα
645 δισσῶν ὀνείρων, ταῦτά μοι, Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ,
εἰ μὲν πέφηνεν ἐσθλά, δὸς τελεσφόρα,
εἰ δ᾽ ἐχθρά, τοῖς ἐχθροῖσιν ἔμπαλιν μέθες:
καὶ μή με πλούτου τοῦ παρόντος εἴ τινες
δόλοισι βουλεύουσιν ἐκβαλεῖν, ἐφῇς,
650 ἀλλ᾽ ὧδέ μ᾽ αἰεὶ ζῶσαν ἀβλαβεῖ βίῳ
δόμους Ἀτρειδῶν σκῆπτρά τ᾽ ἀμφέπειν τάδε,
φίλοισί τε ξυνοῦσαν οἷς ξύνειμι νῦν
εὐημεροῦσαν καὶ τέκνων ὅσων ἐμοὶ
δύσνοια μὴ πρόσεστιν ἢ λύπη πικρά.
655ταῦτ᾽, ὦ Λύκει᾽ Ἄπολλον, ἵλεως κλύων
δὸς πᾶσιν ἡμῖν ὥσπερ ἐξαιτούμεθα.
τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα πάντα καὶ σιωπώσης ἐμοῦ
ἐπαξιῶ σε δαίμον᾽ ὄντ᾽ ἐξειδέναι:
τοὺς ἐκ Διὸς γὰρ εἰκός ἐστι πάνθ᾽ ὁρᾶν.
Clytaemnestra
Raise then, my attendant, the offerings [635] of many fruits, so that I may uplift my prayers for release from my present fears to this image of our King. Please, O Phoebus our defender, may you now listen to my prayer, though it is muffled; for I do not make my plea among friends, nor does it suit me to unfold it all [640] to the light while she stands near me, lest by her malice and a cry of her clamorous tongue she sow reckless rumors through the whole city. Nevertheless, hear me thus, since in this way I will speak. That vision which I saw last night [645] in ambiguous dreams—if its appearance was to my good, grant, Lycean king, that it be fulfilled; but if to my harm, then hurl it back upon those who would harm me. And if any are plotting to eject me by treachery from my present prosperity, do not permit them. [650] Rather grant that living forever unharmed as I am I may govern the house of the sons of Atreus and their throne, sharing prosperous days with the friends who share them now, and with those of my children who feel no enmity or bitterness towards me. [655] O Lycean Apollo, hear these prayers with favor, and grant them to us all just as we ask! As for all my other prayers, though I am silent, I judge that you, a god, must know them, since it is appropriate that Zeus's children see all.
καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους πάντας ἀσφαλὴς δρόμους
γνοὺς δ᾽ οὑξ Ἀθηνῶν δεινὸς ἡνιοστρόφος
ἔξω παρασπᾷ κἀνακωχεύει παρεὶς
κλύδων᾽ ἔφιππον ἐν μέσῳ κυκώμενον.
ἤλαυνε δ᾽ ἔσχατος μέν, ὑστέρας δ᾽ ἔχων
735 πώλους Ὀρέστης, τῷ τέλει πίστιν φέρων:
ὅπως δ᾽ ὁρᾷ μόνον νιν ἐλλελειμμένον,
ὀξὺν δι᾽ ὤτων κέλαδον ἐνσείσας θοαῖς
πώλοις διώκει, κἀξισώσαντε ζυγὰ
ἠλαυνέτην, τότ᾽ ἄλλος, ἄλλοθ᾽ ἅτερος
740 κάρα προβάλλων ἱππικῶν ὀχημάτων.
καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους πάντας ἀσφαλεῖς δρόμους
ὡρμᾶθ᾽ ὁ τλήμων ὀρθὸς ἐξ ὀρθῶν δίφρων:
ἔπειτα λύων ἡνίαν ἀριστερὰν
κάμπτοντος ἵππου λανθάνει στήλην ἄκραν
745 παίσας: ἔθραυσε δ᾽ ἄξονος μέσας χνόας
κἀξ ἀντύγων ὤλισθεν: ἐν δ᾽ ἑλίσσεται
τμητοῖς ἱμᾶσι: τοῦ δὲ πίπτοντος πέδῳ
πῶλοι διεσπάρησαν ἐς μέσον δρόμον.
στρατὸς δ᾽ ὅπως ὁρᾷ νιν ἐκπεπτωκότα
750 δίφρων, ἀνωλόλυξε τὸν νεανίαν,
οἷ᾽ ἔργα δράσας οἷα λαγχάνει κακά,
φορούμενος πρὸς οὖδας, ἄλλοτ᾽ οὐρανῷ
σκέλη προφαίνων, ἔς τέ νιν διφρηλάται,
μόλις κατασχεθόντες ἱππικὸν δρόμον,
755 ἔλυσαν αἱματηρόν, ὥστε μηδένα
γνῶναι φίλων ἰδόντ᾽ ἂν ἄθλιον δέμας.
καί νιν πυρᾷ κέαντες εὐθὺς ἐν βραχεῖ
χαλκῷ μέγιστον σῶμα δειλαίας σποδοῦ
φέρουσιν ἄνδρες Φωκέων τεταγμένοι,
760 ὅπως πατρῴας τύμβον ἐκλάχῃ χθονός.
τοιαῦτά σοι ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ὡς μὲν ἐν λόγῳ
ἀλγεινά, τοῖς δ᾽ ἰδοῦσιν, οἵπερ εἴδομεν,
μέγιστα πάντων ὧν ὄπωπ᾽ ἐγὼ κακῶν.
Seeing this, the clever charioteer from Athens drew aside and paused, allowing the equestrian flood to pass in mid-crest. Orestes was driving last, keeping his horses [735] behind, as his trust was in the race's end. But when he sees that the Athenian is alone left in, he sends a shrill cry ringing through the ears of his swift colts, and gives chase. Bringing yoke level with yoke the two of them raced, first one man, then the other, [740] showing his head in front of the other's chariot. Up to now the ill-fated Orestes had driven upright safely through every circuit, upright in his upright car. But then he slackened his left rein while the horse was turning and unwittingly struck the edge of the pillar, [745] breaking the axle-box in two. He spilled forward over the chariot-rail and was caught in the trim reins, and as he fell to the ground, his colts were scattered into the middle of the course.
But when the crowd saw that he had fallen [750] from the chariot, a cry of pity went up for the young man who had done such deeds and was allotted such bad fortune—now dashed against the earth, now tossed with his feet to the sky until the charioteers with difficulty reigned in the gallop of his horses and [755] freed him, so covered with blood that no friend who saw it would have known the pitiful corpse. Immediately they burned him on a pyre, and chosen men of Phocis now bring the sad dust of that mighty form in a small urn of bronze, [760] so that he may find due burial in his fatherland.
Such is my story—it is grievous even to hear, but for us witnesses who looked on, it was the greatest of sorrows that these eyes have seen.
(351.) ὅστις δὲ τόλμῃ πρὸς τὸ δεινὸν ἔρχεται, ὀρθὴ μὲν ἡ γλῶσσ’ ἐστίν, ἀσφαλὴς δ’ ὁ νοῦς
(351.) ὅστις δὲ τόλμῃ πρὸς τὸ δεινὸν ἔρχεται,
ὀρθὴ μὲν ἡ γλῶσσ’ ἐστίν, ἀσφαλὴς δ’ ὁ νοῦς
Whoever approaches danger boldly talks straight and his purpose is not shaken. (Übers. G. P. Goold, Loeb)
οὐ γάρ ποτ’ ἂν γένοιτ’ ἂν ἀσφαλὴς πόλις ἐν ᾗ τὰ μὲν δίκαια καὶ τὰ σώφρονα λάγδην πατεῖται
(683.) οὐ γάρ ποτ’ ἂν γένοιτ’ ἂν ἀσφαλὴς πόλις
ἐν ᾗ τὰ μὲν δίκαια καὶ τὰ σώφρονα
λάγδην πατεῖται, κωτίλος δ’ ἀνὴρ λαβὼν
πανοῦργα χερσὶ κέντρα κηδεύει πόλιν
For no city can be safe in which justice and good sense are trampeled under foot, and a clever talker criminally grasps a goad and guides the city.
ἐς λόγους μολεῖν μόνον αἰτεῖν ἀπελθεῖν <τ’> ἀσφαλῶς τῆς δεῦρ’ ὁδοῦ.
Θησεύς
οὔτ᾽ εἴ τι μῆκος τῶν λόγων ἔθου πλέον,
1140 τέκνοισι τερφθεὶς τοῖσδε, θαυμάσας ἔχω,
οὔτ᾽ εἰ πρὸ τοὐμοῦ προύλαβες τὰ τῶνδ᾽ ἔπη.
βάρος γὰρ ἡμᾶς οὐδὲν ἐκ τούτων ἔχει.
οὐ γὰρ λόγοισι τὸν βίον σπουδάζομεν
λαμπρὸν ποεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς δρωμένοις.
1145 δείκνυμι δ᾽: ὧν γὰρ ὤμοσ᾽ οὐκ ἐψευσάμην
οὐδέν σε, πρέσβυ: τάσδε γὰρ πάρειμ᾽ ἄγων
ζώσας, ἀκραιφνεῖς τῶν κατηπειλημένων.
χὤπως μὲν ἁγὼν ᾑρέθη, τί δεῖ μάτην
κομπεῖν, ἅ γ᾽ εἴσει καὐτὸς ἐκ ταύταιν ξυνών;
1150 λόγος δ᾽ ὃς ἐμπέπτωκεν ἀρτίως ἐμοὶ
στείχοντι δεῦρο, συμβαλοῦ γνώμην, ἐπεὶ
σμικρὸς μὲν εἰπεῖν, ἄξιος δὲ θαυμάσαι:
πρᾶγος δ᾽ ἀτίζειν οὐδὲν ἄνθρωπον χρεών.
Οἰδίπους
τί δ᾽ ἔστι, τέκνον Αἰγέως; δίδασκέ με
1155 ὡς μὴ εἰδότ᾽ αὐτὸν μηδὲν ὧν σὺ πυνθάνει.
Θησεύς
φασίν τιν᾽ ἡμῖν ἄνδρα, σοὶ μὲν ἔμπολιν
οὐκ ὄντα, συγγενῆ δέ, προσπεσόντα πως
βωμῷ καθῆσθαι τῷ Ποσειδῶνος, παρ᾽ ᾧ
θύων ἔκυρον, ἡνίχ᾽ ὡρμώμην ἐγώ.
Οἰδίπους
1160 ποδαπόν; τί προσχρῄζοντα τῷ θακήματι:
Θησεύς
οὐκ οἶδα πλὴν ἕν: σοῦ γάρ, ὡς λέγουσί μοι,
βραχύν τιν᾽ αἰτεῖ μῦθον οὐκ ὄγκου πλέων.
Οἰδίπους
ποῖόν τιν᾽; οὐ γὰρ ἥδ᾽ ἕδρα σμικροῦ λόγου.
Θησεύς
σοὶ φασὶν αὐτὸν ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν μόνον
1165 αἰτεῖν ἀπελθεῖν τ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς τῆς δεῦρ᾽ ὁδοῦ.
Οἰδίπους
τίς δῆτ᾽ ἂν εἴη τήνδ᾽ ὁ προσθακῶν ἕδραν;
Θησεύς
ὅρα κατ᾽ Ἄργος εἴ τις ὑμὶν ἐγγενὴς
ἔσθ᾽, ὅστις ἄν σου τοῦτο προσχρῄζοι τυχεῖν.
Οἰδίπους
ὦ φίλτατε, σχὲς οὗπερ εἶ.
Θησεύς
τί δ᾽ ἔστι σοι;
Οἰδίπους
μή μου δεηθῇς.
Θησεύς
πράγματος ποίου; λέγε.
Οἰδίπους
ἔξοιδ᾽ ἀκούων τῶνδ᾽ ὅς ἐσθ᾽ ὁ προστάτης.
Θησεύς
καὶ τίς ποτ᾽ ἐστὶν ὅν γ᾽ ἐγὼ ψέξαιμί τι;
Οἰδίπους
παῖς οὑμός, ὦναξ, στυγνός, οὗ λόγων ἐγὼ
ἄλγιστ᾽ ἂν ἀνδρῶν ἐξανασχοίμην κλύων.
Θησεύς
1175 τί δ᾽; οὐκ ἀκούειν ἔστι καὶ μὴ δρᾶν ἃ μὴ
χρῄζεις; τί σοι τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ λυπηρὸν κλύειν;
Οἰδίπους
ἔχθιστον, ὦναξ, φθέγμα τοῦθ᾽ ἥκει πατρί:
καὶ μή μ᾽ ἀνάγκῃ προσβάλῃς τάδ᾽ εἰκαθεῖν.
Θησεύς
ἀλλ᾽ εἰ τὸ θάκημ᾽ ἐξαναγκάζει, σκόπει
1180 μή σοι πρόνοι᾽ ᾖ τοῦ θεοῦ φυλακτέα.
Theseus
I feel no amazement, if you have had a lengthy conversation [1140] from joy in these children, or if your first concern has been for their words rather than for me. Indeed, there is nothing to vex me in that. Not with words so much as with deeds would I add luster to my life. You have this proof: [1145] I have cheated you in none of my sworn promises, old man. Here am I, with the maidens living, uninjured by those threats. As to how the struggle was won, what need have I vainly to boast of what you will learn from these two when you are together? [1150] But there is a matter that has just presented itself to me, as I came here. Give me your counsel regarding it; for, though it is small, it is food for wonder. And mortal man must consider nothing beneath his concern.
Oedipus
[1155] What is it, son of Aegeus? Tell me; I myself know nothing of what you inquire.
Theseus
They say a man—not from your city, yet of your race—has somehow thrown himself down, as a suppliant, at our altar of Poseidon, where I was sacrificing when I first set out here.
Oedipus
[1160] What land does he come form? What does he desire by his supplication?
Theseus
I know one thing only: they tell me he asks to speak briefly with you, a thing of no great burden.
Oedipus
On what topic? That suppliant state is of no small account.
Theseus
He asks, they say, no more than that he may confer with you, [1165] and return unharmed from his journey here.
Oedipus
Who can he be that implores the god in this way?
Theseus
Consider whether there is anyone in your race at Argos, who might desire this favor from you.
Oedipus
Dearest friend, say no more!
Theseus
What is wrong?
Oedipus
[1170] Do not ask me for—
Theseus
For what? Speak!
Oedipus
From hearing these things I know who the suppliant is.
Theseus
And who can he be, that I should have an objection to him?
Oedipus
My son, lord, a hated son whose words would vex my ear like the words of no man besides.
Theseus
[1175] What? Can you not listen, without doing what you do not wish to do? Why does it pain you to hear him?
Oedipus
Lord, that voice has become most hateful to his father. Do not constrain me to yield in this.
Theseus
But consider whether his suppliant state constrains you; [1180] what if you have a duty of respect for the god?
σὺ δ᾽ ὢν σῶς ἴσθ᾽, ἐάν περ κἀμέ τις σῴζῃ θεῶν.
Οἰδίπους
1205 τέκνον, βαρεῖαν ἡδονὴν νικᾶτέ με
λέγοντες: ἔστω δ᾽ οὖν ὅπως ὑμῖν φίλον.
μόνον, ξέν᾽, εἴπερ κεῖνος ὧδ᾽ ἐλεύσεται,
μηδεὶς κρατείτω τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς ποτε.
Θησεύς
ἅπαξ τὰ τοιαῦτ᾽, οὐχὶ δὶς χρῄζω κλύειν,
ὦ πρέσβυ. κομπεῖν δ᾽ οὐχὶ βούλομαι: σὺ δ᾽ ὢν
1210 σῶς ἴσθ᾽, ἐάν περ κἀμέ τις σῴζῃ θεῶν.
Χορός
ὅστις τοῦ πλέονος μέρους χρῄζει τοῦ μετρίου παρεὶς
ζώειν, σκαιοσύναν φυλάσσων
ἐν ἐμοὶ κατάδηλος ἔσται.
1215 ἐπεὶ πολλὰ μὲν αἱ μακραὶ ἁμέραι κατέθεντο δὴ
λύπας ἐγγυτέρω, τὰ τέρποντα δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἴδοις ὅπου,
ὅταν τις ἐς πλέον πέσῃ
1220 τοῦ δέοντος: ὁ δ᾽ ἐπίκουρος ἰσοτέλεστος,
Ἄϊδος ὅτε μοῖρ᾽ ἀνυμέναιος
ἄλυρος ἄχορος ἀναπέφηνε,
θάνατος ἐς τελευτάν.
Oedipus
My child, by your pleading you overcome me; but your pleasure here is my grief. [1205] Still, let it be as is dear to you. Only, if that man is to come here, stranger, let no one ever become master over my soul.
Theseus
Once only do I need hear such words, and no more, old man. I do not want to boast, [1210] but you may feel sure that your life is safe, while any of the gods preserves mine.
Theseus exits.
Chorus
Whoever craves the longer length of life, not content to desire a moderate span, him I will judge with no uncertainty: he clings to folly. [1215] For the long years lay in deposit many things nearer to pain than joy; but as for your delights, you will find them nowhere, when someone's life has fallen beyond the fitting period. [1220] The Helper comes at last to all alike, when the fate of Hades is suddenly revealed, without marriage-song, or lyre, or dance: Death at the end.
διδοὺς ἐμοὶ λέξαι τ’ ἀκοῦσαί τ’ ἀσφαλεῖ σὺν ἐξόδῳ
Πολυνείκης
ἀλλ᾽ ἐξερῶ: καλῶς γὰρ ἐξηγεῖ σύ μοι:
1285 πρῶτον μὲν αὐτὸν τὸν θεὸν ποιούμενος
ἀρωγόν, ἔνθεν μ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἀνέστησεν μολεῖν
ὁ τῆσδε τῆς γῆς κοίρανος, διδοὺς ἐμοὶ
λέξαι τ᾽ ἀκοῦσαί τ᾽ ἀσφαλεῖ σὺν ἐξόδῳ.
καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν, ὧ ξένοι, βουλήσομαι
1290 καὶ ταῖνδ᾽ ἀδελφαῖν καὶ πατρὸς κυρεῖν ἐμοί.
ἃ δ᾽ ἦλθον, ἤδη σοι θέλω λέξαι, πάτερ.
γῆς ἐκ πατρῴας ἐξελήλαμαι φυγάς,
τοῖς σοῖς πανάρχοις οὕνεκ᾽ ἐνθακεῖν θρόνοις
γονῇ πεφυκὼς ἠξίουν γεραίτερος.
1295 ἀνθ᾽ ὧν μ᾽ Ἐτεοκλῆς, ὢν φύσει νεώτερος,
γῆς ἐξέωσεν, οὔτε νικήσας λόγῳ
οὔτ᾽ εἰς ἔλεγχον χειρὸς οὐδ᾽ ἔργου μολών,
πόλιν δὲ πείσας. ὧν ἐγὼ μάλιστα μὲν
τὴν σὴν ἐρινὺν αἰτίαν εἶναι λέγω.
1300 ἔπειτα κἀπὸ μάντεων ταύτῃ κλύω.
ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἦλθον Ἄργος ἐς τὸ Δωρικόν,
λαβὼν Ἄδραστον πενθερόν, ξυνωμότας
ἔστησ᾽ ἐμαυτῷ γῆς ὅσοιπερ Ἀπίας
πρῶτοι καλοῦνται καὶ τετίμηνται δόρει,
1305 ὅπως τὸν ἑπτάλογχον ἐς Θήβας στόλον
ξὺν τοῖσδ᾽ ἀγείρας ἢ θάνοιμι πανδίκως
ἢ τοὺς τάδ᾽ ἐκπράξαντας ἐκβάλοιμι γῆς.
εἶεν: τί δῆτα νῦν ἀφιγμένος κυρῶ;
σοὶ προστροπαίους, ὦ πάτερ, λιτὰς ἔχων
1310 αὐτός τ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ ξυμμάχων τε τῶν ἐμῶν,
οἳ νῦν σὺν ἑπτὰ τάξεσιν σὺν ἑπτά τε
λόγχαις τὸ Θήβης πέδιον ἀμφεστᾶσι πᾶν:
οἷος δορυσσοῦς Ἀμφιάρεως, τὰ πρῶτα μὲν
δόρει κρατύνων, πρῶτα δ᾽ οἰωνῶν ὁδοῖς:
1315 ὁ δεύτερος δ᾽ Αἰτωλὸς Οἰνέως τόκος
Τυδεύς. τρίτος δ᾽ Ἐτέοκλος, Ἀργεῖος γεγώς:
τέταρτον Ἱππομέδοντ᾽ ἀπέστειλεν πατὴρ
Ταλαός: ὁ πέμπτος δ᾽ εὔχεται κατασκαφῇ
Καπανεὺς τὸ Θήβης ἄστυ δῃώσειν πυρί:
1320 ἕκτος δὲ Παρθενοπαῖος Ἀρκὰς ὄρνυται,
ἐπώνυμος τῆς πρόσθεν ἀδμήτης χρόνῳ
μητρὸς λοχευθείς, πιστὸς Ἀταλάντης γόνος:
ἐγὼ δὲ σός, κεἰ μὴ σός, ἀλλὰ τοῦ κακοῦ
πότμου φυτευθείς, σός γέ τοι καλούμενος,
1325 ἄγω τὸν Ἄργους ἄφοβον ἐς Θήβας στρατόν.
οἵ σ᾽ ἀντὶ παίδων τῶνδε καὶ ψυχῆς, πάτερ,
ἱκετεύομεν ξύμπαντες ἐξαιτούμενοι
μῆνιν βαρεῖαν εἰκαθεῖν ὁρμωμένῳ
τῷδ᾽ ἀνδρὶ τοὐμοῦ πρὸς κασιγνήτου τίσιν,
1330 ὅς μ᾽ ἐξέωσε κἀπεσύλησεν πάτρας.
εἰ γάρ τι πιστόν ἐστιν ἐκ χρηστηρίων,
οἷς ἂν σὺ προσθῇ, τοῖσδ᾽ ἔφασκ᾽ εἶναι κράτος.
πρὸς νῦν σε κρηνῶν καὶ θεῶν ὁμογνίων
αἰτῶ πιθέσθαι καὶ παρεικαθεῖν, ἐπεὶ
1335 πτωχοὶ μὲν ἡμεῖς καὶ ξένοι, ξένος δὲ σύ.
ἄλλους δὲ θωπεύοντες οἰκοῦμεν σύ τε
κἀγώ, τὸν αὐτὸν δαίμον᾽ ἐξειληχότες.
ὁ δ᾽ ἐν δόμοις τύραννος, ὦ τάλας ἐγώ,
κοινῇ καθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐγγελῶν ἁβρύνεται:
1340 ὅν, εἰ σὺ τἠμῇ ξυμπαραστήσει φρενί,
βραχεῖ σὺν ὄγκῳ καὶ χρόνῳ διασκεδῶ.
ὥστ᾽ ἐν δόμοισι τοῖσι σοῖς στήσω σ᾽ ἄγων.
στήσω δ᾽ ἐμαυτόν, κεῖνον ἐκβαλὼν βίᾳ.
καὶ ταῦτα σοῦ μὲν ξυνθέλοντος ἔστι μοι
1345 κομπεῖν, ἄνευ σοῦ δ᾽ οὐδὲ σωθῆναι σθένω.
Polyneices
Then I will speak boldly, for you give me excellent guidance, [1285] first claiming the help of the god himself, from whose altar the king of this land raised me to come to you, with a guarantee to speak and hear, and go my way unharmed. And I wish these pledges, strangers, to be kept with me by you, and by my sisters here, and by my father. [1290] But now I want to tell you, father, why I came. I have been driven as an exile from my fatherland, because, as eldest-born, I thought it right to sit on your sovereign throne. [1295] Therefore Eteocles, though the younger, thrust me from the land, when he had neither defeated me by an argument of law, nor made a trial of might and deed. He brought over the city by persuasion. The cause of this, I claim, is most of all the curse on your house; [1300] I also hear this from soothsayers. For when I came to Dorian Argos, I made Adrastus my father-in-law. And I bound to me by oath all men of the Apian land who are foremost in their renown for war, [1305] so that with their aid I might collect the seven armies of spearmen against Thebes, and die in a just cause, or drive the doers of this wrong from the land. All right then, why have I come to you now? Bearing prayers of supplication, father, in person to you, [1310] my own prayers and those of my allies, who now with seven armies behind their seven spears have set their blockade around the plain of Thebes. One such is swift-speared Amphiaraus, a matchless warrior, and a matchless diviner; [1315] then comes the son of Oeneus, Aetolian Tydeus; Eteoclus is third, of Argive birth; the fourth, Hippomedon, is sent by Talaos, his father; while Capaneus, the fifth, boasts that he will burn Thebes to the ground with fire; and sixth, Arcadian Parthenopaeus rushes to the war. [1320] He is named for that virgin of long ago from whose marriage in later time he was born, the trusty son of Atalanta. Last come I, your son—or if not yours, then the offspring of an evil fate, but yours at least in name— [1325] leading the fearless army of Argos to Thebes. It is we who implore you, father, every one of us, by your daughters here and by your soul, begging you to forgo your fierce anger against me, as I go forth to punish my brother, [1330] who has expelled me and robbed me of my fatherland. For if anything trustworthy comes from oracles, they said that whoever you join with in alliance will have victorious strength. Then, by the streams of water and gods of our race, I ask you to listen and to yield. [1335] I am a beggar and a stranger, as you are yourself; by paying court to others both you and I have a home, obtaining by lot the same fortune. But he is tyrant at home—wretched me!—and in his pride laughs at you and me alike. [1340] But if you join as ally to my purpose, with little trouble or time I will scatter his strength to the winds, so that I will bring you home and set you in your own house, and set me in mine, when I have cast him out by force. If you are with me, then I can make this boast; but without you [1345] I cannot even return alive.
Οἰδίπους
ὦ φίλτατ᾽ Αἰγέως παῖ, μόνοις οὐ γίγνεται
θεοῖσι γῆρας οὐδὲ κατθανεῖν ποτε.
τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα συγχεῖ πάνθ᾽ ὁ παγκρατὴς χρόνος.
610 φθίνει μὲν ἰσχὺς γῆς, φθίνει δὲ σώματος,
θνῄσκει δὲ πίστις, βλαστάνει δ᾽ ἀπιστία,
καὶ πνεῦμα ταὐτὸν οὔποτ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἐν ἀνδράσιν
φίλοις βέβηκεν οὔτε πρὸς πόλιν πόλει.
τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἤδη, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐν ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ
615 τὰ τερπνὰ πικρὰ γίγνεται καὖθις φίλα.
καὶ ταῖσι Θήβαις εἰ τανῦν εὐημερεῖ
καλῶς τὰ πρὸς σέ, μυρίας ὁ μυρίος
χρόνος τεκνοῦται νύκτας ἡμέρας τ᾽ ἰών,
ἐν αἷς τὰ νῦν ξύμφωνα δεξιώματα
620 δόρει διασκεδῶσιν ἐκ σμικροῦ λόγου:
ἵν᾽ οὑμὸς εὕδων καὶ κεκρυμμένος νέκυς
ψυχρός ποτ᾽ αὐτῶν θερμὸν αἷμα πίεται,
εἰ Ζεὺς ἔτι Ζεὺς χὠ Διὸς Φοῖβος σαφής.
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ αὐδᾶν ἡδὺ τἀκίνητ᾽ ἔπη,
625 ἔα μ᾽ ἐν οἷσιν ἠρξάμην, τὸ σὸν μόνον
πιστὸν φυλάσσων, κοὔποτ᾽ Οἰδίπουν ἐρεῖς
ἀχρεῖον οἰκητῆρα δέξασθαι τόπων
τῶν ἐνθάδ᾽, εἴπερ μὴ θεοὶ ψεύσουσί με.
Χορός
ἄναξ, πάλαι καὶ ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτ᾽ ἔπη
630 γῇ τῇδ᾽ ὅδ᾽ ἁνὴρ ὡς τελῶν ἐφαίνετο.
Θησεύς
τίς δῆτ᾽ ἂν ἀνδρὸς εὐμένειαν ἐκβάλοι
τοιοῦδ᾽, ὅτῳ πρῶτον μὲν ἡ δορύξενος
κοινή παρ᾽ ἡμῖν αἰέν ἐστιν ἑστία;
ἔπειτα δ᾽ ἱκέτης δαιμόνων ἀφιγμένος
635 γῇ τῇδε κἀμοὶ δασμὸν οὐ σμικρὸν τίνει.
ἁγὼ σεβισθεὶς οὔποτ᾽ ἐκβαλῶ χάριν
τὴν τοῦδε, χώρᾳ δ᾽ ἔμπολιν κατοικιῶ.
εἰ δ᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ ἡδὺ τῷ ξένῳ μίμνειν, σέ νιν
τάξω φυλάσσειν, εἴτ᾽ ἐμοῦ στείχειν μέτα,
640 τόδ᾽ ἡδύ, τούτων, Οἰδίπους, δίδωμί σοι
κρίναντι χρῆσθαι: τῇδε γὰρ ξυνοίσομαι.
Oedipus
Dearest son of Aegeus, to the gods alone old age and death never come, but everything else sinks into chaos from time which overpowers all. [610] Earth's strength decays, and so too the strength of the body; trust dies; distrust is born; and the same spirit is never steadfast among friends, or between city and city. For some now, for others tomorrow, sweet feelings turn to bitter, and then once more to being dear. [615] And if now the sun shines brightly between Thebes and you, yet time in his course gives birth to days and nights untold, in which from a small cause they will [620] scatter with the spear today's pledges of concord. Then one day my slumbering and buried corpse, cold in death, will drink their warm blood, if Zeus is still Zeus, and Phoebus, the son of Zeus, speaks clear. But, since I would not break silence concerning words that must not spoken, allow me to cease where I began. [625] Only keep your own pledge good, and never will you say that in vain you welcomed Oedipus to dwell in this land—if indeed the gods do not deceive me.
Chorus
Lord, from the first this man has shown a [630] will to bring these words, or similar ones, to completion for our land.
Theseus
Who, then, would reject the goodwill of such a one? To whom, first, the hearth of a spear-friend is always available on our side, by reciprocal right; then too he has come as a suppliant to our gods, [635] paying no small recompense to this land and to me. In reverence for these claims, I will never spurn his favor, and I will establish a dwelling for him as a citizen in the land. And if it is the pleasure of the stranger to remain here, I will command you to [640] protect him; or, if it pleases him, to come with me. This choice or that, Oedipus, you may take; your desire will be mine.
ῥῦσαι σεαυτὸν καὶ πόλιν, ῥῦσαι δ᾽ ἐμέ, ῥῦσαι δὲ πᾶν μίασμα τοῦ τεθνηκότος.
Οἰδίπους
300 ὦ πάντα νωμῶν Τειρεσία, διδακτά τε
ἄρρητά τ᾽, οὐράνιά τε καὶ χθονοστιβῆ,
πόλιν μέν, εἰ καὶ μὴ βλέπεις, φρονεῖς δ᾽ ὅμως
οἵᾳ νόσῳ σύνεστιν: ἧς σὲ προστάτην
σωτῆρά τ᾽, ὦναξ, μοῦνον ἐξευρίσκομεν.
305 Φοῖβος γάρ, εἴ τι μὴ κλύεις τῶν ἀγγέλων,
πέμψασιν ἡμῖν ἀντέπεμψεν, ἔκλυσιν
μόνην ἂν ἐλθεῖν τοῦδε τοῦ νοσήματος,
εἰ τοὺς κτανόντας Λάϊον μαθόντες εὖ
κτείναιμεν ἢ γῆς φυγάδας ἐκπεμψαίμεθα.
310 σύ νυν φθονήσας μήτ᾽ ἀπ᾽ οἰωνῶν φάτιν
μήτ᾽ εἴ τιν᾽ ἄλλην μαντικῆς ἔχεις ὁδόν,
ῥῦσαι σεαυτὸν καὶ πόλιν, ῥῦσαι δ᾽ ἐμέ,
ῥῦσαι δὲ πᾶν μίασμα τοῦ τεθνηκότος.
ἐν σοὶ γὰρ ἐσμέν: ἄνδρα δ᾽ ὠφελεῖν ἀφ᾽ ὧν
315 ἔχοι τε καὶ δύναιτο, κάλλιστος πόνων.
Τειρεσίας
φεῦ φεῦ, φρονεῖν ὡς δεινὸν ἔνθα μὴ τέλη
λύῃ φρονοῦντι: ταῦτα γὰρ καλῶς ἐγὼ
εἰδὼς διώλεσ᾽: οὐ γὰρ ἂν δεῦρ᾽ ἱκόμην.
Οἰδίπους
τί δ᾽ ἔστιν; ὡς ἄθυμος εἰσελήλυθας.
Τειρεσίας
320 ἄφες μ᾽ ἐς οἴκους: ῥᾷστα γὰρ τὸ σόν τε σὺ
κἀγὼ διοίσω τοὐμόν, ἢν ἐμοὶ πίθῃ.
Οἰδίπους
οὔτ᾽ ἔννομ᾽ εἶπας οὔτε προσφιλῆ πόλει
τῇδ᾽, ἥ σ᾽ ἔθρεψε, τήνδ᾽ ἀποστερῶν φάτιν.
Τειρεσίας
ὁρῶ γὰρ οὐδὲ σοὶ τὸ σὸν φώνημ᾽ ἰὸν
325 πρὸς καιρόν: ὡς οὖν μηδ᾽ ἐγὼ ταὐτὸν πάθω—
Οἰδίπους
μὴ πρὸς θεῶν φρονῶν γ᾽ ἀποστραφῇς, ἐπεὶ
πάντες σε προσκυνοῦμεν οἵδ᾽ ἱκτήριοι.
Τειρεσίας
πάντες γὰρ οὐ φρονεῖτ᾽: ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὐ μή ποτε
τἄμ᾽, ὡς ἂν εἴπω μὴ τὰ σ᾽, ἐκφήνω κακά.
Teiresias enters, led by a boy.
Oedipus
[300] Teiresias, whose soul grasps all things, both that which may be told and that which is unspeakable, the Olympian secrets and the affairs of the earth, you feel, though you cannot see, what a huge plague haunts our state. From which, great prophet, we find you to be our protector and only savior. [305] Now, Phoebus—if indeed you have not already heard the news—sent answer to our question that the only way to rid ourselves of this pest that afflicts us is to discover the slayers of Laius, and then to slay them or banish them from our land. [310] So do not begrudge us the voice of the birds or any other path of prophecy, but save yourself and your state, save me, save all that is defiled by the dead. We are in your hands, and man's noblest task is to help others [315] to the best of his means and powers.
Teiresias
Alas, how terrible it is to have wisdom when it does not benefit those who have it. I knew this well, but let it slip from my mind: otherwise I would not have come here.
Oedipus
What now? How disheartened you have come!
Teiresias
[320] Let me go home. For you will bear your own burden to the end, and I will bear mine, if you consent.
Oedipus
Your words are strange and unkind to the state which nurtured you, since you withhold this response.
Teiresias
I see that you, for your part, speak inappropriately. [325] Therefore do not speak, so I will not suffer the same.
Oedipus
For the love of the gods, do not turn away, if you have knowledge: all we suppliants implore you on our knees.
Teiresias
For all of you are without knowledge. But never will I reveal my troubles—not to call them yours.
ἀλλ’ ἀσφαλείᾳ τήνδ’ ἀνόρθωσον πόλιν.
Ἱερεύς
ἀλλ᾽ ὦ κρατύνων Οἰδίπους χώρας ἐμῆς,
15 ὁρᾷς μὲν ἡμᾶς ἡλίκοι προσήμεθα
βωμοῖσι τοῖς σοῖς: οἱ μὲν οὐδέπω μακρὰν
πτέσθαι σθένοντες, οἱ δὲ σὺν γήρᾳ βαρεῖς,
ἱερῆς, ἐγὼ μὲν Ζηνός, οἵδε τ᾽ ᾐθέων
λεκτοί: τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο φῦλον ἐξεστεμμένον
20 ἀγοραῖσι θακεῖ πρός τε Παλλάδος διπλοῖς
ναοῖς, ἐπ᾽ Ἰσμηνοῦ τε μαντείᾳ σποδῷ.
πόλις γάρ, ὥσπερ καὐτὸς εἰσορᾷς, ἄγαν
ἤδη σαλεύει κἀνακουφίσαι κάρα
βυθῶν ἔτ᾽ οὐχ οἵα τε φοινίου σάλου,
25 φθίνουσα μὲν κάλυξιν ἐγκάρποις χθονός,
φθίνουσα δ᾽ ἀγέλαις βουνόμοις τόκοισί τε
ἀγόνοις γυναικῶν: ἐν δ᾽ ὁ πυρφόρος θεὸς
σκήψας ἐλαύνει, λοιμὸς ἔχθιστος, πόλιν,
ὑφ᾽ οὗ κενοῦται δῶμα Καδμεῖον, μέλας δ᾽
30 Ἅιδης στεναγμοῖς καὶ γόοις πλουτίζεται.
θεοῖσι μέν νυν οὐκ ἰσούμενόν σ᾽ ἐγὼ
οὐδ᾽ οἵδε παῖδες ἑζόμεσθ᾽ ἐφέστιοι,
ἀνδρῶν δὲ πρῶτον ἔν τε συμφοραῖς βίου
κρίνοντες ἔν τε δαιμόνων συναλλαγαῖς:
35 ὅς γ᾽ ἐξέλυσας ἄστυ Καδμεῖον μολὼν
σκληρᾶς ἀοιδοῦ δασμὸν ὃν παρείχομεν,
καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν οὐδὲν ἐξειδὼς πλέον
οὐδ᾽ ἐκδιδαχθείς, ἀλλὰ προσθήκῃ θεοῦ
λέγει νομίζει θ᾽ ἡμὶν ὀρθῶσαι βίον:
40 νῦν τ᾽, ὦ κράτιστον πᾶσιν Οἰδίπου κάρα,
ἱκετεύομέν σε πάντες οἵδε πρόστροποι
ἀλκήν τιν᾽ εὑρεῖν ἡμίν, εἴτε του θεῶν
φήμην ἀκούσας εἴτ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς οἶσθά του:
ὡς τοῖσιν ἐμπείροισι καὶ τὰς ξυμφορὰς
45ζώσας ὁρῶ μάλιστα τῶν βουλευμάτων.
ἴθ᾽, ὦ βροτῶν ἄριστ᾽, ἀνόρθωσον πόλιν,
ἴθ᾽, εὐλαβήθηθ᾽: ὡς σὲ νῦν μὲν ἥδε γῆ
σωτῆρα κλῄζει τῆς πάρος προθυμίας:
ἀρχῆς δὲ τῆς σῆς μηδαμῶς μεμνώμεθα
50στάντες τ᾽ ἐς ὀρθὸν καὶ πεσόντες ὕστερον.
ἀλλ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ τήνδ᾽ ἀνόρθωσον πόλιν:
ὄρνιθι γὰρ καὶ τὴν τότ᾽ αἰσίῳ τύχην
παρέσχες ἡμῖν, καὶ τανῦν ἴσος γενοῦ.
ὡς εἴπερ ἄρξεις τῆσδε γῆς, ὥσπερ κρατεῖς,
55ξὺν ἀνδράσιν κάλλιον ἢ κενῆς κρατεῖν:
ὡς οὐδέν ἐστιν οὔτε πύργος οὔτε ναῦς
ἔρημος ἀνδρῶν μὴ ξυνοικούντων ἔσω.
Priest of Zeus
Oedipus, ruler of my land, you see the age of those who sit [15] on your altars—some, nestlings still too tender for flight, others, bowed with age, priests, like me of Zeus, and some, these here, the chosen youth. The rest of the folk sit [20] with wreathed branches in the market-place, and before the shrines of Pallas, and where Ismenus gives answer by fire. For the city, as you yourself see, is now sorely vexed, and can no longer lift her head from beneath the angry waves of death. [25] A blight has fallen on the fruitful blossoms of the land, the herds among the pastures, the barren pangs of women. And the flaming god, the malign plague, has swooped upon us, and ravages the town: he lays waste to the house of Cadmus, but enriches Hades with [30] groans and tears. It is not because we rank you with the gods that I and these children are suppliants at your hearth, but because we deem you the first among men in life's common fortunes and in dealings with the divinities: [35] when you came to the city of the Cadmeans, you freed us from the tax that we rendered to the hard songstress, and that when you knew no more than anyone else, nor had you been taught, but rather by the assistance of a god, as the story goes, you uplifted our life. [40] Now, Oedipus, king glorious in our eyes, we, your suppliants, beseech you to find some defence for us, whether you hear it from some divine omen, or learn of it from some mortal. For I see that the outcome of the councils of experienced men [45] most often have effect. On, best of mortals, uplift our state! On, guard your fame, since now this land calls you savior on account of your former zeal. Let us not remember of your reign that [50] we were first restored and then cast down: lift this state so that it falls no more! With good omen you provided us that past happiness: show yourself the same now too, since if you are to rule this land just as you do now, it is better to be lord of men than of a wasteland. [55] Neither walled town nor ship is anything, if it is empty and no men dwell within.
ἄναξ· φρονεῖν γὰρ οἱ ταχεῖς οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς.
Κρέων
οὔκ, εἰ διδοίης γ᾽ ὡς ἐγὼ σαυτῷ λόγον.
σκέψαι δὲ τοῦτο πρῶτον, εἴ τιν᾽ ἂν δοκεῖς
585 ἄρχειν ἑλέσθαι ξὺν φόβοισι μᾶλλον ἢ
ἄτρεστον εὕδοντ᾽, εἰ τά γ᾽ αὔθ᾽ ἕξει κράτη.
ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἱμείρων ἔφυν
τύραννος εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ τύραννα δρᾶν,
οὔτ᾽ ἄλλος ὅστις σωφρονεῖν ἐπίσταται.
590 νῦν μὲν γὰρ ἐκ σοῦ πάντ᾽ ἄνευ φόβου φέρω,
εἰ δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἦρχον, πολλὰ κἂν ἄκων ἔδρων.
πῶς δῆτ᾽ ἐμοὶ τυραννὶς ἡδίων ἔχειν
ἀρχῆς ἀλύπου καὶ δυναστείας ἔφυ;
οὔπω τοσοῦτον ἠπατημένος κυρῶ
595 ὥστ᾽ ἄλλα χρῄζειν ἢ τὰ σὺν κέρδει καλά.
νῦν πᾶσι χαίρω, νῦν με πᾶς ἀσπάζεται,
νῦν οἱ σέθεν χρῄζοντες ἐκκαλοῦσί με:
τὸ γὰρ τυχεῖν αὐτοῖσι πᾶν ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἔνι.
πῶς δῆτ᾽ ἐγὼ κεῖν᾽ ἂν λάβοιμ᾽ ἀφεὶς τάδε;
600 οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο νοῦς κακὸς καλῶς φρονῶν.
ἀλλ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἐραστὴς τῆσδε τῆς γνώμης ἔφυν
οὔτ᾽ ἂν μετ᾽ ἄλλου δρῶντος ἂν τλαίην ποτέ.
καὶ τῶνδ᾽ ἔλεγχον τοῦτο μὲν Πυθώδ᾽ ἰὼν
πεύθου τὰ χρησθέντ᾽ εἰ σαφῶς ἤγγειλά σοι:
605 τοῦτ᾽ ἄλλ᾽, ἐάν με τῷ τερασκόπῳ λάβῃς
κοινῇ τι βουλεύσαντα, μή μ᾽ ἁπλῇ κτάνῃς
ψήφῳ, διπλῇ δέ, τῇ τ᾽ ἐμῇ καὶ σῇ, λαβών:
γνώμῃ δ᾽ ἀδήλῳ μή με χωρὶς αἰτιῶ.
οὐ γὰρ δίκαιον οὔτε τοὺς κακοὺς μάτην
610 χρηστοὺς νομίζειν οὔτε τοὺς χρηστοὺς κακούς.
φίλον γὰρ ἐσθλὸν ἐκβαλεῖν ἴσον λέγω
καὶ τὸν παρ᾽ αὑτῷ βίοτον, ὃν πλεῖστον, φιλεῖ.
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν χρόνῳ γνώσει τάδ᾽ ἀσφαλῶς, ἐπεὶ
χρόνος δίκαιον ἄνδρα δείκνυσιν μόνος:
615 κακὸν δὲ κἂν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ γνοίης μιᾷ.
Creon
Not so, if you would reason with your heart as I do with mine. Weigh this first—whether you think that anyone would [585] choose to rule amid terrors rather than in unruffled peace, granted that he is to have the same powers. Now I, for one, have by nature no yearning to rule as a king rather than to do kingly deeds, and neither does any man I know who has a sound mind. [590] For now I attain all everything from you without fear, but, if I were ruler myself, I would have to do much that went against my own pleasure.
How, then, could royalty be sweeter to me to have than painless rule and influence? I am not yet so misguided [595] that I desire other honors than those which bring profit. Now, every man has a greeting for me; now, all that have a request of you crave to speak with me, since in me lies all their hope of success. Why then should I give up these things and take those others? [600] No mind will become false while it is wise. No, I am no lover of such a policy, and if another put it into action, I could never bear to go along with him. And, in proof of this, first go to Pytho, and ask whether I brought a true report of the oracle. [605] Then next, if you have found that I have planned anything in concert with the soothsayer, take and slay me, by the sentence not of one mouth, but of two—by my own no less than yours. But do not assume my guilt on unproven inference. It is not just to judge bad men good at random, [610] or good men bad. I think that casting off a true friend is for a man like casting away the life in his own bosom, which he most loves. You will surely learn about these affairs in time, since time alone reveals a just man. [615] But you can discern a bad man even in one day alone.
καλῶς ἔλεξεν εὐλαβουμένῳ πεσεῖν, | ἄναξ: φρονεῖν γὰρ οἱ ταχεῖς οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς.
Χορός
καλῶς ἔλεξεν εὐλαβουμένῳ πεσεῖν,
ἄναξ: φρονεῖν γὰρ οἱ ταχεῖς οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς.
Οἰδίπους
ὅταν ταχύς τις οὑπιβουλεύων λάθρᾳ
χωρῇ, ταχὺν δεῖ κἀμὲ βουλεύειν πάλιν:
620 εἰ δ᾽ ἡσυχάζων προσμενῶ, τὰ τοῦδε μὲν
πεπραγμέν᾽ ἔσται, τἀμὰ δ᾽ ἡμαρτημένα.
Κρέων
τί δῆτα χρῄζεις; ἦ με γῆς ἔξω βαλεῖν;
Οἰδίπους
ἥκιστα: θνῄσκειν, οὐ φυγεῖν σε βούλομαι.
ὡς ἂν προδείξῃς οἷόν ἐστι τὸ φθονεῖν.
Κρέων
625ὡς οὐχ ὑπείξων οὐδὲ πιστεύσων λέγεις;
Οἰδίπους
*
Κρέων
οὐ γὰρ φρονοῦντά σ᾽ εὖ βλέπω.
Οἰδίπους
τὸ γοῦν ἐμόν.
Κρέων
ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἴσου δεῖ κἀμόν.
Οἰδίπους
ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυς κακός.
Κρέων
εἰ δὲ ξυνίης μηδέν;
Οἰδίπους
ἀρκτέον γ᾽ ὅμως.
Κρέων
οὔτοι κακῶς γ᾽ ἄρχοντος.
Οἰδίπους
ὦ πόλις πόλις.
Κρέων
630κἀμοὶ πόλεως μέτεστιν, οὐχί σοι μόνῳ.
Χορός
παύσασθ᾽, ἄνακτες: καιρίαν δ᾽ ὑμῖν ὁρῶ
τήνδ᾽ ἐκ δόμων στείχουσαν Ἰοκάστην, μεθ᾽ ἧς
τὸ νῦν παρεστὸς νεῖκος εὖ θέσθαι χρεών.
Chorus
He has spoken well, my king, for one who is taking care not to fall: those who are quick in counsel are not sure.
Oedipus
When the stealthy plotter is moving on me quickly, I, too, must be quick in my counterplot. [620] If I await him in repose, his ends will have been gained, and mine lost.
Creon
What do you want then? To banish me from the land?
Oedipus
Hardly. I desire your death, not your exile, so that I might show what a thing envy is.
Creon
[625] Are you resolved not to yield or believe?
Oedipus
<No, for you persuade me that you are unworthy of trust.>
Creon
No, for I see you are not sane.
Oedipus
Sane, at least, in my own interest.
Creon
But you should be so in mine also.
Oedipus
You are false.
Creon
But if you understand nothing?
Oedipus
Still I must rule.
Creon
Not if you rule badly.
Oedipus
Hear him, city of Thebes!
Creon
[630] The city is mine too, not yours alone.
Chorus
Cease, lords. In good time I see Iocasta coming from the house, with whose help you should resolve your present feud.
ἐχρήσατο τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀσφαλῶς
Θεόπομπος δέ φησιν, ἤδη τῶν βοιωταρχῶν ἐγνωκότων ἀπαίρειν, ἀφικέσθαι (5) πρὸς αὐτοὺς Φρίξον ἄνδρα Σπαρτιάτην παρ’ Ἀγησιλάου δέκα τάλαντα κομίζοντα τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως μισθόν, ὥστε τὰ πάλαι δεδογμένα πράττουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐφόδιον παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων προσπεριγενέσθαι.
(33) τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ οἶδ’ ὅπως ἠγνόησαν οἱ ἄλλοι, μόνος δ’ ὁ Θεόπομπος ἤισθετο. τοῦ δὲ σωθῆναι τὴν Σπάρτην τότε πάντες αἴτιον ὁμολογοῦσι γενέσθαι (10) τὸν Ἀγησίλαον, ὅτι τῶν ἐμφύτων αὐτῶι παθῶν φιλοτιμίας καὶ φιλονικίας ἀποστὰς ἐχρήσατο τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀσφαλῶς.
(FGrHist. 115,323 = Plut. Ages. 33,1)
[8] As for the reason why the Thebans withdrew from Laconia, most writers say that it was because winter storms came on and the Arcadians began to melt away and disband; others, because they had remained there three entire months and thoroughly ravaged most of the country; (1) but Theopompus says that when the Theban chief magistrates had already determined to take their army back, Phrixus, a Spartan, came to them, bringing ten talents from Agesilaus to pay for their withdrawal, so that they were only doing what they had long ago decided to do, and had their expenses paid by their enemies besides.
[33.1] This story may be true, although I know not how all other writers could be ignorant of it, while Theopompus alone heard it; but, at any rate, all agree that the salvation of Sparta at this time was due to Agesilaüs, because he renounced his inherent passions of contentiousness and ambition, and adopted a policy of safety.
1 All three reasons are given by Xenophon (Hell. vi. 5. 50).
διὰ δὲ τῆς Γερανείας οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς αὐτοῖς ἐφαίνετο (3, Z. 4) // σκέψασθαι ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἀσφαλέστατα διαπορεύσονται (4, Z. 2)
ἤρξαντο δὲ κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους τούτους καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς θάλασσαν οἰκοδομεῖν, τό τε Φαληρόνδε καὶ τὸ ἐς Πειραιᾶ. [2] καὶ Φωκέων στρατευσάντων ἐς Δωριᾶς τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων μητρόπολιν, Βοιὸν καὶ Κυτίνιον καὶ Ἐρινεόν, καὶ ἑλόντων ἓν τῶν πολισμάτων τούτων, οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Νικομήδους τοῦ Κλεομβρότου ὑπὲρ Πλειστοάνακτος τοῦ Παυσανίου βασιλέως νέου ὄντος ἔτι ἡγουμένου ἐβοήθησαν τοῖς Δωριεῦσιν ἑαυτῶν τε πεντακοσίοις καὶ χιλίοις ὁπλίταις καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων μυρίοις, καὶ τοὺς Φωκέας ὁμολογίᾳ ἀναγκάσαντες ἀποδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν ἀπεχώρουν πάλιν. [3] καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν μὲν αὐτούς, διὰ τοῦ Κρισαίου κόλπου εἰ βούλοιντο περαιοῦσθαι, Ἀθηναῖοι ναυσὶ περιπλεύσαντες ἔμελλον κωλύσειν: διὰ δὲ τῆς Γερανείας οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς αὐτοῖς ἐφαίνετο Ἀθηναίων ἐχόντων Μέγαρα καὶ Πηγὰς πορεύεσθαι. δύσοδός τε γὰρ ἡ Γερανεία καὶ ἐφρουρεῖτο αἰεὶ ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων, καὶ τότε ᾐσθάνοντο αὐτοὺς μέλλοντας καὶ ταύτῃ κωλύσειν. [4] ἔδοξε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐν Βοιωτοῖς περιμείνασι σκέψασθαι ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἀσφαλέστατα διαπορεύσονται. τὸ δέ τι καὶ ἄνδρες τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπῆγον αὐτοὺς κρύφα, ἐλπίσαντες δῆμόν τε καταπαύσειν καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη οἰκοδομούμενα. [5] ἐβοήθησαν δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πανδημεὶ καὶ Ἀργείων χίλιοι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων ὡς ἕκαστοι: ξύμπαντες δὲ ἐγένοντο τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ μύριοι. [6] νομίσαντες δὲ ἀπορεῖν ὅπῃ διέλθωσιν ἐπεστράτευσαν αὐτοῖς, καί τι καὶ τοῦ δήμου καταλύσεως ὑποψίᾳ. [7] ἦλθον δὲ καὶ Θεσσαλῶν ἱππῆς τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικόν, οἳ μετέστησαν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ παρὰ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους.
About this time the Athenians began to build the long walls to the sea, that towards Phalerum and that towards Piraeus. [2] Meanwhile the Phocians made an expedition against Doris, the old home of the Lacedaemonians, containing the towns of Boeum, Kitinium, and Erineum. They had taken one of these towns, when the Lacedaemonians under Nicomedes, son of Cleombrotus, commanding for King Pleistoanax, son of Pausanias, who was still a minor, came to the aid of the Dorians with fifteen hundred heavy infantry of their own, and ten thousand of their allies. After compelling the Phocians to restore the town on conditions, they began their retreat. [3] The route by sea, across the Crissaean gulf, exposed them to the risk of being stopped by the Athenian fleet; that across Geraneia seemed scarcely safe, the Athenians holding Megara and Pegae. For the pass was a difficult one, and was always guarded by the Athenians; and, in the present instance, the Lacedaemonians had information that they meant to dispute their passage. [4] So they resolved to remain in Boeotia, and to consider which would be the safest line of march. They had also another reason for this resolve. Secret encouragement had been given them by a party in Athens, who hoped to put an end to the reign of democracy and the building of the long walls. [5] Meanwhile the Athenians marched against them with their whole levy and a thousand Argives and the respective contingents of the rest of their allies. Altogether they were fourteen thousand strong. [6] The march was prompted by the notion that the Lacedaemonians were at a loss how to effect their passage, and also by suspicions of an attempt to overthrow the democracy. [7] Some cavalry also joined the Athenians from their Thessalian allies; but these went over to the Lacedaemonians during the battle.
ἐνθυμεῖται γὰρ οὐδεὶς ὁμοῖα τῇ πίστει καὶ ἔργῳ ἐπεξέρχεται, ἀλλὰ μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας μὲν δοξάζομεν
‘τοὺς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίους, ὦ ἄνδρες ξύμμαχοι, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι αἰτιασαίμεθα ὡς οὐ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐψηφισμένοι τὸν πόλεμόν εἰσι καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐς τοῦτο νῦν ξυνήγαγον. χρὴ γὰρ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τὰ ἴδια ἐξ ἴσου νέμοντας τὰ κοινὰ προσκοπεῖν, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ἐκ πάντων προτιμῶνται. [2] ἡμῶν δὲ ὅσοι μὲν Ἀθηναίοις ἤδη ἐνηλλάγησαν οὐχὶ διδαχῆς δέονται ὥστε φυλάξασθαι αὐτούς: τοὺς δὲ τὴν μεσόγειαν μᾶλλον καὶ μὴ ἐν πόρῳ κατῳκημένους εἰδέναι χρὴ ὅτι, τοῖς κάτω ἢν μὴ ἀμύνωσι, χαλεπωτέραν ἕξουσι τὴν κατακομιδὴν τῶν ὡραίων καὶ πάλιν ἀντίληψιν ὧν ἡ θάλασσα τῇ ἠπείρῳ δίδωσι, καὶ τῶν νῦν λεγομένων μὴ κακοὺς κριτὰς ὡς μὴ προσηκόντων εἶναι, προσδέχεσθαι δέ ποτε, εἰ τὰ κάτω πρόοιντο, κἂν μέχρι σφῶν τὸ δεινὸν προελθεῖν, καὶ περὶ αὑτῶν οὐχ ἧσσον νῦν βουλεύεσθαι. [3] δι᾽ ὅπερ καὶ μὴ ὀκνεῖν δεῖ αὐτοὺς τὸν πόλεμον ἀντ᾽ εἰρήνης μεταλαμβάνειν. ἀνδρῶν γὰρ σωφρόνων μέν ἐστιν, εἰ μὴ ἀδικοῖντο, ἡσυχάζειν, ἀγαθῶν δὲ ἀδικουμένους ἐκ μὲν εἰρήνης πολεμεῖν, εὖ δὲ παρασχὸν ἐκ πολέμου πάλιν ξυμβῆναι, καὶ μήτε τῇ κατὰ πόλεμον εὐτυχίᾳ ἐπαίρεσθαι μήτε τῷ ἡσύχῳ τῆς εἰρήνης ἡδόμενον ἀδικεῖσθαι. [4] ὅ τε γὰρ διὰ τὴν ἡδονὴν ὀκνῶν τάχιστ᾽ ἂν ἀφαιρεθείη τῆς ῥᾳστώνης τὸ τερπνὸν δι᾽ ὅπερ ὀκνεῖ, εἰ ἡσυχάζοι, ὅ τε ἐν πολέμῳ εὐτυχίᾳ πλεονάζων οὐκ ἐντεθύμηται θράσει ἀπίστῳ ἐπαιρόμενος. [5] πολλὰ γὰρ κακῶς γνωσθέντα ἀβουλοτέρων τῶν ἐναντίων τυχόντα κατωρθώθη, καὶ ἔτι πλείω καλῶς δοκοῦντα βουλευθῆναι ἐς τοὐναντίον αἰσχρῶς περιέστη: ἐνθυμεῖται γὰρ οὐδεὶς ὁμοῖα τῇ πίστει καὶ ἔργῳ ἐπεξέρχεται, ἀλλὰ μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας μὲν δοξάζομεν, μετὰ δέους δὲ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ ἐλλείπομεν.
‘Fellow allies, we can no longer accuse the Lacedaemonians of having failed in their duty: they have not only voted for war themselves, but have assembled us here for that purpose. We say their duty, for supremacy has its duties. Besides equitably administering private interests, leaders are required to show a special care for the common welfare in return for the special honors accorded to them by all in other ways. [2] For ourselves, all who have already had dealings with the Athenians require no warning to be on their guard against them. The states more inland and out of the highway of communication should understand that if they omit to support the coast powers, the result will be to injure the transit of their produce for exportation and the reception in exchange of their imports from the sea; and they must not be careless judges of what is now said, as if it had nothing to do with them, but must expect that the sacrifice of the powers on the coast will one day be followed by the extension of the danger to the interior, and must recognize that their own interests are deeply involved in this discussion. [3] For these reasons they should not hesitate to exchange peace for war. If wise men remain quiet, while they are not injured, brave men abandon peace for war when they are injured, returning to an understanding on a favorable opportunity: in fact, they are neither intoxicated by their success in war, nor disposed to take an injury for the sake of the delightful tranquillity of peace. [4] Indeed, to falter for the sake of such delights is, if you remain inactive, the quickest way of losing the sweets of repose to which you cling; while to conceive extravagant pretensions from success in war is to forget how hollow is the confidence by which you are elated. [5] For if many ill-conceived plans have succeeded through the still greater fatuity of an opponent, many more, apparently well laid, have on the contrary ended in disgrace. The confidence with which we form our schemes is never completely justified in their execution; speculation is carried on in safety, but, when it comes to action, fear causes failure.
τὴν δὲ ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι μηδένα (2, Z. 6) // πλείω ἀγαθά, ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ μὲν ἐμοί (4, Z. 5)
137. ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας ἀνίστησί τε αὐτὸν μετὰ τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ υἱέος, ὥσπερ καὶ ἔχων αὐτὸν ἐκαθέζετο, καὶ μέγιστον ἦν ἱκέτευμα τοῦτο, καὶ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ τοῖς τε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἐλθοῦσι καὶ πολλὰ εἰποῦσιν οὐκ ἐκδίδωσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποστέλλει βουλόμενον ὡς βασιλέα πορευθῆναι ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν θάλασσαν πεζῇ ἐς Πύδναν τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου. [2] ἐν ᾗ ὁλκάδος τυχὼν ἀναγομένης ἐπ᾽ Ἰωνίας καὶ ἐπιβὰς καταφέρεται χειμῶνι ἐς τὸ Ἀθηναίων στρατόπεδον, ὃ ἐπολιόρκει Νάξον. καί （ἦν γὰρ ἀγνὼς τοῖς ἐν τῇ νηί） δείσας φράζει τῷ ναυκλήρῳ ὅστις ἐστὶ καὶ δι᾽ ἃ φεύγει, καὶ εἰ μὴ σώσει αὐτόν, ἔφη ἐρεῖν ὅτι χρήμασι πεισθεὶς αὐτὸν ἄγει: τὴν δὲ ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι μηδένα ἐκβῆναι ἐκ τῆς νεὼς μέχρι πλοῦς γένηται: πειθομένῳ δ᾽ αὐτῷ χάριν ἀπομνήσεσθαι ἀξίαν. ὁ δὲ ναύκληρος ποιεῖ τε ταῦτα καὶ ἀποσαλεύσας ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα ὑπὲρ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ὕστερον ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Ἔφεσον. [3] καὶ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἐκεῖνόν τε ἐθεράπευσε χρημάτων δόσει （ἦλθε γὰρ αὐτῷ ὕστερον ἔκ τε Ἀθηνῶν παρὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ ἐξ Ἄργους ἃ ὑπεξέκειτο） καὶ μετὰ τῶν κάτω Περσῶν τινὸς πορευθεὶς ἄνω ἐσπέμπει γράμματα πρὸς βασιλέα Ἀρταξέρξην τὸν Ξέρξου νεωστὶ βασιλεύοντα. [4] ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ ὅτι ‘Θεμιστοκλῆς ἥκω παρὰ σέ, ὃς κακὰ μὲν πλεῖστα Ἑλλήνων εἴργασμαι τὸν ὑμέτερον οἶκον, ὅσον χρόνον τὸν σὸν πατέρα ἐπιόντα ἐμοὶ ἀνάγκῃ ἠμυνόμην, πολὺ δ᾽ ἔτι πλείω ἀγαθά, ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ μὲν ἐμοί, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἐν ἐπικινδύνῳ πάλιν ἡ ἀποκομιδὴ ἐγίγνετο. καί μοι εὐεργεσία ὀφείλεται （γράψας τήν τε ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος προάγγελσιν τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως καὶ τὴν τῶν γεφυρῶν, ἣν ψευδῶς προσεποιήσατο, τότε δι᾽ αὑτὸν οὐ διάλυσιν）, καὶ νῦν ἔχων σε μεγάλα ἀγαθὰ δρᾶσαι πάρειμι διωκόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων διὰ τὴν σὴν φιλίαν. βούλομαι δ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐπισχὼν αὐτός σοι περὶ ὧν ἥκω δηλῶσαι.’
The king listened to him and raised him up with his son, as he was sitting with him in his arms after the most effectual method of supplication, and on the arrival of the Lacedaemonians not long afterwards, refused to give him up for anything they could say, but sent him off by land to the other sea to Pydna in Alexander's dominions, as he wished to go to the Persian king. [2] There he met with a merchantman on the point of starting for Ionia. Going on board, he was carried by a storm to the Athenian squadron which was blockading Naxos. In his alarm—he was luckily unknown to the people in the vessel—he told the master who he was and what he was flying for, and said that, if he refused to save him, he would declare that he was taking him for a bribe. Meanwhile their safety consisted in letting no one leave the ship until a favorable time for sailing should arise. If he complied with his wishes, he promised him a proper recompense. The master acted as he desired, and, after lying to for a day a night out of the reach of the squadron, at length arrived at Ephesus. [3]
After having rewarded him with a present of money, as soon as he received some from his friends at Athens and from his secret hoards at Argos, Themistocles started inland with one of the Coast-Persians, and sent a letter to King Artaxerxes, Xerxes' son, who had just come to the throne. [4] Its contents were as follows: ‘I, Themistocles, am come to you, who did your house more harm than any of the Hellenes, when I was compelled to defend myself against your father's invasion,—harm, however, far surpassed by the good that I did him during his retreat, which brought no danger for me but much for him. For the past, you are a good turn in my debt,’—here he mentioned the warning sent to Xerxes from Salamis to retreat, as well as his finding the bridges unbroken, which, as he falsely pretended, was due to him,—‘for the present, able to do you great service, I am here, pursued by the Hellenes for my friendship for you. However, I desire a year's grace, when I shall be able to declare in person the objects of my coming.’
δι᾽ ἀσφαλείας ὅσον ἐδύναντο μάλιστα τὰς πόλεις ᾤκουν
17. τύραννοί τε ὅσοι ἦσαν ἐν ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς πόλεσι,τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν μόνον προορώμενοι ἔς τε τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἐς τὸ τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον αὔξειν δι᾽ ἀσφαλείας ὅσον ἐδύναντο μάλιστα τὰς πόλεις ᾤκουν, ἐπράχθη δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔργον ἀξιόλογον, εἰ μὴ εἴ τι πρὸς περιοίκους τοὺς αὐτῶν ἑκάστοις: οἱ γὰρ ἐν Σικελίᾳ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐχώρησαν δυνάμεως. οὕτω πανταχόθεν ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον κατείχετο μήτε κοινῇ φανερὸν μηδὲν κατεργάζεσθαι, κατὰ πόλεις τε ἀτολμοτέρα εἶναι.
17. Again, wherever there were tyrants, their habit of providing simply for themselves, of looking solely to their personal comfort and family aggrandizement, made safety the great aim of their policy, and prevented anything great proceeding from them; though they would each have their affairs with their immediate neighbors. All this is only true of the mother country, for in Sicily they attained to very great power. Thus for a long time everywhere in Hellas do we find causes which make the states alike incapable of combination for great and national ends, or of any vigorous action of their own.
καὶ ὀλίγοι ξυμμαχίας δεόμενοι οἷς ἐπικαλοῦνται ἀσφάλειαν καὶ κόσμον οὐχ ἧσσον διδόντες ἢ ληψόμενοι παραγίγνονται
‘γενήσεται δὲ ὑμῖν πειθομένοις καλὴ ἡ ξυντυχία κατὰ πολλὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας χρείας, πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι ἀδικουμένοις καὶ οὐχ ἑτέρους βλάπτουσι τὴν ἐπικουρίαν ποιήσεσθε, ἔπειτα περὶ τῶν μεγίστων κινδυνεύοντας δεξάμενοι ὡς ἂν μάλιστα μετ᾽ αἰειμνήστου μαρτυρίου τὴν χάριν καταθήσεσθε: ναυτικόν τε κεκτήμεθα πλὴν τοῦ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν πλεῖστον. [2] καὶ σκέψασθε: τίς εὐπραξία σπανιωτέρα ἢ τίς τοῖς πολεμίοις λυπηροτέρα, εἰ ἣν ὑμεῖς ἂν πρὸ πολλῶν χρημάτων καὶ χάριτος ἐτιμήσασθε δύναμιν ὑμῖν προσγενέσθαι, αὕτη πάρεστιν αὐτεπάγγελτος ἄνευ κινδύνων καὶ δαπάνης διδοῦσα ἑαυτήν, καὶ προσέτι φέρουσα ἐς μὲν τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀρετήν, οἷς δὲ ἐπαμυνεῖτε χάριν, ὑμῖν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἰσχύν: ἃ ἐν τῷ παντὶ χρόνῳ ὀλίγοις δὴ ἅμα πάντα ξυνέβη, καὶ ὀλίγοι ξυμμαχίας δεόμενοι οἷς ἐπικαλοῦνται ἀσφάλειαν καὶ κόσμον οὐχ ἧσσον διδόντες ἢ ληψόμενοι παραγίγνονται. [3] τὸν δὲ πόλεμον, δι᾽ ὅνπερ χρήσιμοι ἂν εἶμεν, εἴ τις ὑμῶν μὴ οἴεται ἔσεσθαι, γνώμης ἁμαρτάνει καὶ οὐκ αἰσθάνεται τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους φόβῳ τῷ ὑμετέρῳ πολεμησείοντας καὶ τοὺς Κορινθίους δυναμένους παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ ὑμῖν ἐχθροὺς ὄντας καὶ προκαταλαμβάνοντας ἡμᾶς νῦν ἐς τὴν ὑμετέραν ἐπιχείρησιν, ἵνα μὴ τῷ κοινῷ ἔχθει κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων στῶμεν μηδὲ δυοῖν φθάσαι ἁμάρτωσιν, ἢ κακῶσαι ἡμᾶς ἢ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς βεβαιώσασθαι. [4] ἡμέτερον δέ γ᾽ αὖ ἔργον προτερῆσαι, τῶν μὲν διδόντων, ὑμῶν δὲ δεξαμένων τὴν ξυμμαχίαν, καὶ προεπιβουλεύειν αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ ἀντεπιβουλεύειν.
Now there are many reasons why in the event of your compliance you will congratulate yourselves on this request having been made to you. First, because your assistance will be rendered to a power which, herself inoffensive, is a victim to the injustice of others. Secondly, because all that we most value is at stake in the present contest, and your welcome of us under these circumstances will be a proof of good will which will ever keep alive the gratitude you will lay up in our hearts. Thirdly, yourselves excepted, we are the greatest naval power in Hellas. [2] Moreover, can you conceive a stroke of good fortune more rare in itself, or more disheartening to your enemies, than that the power whose adhesion you would have valued above much material and moral strength, should present herself self-invited, should deliver herself into your hands without danger and without expense, and should lastly put you in the way of gaining a high character in the eyes of the world, the gratitude of those whom you shall assist, and a great accession of strength for yourselves? You may search all history without finding many instances of a people gaining all these advantages at once, or many instances of a power that comes in quest of assistance being in a position to give to the people whose alliance she solicits as much safety and honor as she will receive. [3] But it will be urged that it is only in the case of a war that we shall be found useful. To this we answer that if any of you imagine that the war is far off, he is grievously mistaken, and is blind to the fact that Lacedaemon regards you with jealousy and desires war, and that Corinth is powerful there,—the same, remember, that is your enemy, and is even now trying to subdue us as a preliminary to attacking you. And this she does to prevent our becoming united by a common enmity, and her having us both on her hands, and also to insure getting the start of you in one of two ways, either by crippling our power or by making its strength her own. [4] Now it is our policy to be beforehand with her—that is, for Corcyra to make an offer of alliance and for you to accept it; in fact, we ought to form plans against her instead of waiting to defeat the plans she forms against us.
ὁ γὰρ ἐλαχίστας τὰς μεταμελείας ἐκ τοῦ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς ἐναντίοις λαμβάνων ἀσφαλέστατος ἂν διατελοίη
‘ἢν δὲ λέγωσιν ὡς οὐ δίκαιον τοὺς σφετέρους ἀποίκους ὑμᾶς δέχεσθαι, μαθόντων ὡς πᾶσα ἀποικία εὖ μὲν πάσχουσα τιμᾷ τὴν μητρόπολιν, ἀδικουμένη δὲ ἀλλοτριοῦται: οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῷ δοῦλοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ ὁμοῖοι τοῖς λειπομένοις εἶναι ἐκπέμπονται. [2] ὡς δὲ ἠδίκουν σαφές ἐστιν: προκληθέντες γὰρ περὶ Ἐπιδάμνου ἐς κρίσιν πολέμῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ ἴσῳ ἐβουλήθησαν τὰ ἐγκλήματα μετελθεῖν. [3] καὶ ὑμῖν ἔστω τι τεκμήριον ἃ πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς ξυγγενεῖς δρῶσιν, ὥστε ἀπάτῃ τε μὴ παράγεσθαι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν δεομένοις τε ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος μὴ ὑπουργεῖν: ὁ γὰρ ἐλαχίστας τὰς μεταμελείας ἐκ τοῦ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς ἐναντίοις λαμβάνων ἀσφαλέστατος ἂν διατελοίη.
If she asserts that for you to receive a colony of hers into alliance is not right, let her know that every colony that is well treated honors its parent state, but becomes estranged from it by injustice. For colonists are not sent forth on the understanding that they are to be the slaves of those that remain behind, but that they are to be their equals. [2] And that Corinth was injuring us is clear. Invited to refer the dispute about Epidamnus to arbitration, they chose to prosecute their complaints by war rather than by a fair trial. [3] And let their conduct towards us who are their kindred be a warning to you not to be misled by their deceit, nor to yield to their direct requests; concessions to adversaries only end in self-reproach, and the more strictly they are avoided the greater will be the chance of security. (Oxford-Übersetzung: For whoever finds fewest occasins to regret doing favours to his opponents will ever remain most secure.)
ἵνα τὴν ἀφ’ ἡμῶν τε ἀξίωσιν ἀσφαλέστερον προειδῆτε καὶ τὴν τῶνδε χρείαν μὴ ἀλογίστως ἀπώσησθε
‘ἀναγκαῖον Κερκυραίων τῶνδε οὐ μόνον περὶ τοῦ δέξασθαι σφᾶς τὸν λόγον ποιησαμένων, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς τε ἀδικοῦμεν καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐκ εἰκότως πολεμοῦνται, μνησθέντας πρῶτον καὶ ἡμᾶς περὶ ἀμφοτέρων οὕτω καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ἄλλον λόγον ἰέναι, ἵνα τὴν ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν τε ἀξίωσιν ἀσφαλέστερον προειδῆτε καὶ τὴν τῶνδε χρείαν μὴ ἀλογίστως ἀπώσησθε. [2]
‘φασὶ δὲ ξυμμαχίαν διὰ τὸ σῶφρον οὐδενός πω δέξασθαι: τὸ δ᾽ ἐπὶ κακουργίᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἀρετῇ ἐπετήδευσαν, ξύμμαχόν τε οὐδένα βουλόμενοι πρὸς τἀδικήματα οὐδὲ μάρτυρα ἔχειν οὔτε παρακαλοῦντες αἰσχύνεσθαι. [3] καὶ ἡ πόλις αὐτῶν ἅμα αὐτάρκη θέσιν κειμένη παρέχει αὐτοὺς δικαστὰς ὧν βλάπτουσί τινα μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ ξυνθήκας γίγνεσθαι, διὰ τὸ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ τοὺς πέλας ἐκπλέοντας μάλιστα τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνάγκῃ καταίροντας δέχεσθαι. [4] καὶ τοῦτο τὸ εὐπρεπὲς ἄσπονδον οὐχ ἵνα μὴ ξυναδικῶσιν ἑτέροις προβέβληνται, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως κατὰ μόνας ἀδικῶσι καὶ ὅπως ἐν ᾧ μὲν ἂν κρατῶσι βιάζωνται, οὗ δ᾽ ἂν λάθωσι πλέον ἔχωσιν, ἢν δέ πού τι προσλάβωσιν ἀναισχυντῶσιν: [5] καίτοι εἰ ἦσαν ἄνδρες,ὥσπερ φασίν, ἀγαθοί, ὅσῳ ἀληπτότεροι ἦσαν τοῖς πέλας, τόσῳ δὲ φανερωτέραν ἐξῆν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀρετὴν διδοῦσι καὶ δεχομένοις τὰ δίκαια δεικνύναι.
‘These Corcyraeans in the speech we have just heard do not confine themselves to the question of their reception into your alliance. They also talk of our being guilty of injustice, and their being the victims of an unjustifiable war. It becomes necessary for us to touch upon both these points before we proceed to the rest of what we have to say, that you may have a more correct idea of the grounds of our claim, and have good cause to reject their petition. [2] According to them, their old policy of refusing all offers of alliance was a policy of moderation. It was in fact adopted for bad ends, not for good; indeed their conduct is such as to make them by no means desirous of having allies present to witness it, or of having the shame of asking their concurrence. [3] Besides, their geographical situation makes them independent of others, and consequently the decision in cases where they injure any lies not with judges appointed by mutual agreement, but with themselves, because while they seldom make voyages to their neighbors, they are constantly being visited by foreign vessels which are compelled to put in to Corcyra. [4] In short, the object that they propose to themselves in their specious policy of complete isolation, is not to avoid sharing in the crimes of others, but to secure a monopoly of crime to themselves,—the license of outrage wherever they can compel, of fraud wherever they can elude, and the enjoyment of their gains without shame. [5] And yet if they were the honest men they pretend to be, the less hold that others had upon them, the stronger would be the light in which they might have put their honesty by giving and taking what was just.
ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς προκαλούμενον λέγειν τι δοκεῖν δεῖ // οὓς χρῆν, ὅτε ἀσφαλέστατοι ἦσαν, τότε προσιέναι
‘καὶ φασὶ δὴ δίκῃ πρότερον ἐθελῆσαι κρίνεσθαι, ἥν γε οὐ τὸν προύχοντα καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς προκαλούμενον λέγειν τι δοκεῖν δεῖ, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐς ἴσον τά τε ἔργα ὁμοίως καὶ τοὺς λόγους πρὶν διαγωνίζεσθαι καθιστάντα. [2] οὗτοι δὲ οὐ πρὶν πολιορκεῖν τὸ χωρίον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἡγήσαντο ἡμᾶς οὐ περιόψεσθαι, τότε καὶ τὸ εὐπρεπὲς τῆς δίκης παρέσχοντο. καὶ δεῦρο ἥκουσιν οὐ τἀκεῖ μόνον αὐτοὶ ἁμαρτόντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑμᾶς νῦν ἀξιοῦντες οὐ ξυμμαχεῖν, ἀλλὰ ξυναδικεῖν καὶ διαφόρους ὄντας ἡμῖν δέχεσθαι σφᾶς: [3] οὓς χρῆν, ὅτε ἀσφαλέστατοι ἦσαν, τότε προσιέναι, καὶ μὴ ἐν ᾧ ἡμεῖς μὲν ἠδικήμεθα, οὗτοι δὲ κινδυνεύουσι, μηδ᾽ ἐν ᾧ ὑμεῖς τῆς τε δυνάμεως αὐτῶν τότε οὐ μεταλαβόντες τῆς ὠφελίας νῦν μεταδώσετε καὶ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων ἀπογενόμενοι τῆς ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν αἰτίας τὸ ἴσον ἕξετε, πάλαι δὲ κοινώσαντας τὴν δύναμιν κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἀποβαίνοντα ἔχειν.
As to their allegation that they wished the question to be first submitted to arbitration, it is obvious that a challenge coming from the party who is safe in a commanding position, cannot gain the credit due only to him who, before appealing to arms, in deeds as well as words, places himself on a level with his adversary. [2] In their case, it was not before they laid siege to the place, but after they at length understood that we should not tamely suffer it, that they thought of the specious word arbitration. And not satisfied with their own misconduct there, they appear here now requiring you to join with them not in alliance, but in crime, and to receive them in spite of their being at enmity with us. [3] But it was when they stood firmest, that they should have made overtures to you, and not at a time when we have been wronged, and they are in peril; nor yet at a time when you will be admitting to a share in your protection those who never admitted you to a share in their power, and will be incurring an equal amount of blame from us with those in whose offences you had no hand. No, they should have shared their power with you before they asked you to share your fortunes with them.
ὅστις μὴ ἄλλου ἑαυτὸν ἀποστερῶν ἀσφαλείας δεῖται καὶ ὅστις μὴ τοῖς δεξαμένοις, εἰ σωφρονοῦσι, πόλεμον ἀντ᾽ εἰρήνης ποιήσει
‘ὡς μὲν οὖν αὐτοί τε μετὰ προσηκόντων ἐγκλημάτων ἐρχόμεθα καὶ οἵδε βίαιοι καὶ πλεονέκται εἰσὶ δεδήλωται: ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἂν δικαίως αὐτοὺς δέχοισθε μαθεῖν χρή. [2] εἰ γὰρ εἴρηται ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς ἐξεῖναι παρ᾽ ὁποτέρους τις βούλεται τῶν ἀγράφων πόλεων ἐλθεῖν, οὐ τοῖς ἐπὶ βλάβῃ ἑτέρων ἰοῦσιν ἡ ξυνθήκη ἐστίν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅστις μὴ ἄλλου ἑαυτὸν ἀποστερῶν ἀσφαλείας δεῖται καὶ ὅστις μὴ τοῖς δεξαμένοις, εἰ σωφρονοῦσι, πόλεμον ἀντ᾽ εἰρήνης ποιήσει: ὃ νῦν ὑμεῖς μὴ πειθόμενοι ἡμῖν πάθοιτε ἄν. [3] οὐ γὰρ τοῖσδε μόνον ἐπίκουροι ἂν γένοισθε, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡμῖν ἀντὶ ἐνσπόνδων πολέμιοι: ἀνάγκη γάρ, εἰ ἴτε μετ᾽ αὐτῶν, καὶ ἀμύνεσθαι μὴ ἄνευ ὑμῶν τούτους. [4] καίτοι δίκαιοί γ᾽ ἐστὲ μάλιστα μὲν ἐκποδὼν στῆναι ἀμφοτέροις, εἰ δὲ μή, τοὐναντίον ἐπὶ τούτους μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἰέναι （Κορινθίοις μέν γε ἔνσπονδοί ἐστε, Κερκυραίοις δὲ οὐδὲ δι᾽ ἀνοκωχῆς πώποτ᾽ ἐγένεσθε）, καὶ τὸν νόμον μὴ καθιστάναι ὥστε τοὺς ἑτέρων ἀφισταμένους δέχεσθαι. [5] οὐδὲ γὰρ ἡμεῖς Σαμίων ἀποστάντων ψῆφον προσεθέμεθα ἐναντίαν ὑμῖν, τῶν ἄλλων Πελοποννησίων δίχα ἐψηφισμένων εἰ χρὴ αὐτοῖς ἀμύνειν, φανερῶς δὲ ἀντείπομεν τοὺς προσήκοντας ξυμμάχους αὐτόν τινα κολάζειν. [6] εἰ γὰρ τοὺς κακόν τι δρῶντας δεχόμενοι τιμωρήσετε, φανεῖται καὶ ἃ τῶν ὑμετέρων οὐκ ἐλάσσω ἡμῖν πρόσεισι, καὶ τὸν νόμον ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν θήσετε.
So then the reality of the grievances we come to complain of and the violence and rapacity of our opponents have both been proved. But that you cannot equitably receive them, this you have still to learn. [2] It may be true that one of the provisions of the treaty is that it shall be competent for any state, whose name was not down on the list, to join whichever side it pleases. But this agreement is not meant for those whose object in joining is the injury of other powers, but for those whose need of support does not arise from the fact of defection, and whose adhesion will not bring to the power that is mad enough to receive them war instead of peace; which will be the case with you, if you refuse to listen to us. [3] For you cannot become their auxiliary and remain our friend; if you join in their attack, you must share the punishment which the defenders inflict on them. [4] And yet you have the best possible right to be neutral, or failing this, you should on the contrary join us against them. Corinth is at least in treaty with you; with Corcyra you were never even in truce. But do not lay down the principle that defection is to be patronized. [5] Did we on the defection of the Samians record our vote against you, when the rest of the Peloponnesian powers were equally divided on the question whether they should assist them? No, we told them to their face that every power has a right to punish its own allies. [6] Why, if you make it your policy to receive and assist all offenders, you will find that just as many of your dependencies will come over to us, and the principle that you establish will press less heavily on us than on yourselves.
πᾶσα γὰρ ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐσιδηροφόρει διὰ τὰς ἀφάρκτους τε οἰκήσεις καὶ οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἐφόδους
ἐλῄζοντο δὲ καὶ κατ᾽ ἤπειρον ἀλλήλους.καὶ μέχρι τοῦδε πολλὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τῷ παλαιῷ τρόπῳ νέμεται περί τε Λοκροὺς τοὺς Ὀζόλας καὶ Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ τὴν ταύτῃ ἤπειρον. τό τε σιδηροφορεῖσθαι τούτοις τοῖς ἠπειρώταις ἀπὸ τῆς παλαιᾶς λῃστείας ἐμμεμένηκεν:
6. πᾶσα γὰρ ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐσιδηροφόρει διὰ τὰς ἀφάρκτους τε οἰκήσεις καὶ οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἐφόδους, καὶ ξυνήθη τὴν δίαιταν μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐποιήσαντο ὥσπερ οἱ βάρβαροι. [2] σημεῖον δ᾽ ἐστὶ ταῦτα τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἔτι οὕτω νεμόμενα τῶν ποτὲ καὶ ἐς πάντας ὁμοίων διαιτημάτων. [3] ἐν τοῖς πρῶτοι δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τόν τε σίδηρον κατέθεντο καὶ ἀνειμένῃ τῇ διαίτῃ ἐς τὸ τρυφερώτερον μετέστησαν. καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι αὐτοῖς τῶν εὐδαιμόνων διὰ τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον οὐ πολὺς χρόνος ἐπειδὴ χιτῶνάς τε λινοῦς ἐπαύσαντο φοροῦντες καὶ χρυσῶν τεττίγων ἐνέρσει κρωβύλον ἀναδούμενοι τῶν ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ τριχῶν: ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ Ἰώνων τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς ἐπὶ πολὺ αὕτη ἡ σκευὴ κατέσχεν. [4] μετρίᾳ δ᾽ αὖ ἐσθῆτι καὶ ἐς τὸν νῦν τρόπον πρῶτοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐχρήσαντο καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς οἱ τὰ μείζω κεκτημένοι ἰσοδίαιτοι μάλιστα κατέστησαν. [5] ἐγυμνώθησάν τε πρῶτοι καὶ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν ἀποδύντες λίπα μετὰ τοῦ γυμνάζεσθαι ἠλείψαντο: τὸ δὲ πάλαι καὶ ἐν τῷ Ὀλυμπικῷ ἀγῶνι διαζώματα ἔχοντες περὶ τὰ αἰδοῖα οἱ ἀθληταὶ ἠγωνίζοντο, καὶ οὐ πολλὰ ἔτη ἐπειδὴ πέπαυται. ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἔστιν οἷς νῦν, καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς Ἀσιανοῖς, πυγμῆς καὶ πάλης ἆθλα τίθεται, καὶ διεζωμένοι τοῦτο δρῶσιν. [6] πολλὰ δ᾽ ἂν καὶ ἄλλα τις ἀποδείξειε τὸ παλαιὸν Ἑλληνικὸν ὁμοιότροπα τῷ νῦν βαρβαρικῷ διαιτώμενον.
The same rapine prevailed also by land. And even at the present day many parts of Hellas still follow the old fashion, the Ozolian Locrians, for instance, the Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and that region of the continent; and the custom of carrying arms is still kept up among these continentals, from the old piratical habits.
6. For in ancient times all Hellenes carried weapons because1 their homes were undefended and intercourse was unsafe; like the Barbarians they went armed in their every-day life. [2] And the continuance of the custom in certain parts of the country indicates that it once prevailed everywhere. [3] The Athenians were the first who laid aside arms and adopted an easier and more luxurious way of life. Quite recently the old-fashioned refinement of dress still lingered among the elder men of their richer class, who wore under-garments of linen, and bound back their hair in a knot with golden clasps in the form of grasshoppers; and the same customs long survived among the elders of Ionia, having been derived from their Athenian ancestors. [4] On the other hand, the simple dress which is now common was first worn at Sparta; and there, more than anywhere else, the life of the rich was assimilated to that of the people. [5] The Lacedaemonians too were the first who in their athletic exercises stripped naked and rubbed themselves over with oil. But this was not the ancient custom; athletes formerly, even when they were contending at Olympia, wore girdles about their loins, a practice which lasted until quite lately, and still prevails among Barbarians, especially those of Asia, where the combatants in boxing and wrestling matches wear girdles. [6] And many other customs which are now confined to the Barbarians might be shown to have existed formerly in Hellas.
καίτοι ἐλέγεσθε ἀσφαλεῖς εἶναι, ὧν ἄρα ὁ λόγος τοῦ ἔργου ἐκράτει.
69. καὶ τῶνδε ὑμεῖς αἴτιοι, τό τε πρῶτον ἐάσαντες αὐτοὺς τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ κρατῦναι καὶ ὕστερον τὰ μακρὰ στῆσαι τείχη,ἐς τόδε τε αἰεὶ ἀποστεροῦντες οὐ μόνον τοὺς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων δεδουλωμένους ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ὑμετέρους ἤδη ξυμμάχους: οὐ γὰρ ὁ δουλωσάμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ δυνάμενος μὲν παῦσαι περιορῶν δὲ ἀληθέστερον αὐτὸ δρᾷ, εἴπερ καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν τῆς ἀρετῆς ὡς ἐλευθερῶν τὴν Ἑλλάδα φέρεται. [2] μόλις δὲ νῦν γε ξυνήλθομεν καὶ οὐδὲ νῦν ἐπὶ φανεροῖς. χρῆν γὰρ οὐκ εἰ ἀδικούμεθα ἔτι σκοπεῖν, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ὅτι ἀμυνούμεθα: οἱ γὰρ δρῶντες βεβουλευμένοι πρὸς οὐ διεγνωκότας ἤδη καὶ οὐ μέλλοντες ἐπέρχονται. [3] καὶ ἐπιστάμεθα οἵᾳ ὁδῷ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ὅτι κατ᾽ ὀλίγον χωροῦσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πέλας. καὶ λανθάνειν μὲν οἰόμενοι διὰ τὸ ἀναίσθητον ὑμῶν ἧσσον θαρσοῦσι, γνόντες δὲ εἰδότας περιορᾶν ἰσχυρῶς ἐγκείσονται. [4] ἡσυχάζετε γάρ, μόνοι Ἑλλήνων, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οὐ τῇ δυνάμει τινά, ἀλλὰ τῇ μελλήσει ἀμυνόμενοι, καὶ μόνοι οὐκ ἀρχομένην τὴν αὔξησιν τῶν ἐχθρῶν διπλασιουμένην δὲ καταλύοντες. [5] καίτοι ἐλέγεσθε ἀσφαλεῖς εἶναι, ὧν ἄρα ὁ λόγος τοῦ ἔργου ἐκράτει. τόν τε γὰρ Μῆδον αὐτοὶ ἴσμεν ἐκ περάτων γῆς πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐλθόντα ἢ τὰ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀξίως προαπαντῆσαι, καὶ νῦν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους οὐχ ἑκάς, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγγὺς ὄντας περιορᾶτε, καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐπελθεῖν αὐτοὶ ἀμύνεσθαι βούλεσθε μᾶλλον ἐπιόντας, καὶ ἐς τύχας πρὸς πολλῷ δυνατωτέρους ἀγωνιζόμενοι καταστῆναι, ἐπιστάμενοι καὶ τὸν βάρβαρον αὐτὸν περὶ αὑτῷ τὰ πλείω σφαλέντα, καὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους πολλὰ ἡμᾶς ἤδη τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν τιμωρίᾳ περιγεγενημένους, ἐπεὶ αἵ γε ὑμέτεραι ἐλπίδες ἤδη τινάς που καὶ ἀπαρασκεύους διὰ τὸ πιστεῦσαι ἔφθειραν. [6] καὶ μηδεὶς ὑμῶν ἐπ᾽ ἔχθρᾳ τὸ πλέον ἢ αἰτίᾳ νομίσῃ τάδε λέγεσθαι: αἰτία μὲν γὰρ φίλων ἀνδρῶν ἐστὶν ἁμαρτανόντων, κατηγορία δὲ ἐχθρῶν ἀδικησάντων.
For all this you are responsible. You it was who first allowed them to fortify their city after the Median war, and afterwards to erect the long walls,—you who, then and now, are always depriving of freedom not only those whom they have enslaved, but also those who have as yet been your allies. For the true author of the subjugation of a people is not so much the immediate agent, as the power which permits it having the means to prevent it; particularly if that power aspires to the glory of being the liberator of Hellas. We are at last assembled. [2] It has not been easy to assemble, nor even now are our objects defined. We ought not to be still inquiring into the fact of our wrongs, but into the means of our defence. For the aggressors with matured plans to oppose to our indecision have cast threats aside and betaken themselves to action. [3] And we know what are the paths by which Athenian aggression travels, and how insidious is its progress. A degree of confidence she may feel from the idea that your bluntness of perception prevents your noticing her; but it is nothing to the impulse which her advance will receive from the knowledge that you see, but do not care to interfere. [4] You, Lacedaemonians, of all the Hellenes are alone inactive, and defend yourselves not by doing anything but by looking as if you would do something; you alone wait till the power of an enemy is becoming twice its original size, instead of crushing it in its infancy. [5] And yet the world used to say that you were to be depended upon; but in your case, we fear, it said more than the truth. The Mede, we ourselves know, had time to come from the ends of the earth to Peloponnese, without any force of yours worthy of the name advancing to meet him. But this was a distant enemy. Well, Athens at all events is a near neighbor, and yet Athens you utterly disregard; against Athens you prefer to act on the defensive instead of on the offensive, and to make it an affair of chances by deferring the struggle till she has grown far stronger than at first. And yet you know that on the whole the rock on which the barbarian was wrecked was himself, and that if our present enemy Athens has not again and again annihilated us, we owe it more to her blunders than to your protection. [6] Indeed, expectations from you have before now been the ruin of some, whose faith induced them to omit preparation.
οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἔτι ἐδόκει εἶναι τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀπηχθημένους
‘ἆρ᾽ ἄξιοί ἐσμεν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ προθυμίας ἕνεκα τῆς τότε καὶ γνώμης ξυνέσεως ἀρχῆς γε ἧς ἔχομεν τοῖς Ἕλλησι μὴ οὕτως ἄγαν ἐπιφθόνως διακεῖσθαι; [2] καὶ γὰρ αὐτὴν τήνδε ἐλάβομεν οὐ βιασάμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ ὑμῶν μὲν οὐκ ἐθελησάντων παραμεῖναι πρὸς τὰ ὑπόλοιπα τοῦ βαρβάρου, ἡμῖν δὲ προσελθόντων τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ αὐτῶν δεηθέντων ἡγεμόνας καταστῆναι: [3] ἐξ αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ ἔργου κατηναγκάσθημεν τὸ πρῶτον προαγαγεῖν αὐτὴν ἐς τόδε, μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ δέους, ἔπειτα καὶ τιμῆς, ὕστερον καὶ ὠφελίας. [4] καὶ οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἔτι ἐδόκει εἶναι τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀπηχθημένους, καί τινων καὶ ἤδη ἀποστάντων κατεστραμμένων, ὑμῶν τε ἡμῖν οὐκέτι ὁμοίως φίλων, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπόπτων καὶ διαφόρων ὄντων, ἀνέντας κινδυνεύειν: καὶ γὰρ ἂν αἱ ἀποστάσεις πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐγίγνοντο. [5] πᾶσι δὲ ἀνεπίφθονον τὰ ξυμφέροντα τῶν μεγίστων πέρι κινδύνων εὖ τίθεσθαι.
Surely, Lacedaemonians, neither by the patriotism that we displayed at that crisis, nor by the wisdom of our counsels, do we merit our extreme unpopularity with the Hellenes, not at least unpopularity for our empire. [2] That empire we acquired by no violent means, but because you were unwilling to prosecute to its conclusion the war against the barbarian, and because the allies attached themselves to us and spontaneously asked us to assume the command. [3] And the nature of the case first compelled us to advance our empire to its present height; fear being our principal motive, though honor and interest afterwards came in. [4] And at last, when almost all hated us, when some had already revolted and had been subdued, when you had ceased to be the friends that you once were, and had become objects of suspicion and dislike, it appeared no longer safe to give up our empire; especially as all who left us would fall to you. [5] And no one can quarrel with a people for making, in matters of tremendous risk, the best provision that it can for iist interest
ὅπερ ἂν οἱ πολλοὶ πάθοιεν, μήτε ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἀσφαλὲς νομίσαντα
‘καὶ αὐτὸς πολλῶν ἤδη πολέμων ἔμπειρός εἰμι, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ ὑμῶν τοὺς ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ἡλικίᾳ ὁρῶ, ὥστε μήτε ἀπειρίᾳ ἐπιθυμῆσαί τινα τοῦ ἔργου, ὅπερ ἂν οἱ πολλοὶ πάθοιεν, μήτε ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἀσφαλὲς νομίσαντα. [2] εὕροιτε δ᾽ ἂν τόνδε περὶ οὗ νῦν βουλεύεσθε οὐκ ἂν ἐλάχιστον γενόμενον, εἰ σωφρόνως τις αὐτὸν ἐκλογίζοιτο. [3] πρὸς μὲν γὰρ Πελοποννησίους καὶ τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας παρόμοιος ἡμῶν ἡ ἀλκή, καὶ διὰ ταχέων οἷόν τε ἐφ᾽ ἕκαστα ἐλθεῖν: πρὸς δὲ ἄνδρας οἳ γῆν τε ἑκὰς ἔχουσι καὶ προσέτι θαλάσσης ἐμπειρότατοί εἰσι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἄριστα ἐξήρτυνται, πλούτῳ τε ἰδίῳ καὶ δημοσίῳ καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ ἵπποις καὶ ὅπλοις καὶ ὄχλῳ ὅσος οὐκ ἐν ἄλλῳ ἑνί γε χωρίῳ Ἑλληνικῷ ἐστίν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ ξυμμάχους πολλοὺς φόρου ὑποτελεῖς ἔχουσι, πῶς χρὴ πρὸς τούτους ῥᾳδίως πόλεμον ἄρασθαι καὶ τίνι πιστεύσαντας ἀπαρασκεύους ἐπειχθῆναι; [4] πότερον ταῖς ναυσίν; ἀλλ᾽ ἥσσους ἐσμέν: εἰ δὲ μελετήσομεν καὶ ἀντιπαρασκευασόμεθα, χρόνος ἐνέσται. ἀλλὰ τοῖς χρήμασιν; ἀλλὰ πολλῷ πλέον ἔτι τούτου ἐλλείπομεν καὶ οὔτε ἐν κοινῷ ἔχομεν οὔτε ἑτοίμως ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων φέρομεν.
‘I have not lived so long, Lacedaemonians, without having had the experience of many wars, and I see those among you of the same age as myself, who will not fall into the common misfortune of longing for war from inexperience or from a belief in its advantage and its safety. [2] This, the war on which you are now debating, would be one of the greatest magnitude, on a sober consideration of the matter. [3] In a struggle with Peloponnesians and neighbors our strength is of the same character, and it is possible to move swiftly on the different points. But a struggle with a people who live in a distant land, who have also an extraordinary familiarity with the sea, and who are in the highest state of preparation in every other department; with wealth private and public, with ships, and horses, and heavy infantry, and a population such as no one other Hellenic place can equal, and lastly a number of tributary allies—what can justify us in rashly beginning such a struggle? wherein is our trust that we should rush on it unprepared? [4] Is it in our ships? There we are inferior; while if we are to practise and become a match for them, time must intervene. Is it in our money? There we have a far greater deficiency. We neither have it in our treasury, nor are we ready to contribute it from our private funds.
οὐκ ἐξ ἐκείνων ὡς ἁμαρτησομένων ἔχειν δεῖ τὰς ἐλπίδας, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἀσφαλῶς προνοουμένων
84. καὶ τὸ βραδὺ καὶ μέλλον, ὃ μέμφονται μάλιστα ἡμῶν, μὴ αἰσχύνεσθε. σπεύδοντές τε γὰρ σχολαίτερον ἂν παύσαισθε διὰ τὸ ἀπαράσκευοι ἐγχειρεῖν, καὶ ἅμα ἐλευθέραν καὶ εὐδοξοτάτην πόλιν διὰ παντὸς νεμόμεθα. [2] καὶ δύναται μάλιστα σωφροσύνη ἔμφρων τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι: μόνοι γὰρ δι᾽ αὐτὸ εὐπραγίαις τε οὐκ ἐξυβρίζομεν καὶ ξυμφοραῖς ἧσσον ἑτέρων εἴκομεν: τῶν τε ξὺν ἐπαίνῳ ἐξοτρυνόντων ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τὰ δεινὰ παρὰ τὸ δοκοῦν ἡμῖν οὐκ ἐπαιρόμεθα ἡδονῇ, καὶ ἤν τις ἄρα ξὺν κατηγορίᾳ παροξύνῃ, οὐδὲν δὴ μᾶλλον ἀχθεσθέντες ἀνεπείσθημεν. [3] πολεμικοί τε καὶ εὔβουλοι διὰ τὸ εὔκοσμον γιγνόμεθα, τὸ μὲν ὅτι αἰδὼς σωφροσύνης πλεῖστον μετέχει, αἰσχύνης δὲ εὐψυχία, εὔβουλοι δὲ ἀμαθέστερον τῶν νόμων τῆς ὑπεροψίας παιδευόμενοι καὶ ξὺν χαλεπότητι σωφρονέστερον ἢ ὥστε αὐτῶν ἀνηκουστεῖν, καὶ μὴ τὰ ἀχρεῖα ξυνετοὶ ἄγαν ὄντες τὰς τῶν πολεμίων παρασκευὰς λόγῳ καλῶς μεμφόμενοι ἀνομοίως ἔργῳ ἐπεξιέναι, νομίζειν δὲ τάς τε διανοίας τῶν πέλας παραπλησίους εἶναι καὶ τὰς προσπιπτούσας τύχας οὐ λόγῳ διαιρετάς. [4] αἰεὶ δὲ ὡς πρὸς εὖ βουλευομένους τοὺς ἐναντίους ἔργῳ παρασκευαζόμεθα: καὶ οὐκ ἐξ ἐκείνων ὡς ἁμαρτησομένων ἔχειν δεῖ τὰς ἐλπίδας, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἀσφαλῶς προνοουμένων. πολύ τε διαφέρειν οὐ δεῖ νομίζειν ἄνθρωπον ἀνθρώπου, κράτιστον δὲ εἶναι ὅστις ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις παιδεύεται.
And the slowness and procrastination, the parts of our character that are most assailed by their criticism, need not make you blush. If we undertake the war without preparation, we should by hastening its commencement only delay its conclusion: further, a free and a famous city has through all time been ours. [2] The quality which they condemn is really nothing but a wise moderation; thanks to its possession, we alone do not become insolent in success and give way less than others in misfortune; we are not carried away by the pleasure of hearing ourselves cheered on to risks which our judgment condemns; nor, if annoyed, are we any the more convinced by attempts to exasperate us by accusation. [3] We are both warlike and wise, and it is our sense of order that makes us so. We are warlike, because self-control contains honor as a chief constituent, and honor bravery. And we are wise, because we are educated with too little learning to despise the laws, and with too severe a self-control to disobey them, and are brought up not to be too knowing in useless matters,—such as the knowledge which can give a specious criticism of an enemy's plans in theory, but fails to assail them with equal success in practice,—but are taught to consider that the schemes of our enemies are not dissimilar to our own, and that the freaks of chance are not determinable by calculation. [4] In practice we always base our preparations against an enemy on the assumption that his plans are good; indeed, it is right to rest our hopes not on a belief in his blunders, but on the soundness of our provisions. Nor ought we to believe that there is much difference between man and man, but to think that the superiority lies with him who is reared in the severest school.
ἐναντίοις εὐψυχότατοι ἂν εἶεν πρός τε τὸ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι ἀσφαλέστατοι (5, Z. 4) // κάλλιστον γὰρ τόδε καὶ ἀσφαλέστατον (9, Z. 6)
[5] χρὴ δὲ αἰεὶ ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ τῇ μὲν γνώμῃ θαρσαλέους στρατεύειν, τῷ δ᾽ ἔργῳ δεδιότας παρεσκευάσθαι: οὕτω γὰρ πρός τε τὸ ἐπιέναι τοῖς ἐναντίοις εὐψυχότατοι ἂν εἶεν πρός τε τὸ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι ἀσφαλέστατοι. [6] ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ ἀδύνατον ἀμύνεσθαι οὕτω πόλιν ἐρχόμεθα, ἀλλὰ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἄριστα παρεσκευασμένην, ὥστε χρὴ καὶ πάνυ ἐλπίζειν διὰ μάχης ἰέναι αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ καὶ νῦν ὥρμηνται ἐν ᾧ οὔπω πάρεσμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἐν τῇ γῇ ὁρῶσιν ἡμᾶς δῃοῦντάς τε καὶ τἀκείνων φθείροντας. [7] πᾶσι γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὄμμασι καὶ ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα ὁρᾶν πάσχοντάς τι ἄηθες ὀργὴ προσπίπτει: καὶ οἱ λογισμῷ ἐλάχιστα χρώμενοι θυμῷ πλεῖστα ἐς ἔργον καθίστανται. [8] Ἀθηναίους δὲ καὶ πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων εἰκὸς τοῦτο δρᾶσαι, οἳ ἄρχειν τε τῶν ἄλλων ἀξιοῦσι καὶ ἐπιόντες τὴν τῶν πέλας δῃοῦν μᾶλλον ἢ τὴν αὑτῶν ὁρᾶν. [9] ὡς οὖν ἐπὶ τοσαύτην πόλιν στρατεύοντες καὶ μεγίστην δόξαν οἰσόμενοι τοῖς τε προγόνοις καὶ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα ἐκ τῶν ἀποβαινόντων, ἕπεσθ᾽ ὅπῃ ἄν τις ἡγῆται, κόσμον καὶ φυλακὴν περὶ παντὸς ποιούμενοι καὶ τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ὀξέως δεχόμενοι: κάλλιστον γὰρ τόδε καὶ ἀσφαλέστατον, πολλοὺς ὄντας ἑνὶ κόσμῳ χρωμένους φαίνεσθαι.’
[5] Not that confidence is out of place in an army of invasion, but in an enemy's country it should also be accompanied by the precautions of apprehension: troops will by this combination be best inspired for dealing a blow, and best secured against receiving one. [6] In the present instance, the city against which we are going, far from being so impotent for defence, is on the contrary most excellently equipped at all points; so that we have every reason to expect that they will take the field against us, and that if they have not set out already before we are there, they will certainly do so when they see us in their territory wasting and destroying their property. [7] For men are always exasperated at suffering injuries to which they are not accustomed, and on seeing them inflicted before their very eyes; and where least inclined for reflection, rush with the greatest heat to action. [8] The Athenians are the very people of all others to do this, as they aspire to rule the rest of the world, and are more in the habit of invading and ravaging their neighbors' territory, than of seeing their own treated in the like fashion. [9] Considering, therefore, the power of the state against which we are marching, and the greatness of the reputation which, according to the event, we shall win or lose for our ancestors and ourselves, remember as you follow where you may be led to regard discipline and vigilance as of the first importance, and to obey with alacrity the orders transmitted to you; as nothing contributes so much to the credit and safety of an army as the union of large bodies by a single discipline.’
εἴ τῳ καὶ δοκοῦμεν πλήθει ἐπιέναι καὶ ἀσφάλεια πολλὴ εἶναι μὴ ἂν ἐλθεῖν τοὺς ἐναντίους ἡμῖν διὰ μάχης
[1] ‘ἄνδρες Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι, καὶ οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν πολλὰς στρατείας καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ ἔξω ἐποιήσαντο, καὶ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι οὐκ ἄπειροι πολέμων εἰσίν: ὅμως δὲ τῆσδε οὔπω μείζονα παρασκευὴν ἔχοντες ἐξήλθομεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ πόλιν δυνατωτάτην νῦν ἐρχόμεθα καὶ αὐτοὶ πλεῖστοι καὶ ἄριστοι στρατεύοντες. [2] δίκαιον οὖν ἡμᾶς μήτε τῶν πατέρων χείρους φαίνεσθαι μήτε ἡμῶν αὐτῶν τῆς δόξης ἐνδεεστέρους. ἡ γὰρ Ἑλλὰς πᾶσα τῇδε τῇ ὁρμῇ ἐπῆρται καὶ προσέχει τὴν γνώμην, εὔνοιαν ἔχουσα διὰ τὸ Ἀθηναίων ἔχθος πρᾶξαι ἡμᾶς ἃ ἐπινοοῦμεν. [3] οὔκουν χρή, εἴ τῳ καὶ δοκοῦμεν πλήθει ἐπιέναι καὶ ἀσφάλεια πολλὴ εἶναι μὴ ἂν ἐλθεῖν τοὺς ἐναντίους ἡμῖν διὰ μάχης, τούτων ἕνεκα ἀμελέστερόν τι παρεσκευασμένους χωρεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλεως ἑκάστης ἡγεμόνα καὶ στρατιώτην τὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν αἰεὶ προσδέχεσθαι ἐς κίνδυνόν τινα ἥξειν. [4] ἄδηλα γὰρ τὰ τῶν πολέμων, καὶ ἐξ ὀλίγου τὰ πολλὰ καὶ δι᾽ ὀργῆς αἱ ἐπιχειρήσεις γίγνονται: πολλάκις τε τὸ ἔλασσον πλῆθος δεδιὸς ἄμεινον ἠμύνατο τοὺς πλέονας διὰ τὸ καταφρονοῦντας ἀπαρασκεύους γενέσθαι.
‘Peloponnesians and allies, our fathers made many campaigns both within and without Peloponnese, and the elder men among us here are not without experience in war. Yet we have never set out with a larger force than the present; and if our numbers and efficiency are remarkable, so also is the power of the state against which we march. [2] We ought not then to show ourselves inferior to our ancestors, or unequal to our own reputation. For the hopes and attention of all Hellas are bent upon the present effort, and its sympathy is with the enemy of the hated Athens. [3] Therefore, numerous as the invading army may appear to be, and certain as some may think it that our adversary will not meet us in the field, this is no sort of justification for the least negligence upon the march; but the officers and men of each particular city should always be prepared for the advent of danger in their own quarters. [4] The course of war cannot be foreseen, and its attacks are generally dictated by the impulse of the moment; and where overweening self-confidence has despised preparation, a wise apprehension has often been able to make head against superior numbers.
τὴν Αἴγιναν ἀσφαλέστερον ἐφαίνετο τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἐπικειμένην αὑτῶν πέμψαντας ἐποίκους ἔχειν
ἀνέστησαν δὲ καὶ Αἰγινήτας τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τούτῳ ἐξ Αἰγίνης Ἀθηναῖοι, αὐτούς τε καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας, ἐπικαλέσαντες οὐχ ἥκιστα τοῦ πολέμου σφίσιν αἰτίους εἶναι: καὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν ἀσφαλέστερον ἐφαίνετο τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἐπικειμένην αὑτῶν πέμψαντας ἐποίκους ἔχειν. καὶ ἐξέπεμψαν ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ ἐς αὐτὴν τοὺς οἰκήτορας. [2] ἐκπεσοῦσι δὲ τοῖς Αἰγινήταις οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἔδοσαν Θυρέαν οἰκεῖν καὶ τὴν γῆν νέμεσθαι, κατά τε τὸ Ἀθηναίων διάφορον καὶ ὅτι σφῶν εὐεργέται ἦσαν ὑπὸ τὸν σεισμὸν καὶ τῶν Εἱλώτων τὴν ἐπανάστασιν. ἡ δὲ Θυρεᾶτις γῆ μεθορία τῆς Ἀργείας καὶ Λακωνικῆς ἐστίν, ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καθήκουσα. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐνταῦθα ᾤκησαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἐσπάρησαν κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα.
During the summer the Athenians also expelled the Aeginetans with their wives and children from Aegina, on the ground of their having been the chief agents in bringing the war upon them. Besides, Aegina lies so near Peloponnese, that it seemed safer to send colonists of their own to hold it, and shortly afterwards the settlers were sent out. [2] The banished Aeginetans found an asylum in Thyrea, which was given to them by Lacedaemon, not only on account of her quarrel with Athens, but also because the Aeginetans had laid her under obligations at the time of the earthquake and the revolt of the Helots. The territory of Thyrea is on the frontier of Argolis and Laconia, reaching down to the sea. Those of the Aeginetans who did not settle here were scattered over the rest of Hellas.
τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς χρὴ ἀσφαλεστέραν μὲν εὔχεσθαι
‘καὶ οἵδε μὲν προσηκόντως τῇ πόλει τοιοίδε ἐγένοντο: τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς χρὴ ἀσφαλεστέραν μὲν εὔχεσθαι, ἀτολμοτέραν δὲ μηδὲν ἀξιοῦν τὴν ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους διάνοιαν ἔχειν, σκοποῦντας μὴ λόγῳ μόνῳ τὴν ὠφελίαν, ἣν ἄν τις πρὸς οὐδὲν χεῖρον αὐτοὺς ὑμᾶς εἰδότας μηκύνοι, λέγων ὅσα ἐν τῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνεσθαι ἀγαθὰ ἔνεστιν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τὴν τῆς πόλεως δύναμιν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἔργῳ θεωμένους καὶ ἐραστὰς γιγνομένους αὐτῆς, καὶ ὅταν ὑμῖν μεγάλη δόξῃ εἶναι,ἐνθυμουμένους ὅτι τολμῶντες καὶ γιγνώσκοντες τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις αἰσχυνόμενοι ἄνδρες αὐτὰ ἐκτήσαντο, καὶ ὁπότε καὶ πείρᾳ του σφαλεῖεν, οὐκ οὖν καὶ τὴν πόλιν γε τῆς σφετέρας ἀρετῆς ἀξιοῦντες στερίσκειν, κάλλιστον δὲ ἔρανον αὐτῇ προϊέμενοι. [2] κοινῇ γὰρ τὰ σώματα διδόντες ἰδίᾳ τὸν ἀγήρων ἔπαινον ἐλάμβανον καὶ τὸν τάφον ἐπισημότατον, οὐκ ἐν ᾧ κεῖνται μᾶλλον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα αὐτῶν παρὰ τῷ ἐντυχόντι αἰεὶ καὶ λόγου καὶ ἔργου καιρῷ αἰείμνηστος καταλείπεται. [3] ἀνδρῶν γὰρ ἐπιφανῶν πᾶσα γῆ τάφος, καὶ οὐ στηλῶν μόνον ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ σημαίνει ἐπιγραφή, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῇ μὴ προσηκούσῃ ἄγραφος μνήμη παρ᾽ ἑκάστῳ τῆς γνώμης μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ ἔργου ἐνδιαιτᾶται. [4] οὓς νῦν ὑμεῖς ζηλώσαντες καὶ τὸ εὔδαιμον τὸ ἐλεύθερον, τὸ δ᾽ ἐλεύθερον τὸ εὔψυχον κρίναντες μὴ περιορᾶσθε τοὺς πολεμικοὺς κινδύνους. [5] οὐ γὰρ οἱ κακοπραγοῦντες δικαιότερον ἀφειδοῖεν ἂν τοῦ βίου, οἷς ἐλπὶς οὐκ ἔστιν ἀγαθοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἡ ἐναντία μεταβολὴ ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἔτι κινδυνεύεται καὶ ἐν οἷς μάλιστα μεγάλα τὰ διαφέροντα, ἤν τι πταίσωσιν. [6] ἀλγεινοτέρα γὰρ ἀνδρί γε φρόνημα ἔχοντι ἡ μετὰ τοῦ [ἐν τῷ] μαλακισθῆναι κάκωσις ἢ ὁ μετὰ ῥώμης καὶ κοινῆς ἐλπίδος ἅμα γιγνόμενος ἀναίσθητος θάνατος.
So died these men as became Athenians. You, their survivors, must determine to have as unaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray that it may have a happier issue. And not contented with ideas derived only from words of the advantages which are bound up with the defence of your country, though these would furnish a valuable text to a speaker even before an audience so alive to them as the present, you must yourselves realize the power of Athens, and feed your eyes upon her from day to day, till love of her fills your hearts; and then when all her greatness shall break upon you, you must reflect that it was by courage, sense of duty, and a keen feeling of honor in action that men were enabled to win all this, and that no personal failure in an enterprise could make them consent to deprive their country of their valor, but they laid it at her feet as the most glorious contribution that they could offer. [2] For this offering of their lives made in common by them all they each of them individually received that renown which never grows old, and for a sepulchre, not so much that in which their bones have been deposited, but that noblest of shrines wherein their glory is laid up to be eternally remembered upon every occasion on which deed or story shall fall for its commemoration. [3] For heroes have the whole earth for their tomb; and in lands far from their own, where the column with its epitaph declares it, there is enshrined in every breast a record unwritten with no tablet to preserve it, except that of the heart. [4] These take as your model, and judging happiness to be the fruit of freedom and freedom of valor, never decline the dangers of war. [5] For it is not the miserable that would most justly be unsparing of their lives; these have nothing to hope for: it is rather they to whom continued life may bring reverses as yet unknown, and to whom a fall, if it came, would be most tremendous in its consequences. [6] And surely, to a man of spirit, the degradation of cowardice must be immeasurably more grievous than the unfelt death which strikes him in the midst of his strength and patriotism!
τῇ πόλει διχόθεν, ἔκ τε τοῦ μὴ ἐρημοῦσθαι καὶ ἀσφαλείᾳ, ξυνοίσει:
‘δι᾽ ὅπερ καὶ τοὺς τῶνδε νῦν τοκέας, ὅσοι πάρεστε, οὐκ ὀλοφύρομαι μᾶλλον ἢ παραμυθήσομαι. ἐν πολυτρόποις γὰρ ξυμφοραῖς ἐπίστανται τραφέντες: τὸ δ᾽ εὐτυχές, οἳ ἂν τῆς εὐπρεπεστάτης λάχωσιν, ὥσπερ οἵδε μὲν νῦν, τελευτῆς, ὑμεῖς δὲ λύπης, καὶ οἷς ἐνευδαιμονῆσαί τε ὁ βίος ὁμοίως καὶ ἐντελευτῆσαι ξυνεμετρήθη. [2] χαλεπὸν μὲν οὖν οἶδα πείθειν ὄν, ὧν καὶ πολλάκις ἕξετε ὑπομνήματα ἐν ἄλλων εὐτυχίαις, αἷς ποτὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἠγάλλεσθε: καὶ λύπη οὐχ ὧν ἄν τις μὴ πειρασάμενος ἀγαθῶν στερίσκηται, ἀλλ᾽ οὗ ἂν ἐθὰς γενόμενος ἀφαιρεθῇ. [3] καρτερεῖν δὲ χρὴ καὶ ἄλλων παίδων ἐλπίδι,οἷς ἔτι ἡλικία τέκνωσιν ποιεῖσθαι: ἰδίᾳ τε γὰρ τῶν οὐκ ὄντων λήθη οἱ ἐπιγιγνόμενοί τισιν ἔσονται, καὶ τῇ πόλει διχόθεν, ἔκ τε τοῦ μὴ ἐρημοῦσθαι καὶ ἀσφαλείᾳ, ξυνοίσει: οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε ἴσον τι ἢ δίκαιον βουλεύεσθαι οἳ ἂν μὴ καὶ παῖδας ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου παραβαλλόμενοι κινδυνεύωσιν. [4] ὅσοι δ᾽ αὖ παρηβήκατε, τόν τε πλέονα κέρδος ὃν ηὐτυχεῖτε βίον ἡγεῖσθε καὶ τόνδε βραχὺν ἔσεσθαι, καὶ τῇ τῶνδε εὐκλείᾳ κουφίζεσθε. τὸ γὰρ φιλότιμον ἀγήρων μόνον, καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῷ ἀχρείῳ τῆς ἡλικίας τὸ κερδαίνειν, ὥσπερ τινές φασι, μᾶλλον τέρπει, ἀλλὰ τὸ τιμᾶσθαι.
Comfort, therefore, not condolence, is what I have to offer to the parents of the dead who may be here. Numberless are the chances to which, as they know, the life of man is subject; but fortunate indeed are they who draw for their lot a death so glorious as that which has caused your mourning, and to whom life has been so exactly measured as to terminate in the happiness in which it has been passed. [2] Still I know that this is a hard saying, especially when those are in question of whom you will constantly be reminded by seeing in the homes of others blessings of which once you also boasted: for grief is felt not so much for the want of what we have never known, as for the loss of that to which we have been long accustomed. [3] Yet you who are still of an age to beget children must bear up in the hope of having others in their stead; not only will they help you to forget those whom you have lost, but will be to the state at once a reinforcement and a security; for never can a fair or just policy be expected of the citizen who does not, like his fellows, bring to the decision the interests and apprehensions of a father. [4] While those of you who have passed your prime must congratulate yourselves with the thought that the best part of your life was fortunate, and that the brief span that remains will be cheered by the fame of the departed. For it is only the love of honor that never grows old; and honor it is, not gain, as some would have it, that rejoices the heart of age and helplessness.
οὐδὲ ἐν ἀρχούσῃ πόλει ξυμφέρει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ὑπηκόῳ, ἀσφαλῶς δουλεύειν
63. τῆς τε πόλεως ὑμᾶς εἰκὸς τῷ τιμωμένῳ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄρχειν, ᾧπερ ἅπαντες ἀγάλλεσθε, βοηθεῖν, καὶ μὴ φεύγειν τοὺς πόνους ἢ μηδὲ τὰς τιμὰς διώκειν: μηδὲ νομίσαι περὶ ἑνὸς μόνου, δουλείας ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθερίας, ἀγωνίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀρχῆς στερήσεως καὶ κινδύνου ὧν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ ἀπήχθεσθε. [2] ἧς οὐδ᾽ ἐκστῆναι ἔτι ὑμῖν ἔστιν, εἴ τις καὶ τόδε ἐν τῷ παρόντι δεδιὼς ἀπραγμοσύνῃ ἀνδραγαθίζεται: ὡς τυραννίδα γὰρ ἤδη ἔχετε αὐτήν, ἣν λαβεῖν μὲν ἄδικον δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἀφεῖναι δὲ ἐπικίνδυνον. [3] τάχιστ᾽ ἄν τε πόλιν οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἑτέρους τε πείσαντες ἀπολέσειαν καὶ εἴ που ἐπὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν αὐτόνομοι οἰκήσειαν: τὸ γὰρ ἄπραγμον οὐ σῴζεται μὴ μετὰ τοῦ δραστηρίου τεταγμένον, οὐδὲ ἐν ἀρχούσῃ πόλει ξυμφέρει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ὑπηκόῳ, ἀσφαλῶς δουλεύειν.
[64] ‘ὑμεῖς δὲ μήτε ὑπὸ τῶν τοιῶνδε πολιτῶν παράγεσθε μήτε ἐμὲ δι᾽ ὀργῆς ἔχετε, ᾧ καὶ αὐτοὶ ξυνδιέγνωτε πολεμεῖν, εἰ καὶ ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐναντίοι ἔδρασαν ἅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν μὴ ἐθελησάντων ὑμῶν ὑπακούειν, ἐπιγεγένηταί τε πέρα ὧν προσεδεχόμεθα ἡ νόσος ἥδε, πρᾶγμα μόνον δὴ τῶν πάντων ἐλπίδος κρεῖσσον γεγενημένον. καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὴν οἶδ᾽ ὅτι μέρος τι μᾶλλον ἔτι μισοῦμαι, οὐ δικαίως, εἰ μὴ καὶ ὅταν παρὰ λόγον τι εὖ πράξητε ἐμοὶ ἀναθήσετε. [2] φέρειν δὲ χρὴ τά τε δαιμόνια ἀναγκαίως τά τε ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀνδρείως: ταῦτα γὰρ ἐν ἔθει τῇδε τῇ πόλει πρότερόν τε ἦν νῦν τε μὴ ἐν ὑμῖν κωλυθῇ. [3] γνῶτε δὲ ὄνομα μέγιστον αὐτὴν ἔχουσαν ἐν ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις διὰ τὸ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς μὴ εἴκειν, πλεῖστα δὲ σώματα καὶ πόνους ἀνηλωκέναι πολέμῳ, καὶ δύναμιν μεγίστην δὴ μέχρι τοῦδε κεκτημένην, ἧς ἐς ἀΐδιον τοῖς ἐπιγιγνομένοις, ἢν καὶ νῦν ὑπενδῶμέν ποτε （πάντα γὰρ πέφυκε καὶ ἐλασσοῦσθαι）, μνήμη καταλελείψεται, Ἑλλήνων τε ὅτι Ἕλληνες πλείστων δὴ ἤρξαμεν, καὶ πολέμοις μεγίστοις ἀντέσχομεν πρός τε ξύμπαντας καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστους, πόλιν τε τοῖς πᾶσιν εὐπορωτάτην καὶ μεγίστην ᾠκήσαμεν. [4] καίτοι ταῦτα ὁ μὲν ἀπράγμων μέμψαιτ᾽ ἄν, ὁ δὲ δρᾶν τι καὶ αὐτὸς βουλόμενος ζηλώσει: εἰ δέ τις μὴ κέκτηται, φθονήσει. [5] τὸ δὲ μισεῖσθαι καὶ λυπηροὺς εἶναι ἐν τῷ παρόντι πᾶσι μὲν ὑπῆρξε δὴ ὅσοι ἕτεροι ἑτέρων ἠξίωσαν ἄρχειν: ὅστις δὲ ἐπὶ μεγίστοις τὸ ἐπίφθονον λαμβάνει, ὀρθῶς βουλεύεται. μῖσος μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντέχει, ἡ δὲ παραυτίκα τε λαμπρότης καὶ ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα δόξα αἰείμνηστος καταλείπεται. [6] ὑμεῖς δὲ ἔς τε τὸ μέλλον καλὸν προγνόντες ἔς τε τὸ αὐτίκα μὴ αἰσχρὸν τῷ ἤδη προθύμῳ ἀμφότερα κτήσασθε, καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις μήτε ἐπικηρυκεύεσθε μήτε ἔνδηλοι ἔστε τοῖς παροῦσι πόνοις βαρυνόμενοι, ὡς οἵτινες πρὸς τὰς ξυμφορὰς γνώμῃ μὲν ἥκιστα λυποῦνται, ἔργῳ δὲ μάλιστα ἀντέχουσιν, οὗτοι καὶ πόλεων καὶ ἰδιωτῶν κράτιστοί εἰσιν.’
Again, your country has a right to your services in sustaining the glories of her position. These are a common source of pride to you all, and you cannot decline the burdens of empire and still expect to share its honors. You should remember also that what you are fighting against is not merely slavery as an exchange for independence, but also loss of empire and danger from the animosities incurred in its exercise. [2] Besides, to recede is no longer possible, if indeed any of you in the alarm of the moment has become enamored of the honesty of such an unambitious part. For what you hold is, to speak somewhat plainly, a tyranny; to take it perhaps was wrong, but to let it go is unsafe. [3] And men of these retiring views, making converts of others, would quickly ruin a state; indeed the result would be the same if they could live independent by themselves; for the retiring and unambitious are never secure without vigorous protectors at their side; in fine, such qualities are useless to an imperial city, though they may help a dependency to an unmolested servitude.
[64] But you must not be seduced by citizens like these nor be angry with me,—who, if I voted for war, only did as you did yourselves,—in spite of the enemy having invaded your country and done what you could be certain that he would do, if you refused to comply with his demands; and although besides what we counted for, the plague has come upon us—the only point indeed at which our calculation has been at fault. It is this, I know, that has had a large share in making me more unpopular than I should otherwise have been,—quite undeservedly, unless you are also prepared to give me the credit of any success with which chance may present you. [2] Besides, the hand of Heaven must be borne with resignation, that of the enemy with fortitude; this was the old way at Athens, and do not you prevent it being so still. [3] Remember, too, that if your country has the greatest name in all the world, it is because she never bent before disaster; because she has expended more life and effort in war than any other city, and has won for herself a power greater than any hitherto known, the memory of which will descend to the latest posterity; even if now, in obedience to the general law of decay, we should ever be forced to yield, still it will be remembered that we held rule over more Hellenes than any other Hellenic state, that we sustained the greatest wars against their united or separate powers, and inhabited a city unrivalled by any other in resources or magnitude. [4] These glories may incur the censure of the slow and unambitious; but in the breast of energy they will awake emulation, and in those who must remain without them an envious regret. [5] Hatred and unpopularity at the moment have fallen to the lot of all who have aspired to rule others; but where odium must be incurred, true wisdom incurs it for the highest objects. Hatred also is shortlived; but that which makes the splendor of the present and the glory of the future remains for ever unforgotten. [6] Make your decision, therefore, for glory then and honor now, and attain both objects by instant and zealous effort: do not send heralds to Lacedaemon, and do not betray any sign of being oppressed by your present sufferings, since they whose minds are least sensitive to calamity, and whose hands are most quick to meet it, are the greatest men and the greatest communities.’
χρόνον προύστη τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ, μετρίως ἐξηγεῖτο καὶ ἀσφαλῶς διεφύλαξεν αὐτήν, καὶ ἐγένετο ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνου μεγίστη
τοιαῦτα ὁ Περικλῆς λέγων ἐπειρᾶτο τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τῆς τε ἐς αὑτὸν ὀργῆς παραλύειν καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν παρόντων δεινῶν ἀπάγειν τὴν γνώμην. [2] οἱ δὲ δημοσίᾳ μὲν τοῖς λόγοις ἀνεπείθοντο καὶ οὔτε πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἔτι ἔπεμπον ἔς τε τὸν πόλεμον μᾶλλον ὥρμηντο, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοῖς παθήμασιν ἐλυποῦντο, ὁ μὲν δῆμος ὅτι ἀπ᾽ ἐλασσόνων ὁρμώμενος ἐστέρητο καὶ τούτων, οἱ δὲ δυνατοὶ καλὰ κτήματα κατὰ τὴν χώραν οἰκοδομίαις τε καὶ πολυτελέσι κατασκευαῖς ἀπολωλεκότες, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, πόλεμον ἀντ᾽ εἰρήνης ἔχοντες. [3] οὐ μέντοι πρότερόν γε οἱ ξύμπαντες ἐπαύσαντο ἐν ὀργῇ ἔχοντες αὐτὸν πρὶν ἐζημίωσαν χρήμασιν. [4] ὕστερον δ᾽ αὖθις οὐ πολλῷ, ὅπερ φιλεῖ ὅμιλος ποιεῖν, στρατηγὸν εἵλοντο καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα ἐπέτρεψαν, ὧν μὲν περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἕκαστος ἤλγει ἀμβλύτεροι ἤδη ὄντες, ὧν δὲ ἡ ξύμπασα πόλις προσεδεῖτο πλείστου ἄξιον νομίζοντες εἶναι. [5] ὅσον τε γὰρ χρόνον προύστη τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ, μετρίως ἐξηγεῖτο καὶ ἀσφαλῶς διεφύλαξεν αὐτήν, καὶ ἐγένετο ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνου μεγίστη, ἐπειδή τε ὁ πόλεμος κατέστη, ὁ δὲ φαίνεται καὶ ἐν τούτῳ προγνοὺς τὴν δύναμιν. [6] ἐπεβίω δὲ δύο ἔτη καὶ ἓξ μῆνας: καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἀπέθανεν, ἐπὶ πλέον ἔτι ἐγνώσθη ἡ πρόνοια αὐτοῦ ἡ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον. [7] ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἡσυχάζοντάς τε καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν θεραπεύοντας καὶ ἀρχὴν μὴ ἐπικτωμένους ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ μηδὲ τῇ πόλει κινδυνεύοντας ἔφη περιέσεσθαι: οἱ δὲ ταῦτά τε πάντα ἐς τοὐναντίον ἔπραξαν καὶ ἄλλα ἔξω τοῦ πολέμου δοκοῦντα εἶναι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας φιλοτιμίας καὶ ἴδια κέρδη κακῶς ἔς τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπολίτευσαν, ἃ κατορθούμενα μὲν τοῖς ἰδιώταις τιμὴ καὶ ὠφελία μᾶλλον ἦν, σφαλέντα δὲ τῇ πόλει ἐς τὸν πόλεμον βλάβη καθίστατο. [8] αἴτιον δ᾽ ἦν ὅτι ἐκεῖνος μὲν δυνατὸς ὢν τῷ τε ἀξιώματι καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ χρημάτων τε διαφανῶς ἀδωρότατος γενόμενος κατεῖχε τὸ πλῆθος ἐλευθέρως, καὶ οὐκ ἤγετο μᾶλλον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἢ αὐτὸς ἦγε, διὰ τὸ μὴ κτώμενος ἐξ οὐ προσηκόντων τὴν δύναμιν πρὸς ἡδονήν τι λέγειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔχων ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώσει καὶ πρὸς ὀργήν τι ἀντειπεῖν. [9] ὁπότε γοῦν αἴσθοιτό τι αὐτοὺς παρὰ καιρὸν ὕβρει θαρσοῦντας, λέγων κατέπλησσεν ἐπὶ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι, καὶ δεδιότας αὖ ἀλόγως ἀντικαθίστη πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ θαρσεῖν. ἐγίγνετό τε λόγῳ μὲν δημοκρατία, ἔργῳ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ἀνδρὸς ἀρχή. [10] οἱ δὲ ὕστερον ἴσοι μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντες καὶ ὀρεγόμενοι τοῦ πρῶτος ἕκαστος γίγνεσθαι ἐτράποντο καθ᾽ ἡδονὰς τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τὰ πράγματα ἐνδιδόναι. [11] ἐξ ὧν ἄλλα τε πολλά, ὡς ἐν μεγάλῃ πόλει καὶ ἀρχὴν ἐχούσῃ, ἡμαρτήθη καὶ ὁ ἐς Σικελίαν πλοῦς, ὃς οὐ τοσοῦτον γνώμης ἁμάρτημα ἦν πρὸς οὓς ἐπῇσαν, ὅσον οἱ ἐκπέμψαντες οὐ τὰ πρόσφορα τοῖς οἰχομένοις ἐπιγιγνώσκοντες, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας διαβολὰς περὶ τῆς τοῦ δήμου προστασίας τά τε ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀμβλύτερα ἐποίουν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν πρῶτον ἐν ἀλλήλοις ἐταράχθησαν. [12] σφαλέντες δὲ ἐν Σικελίᾳ ἄλλῃ τε παρασκευῇ καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ τῷ πλέονι μορίῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἤδη ἐν στάσει ὄντες ὅμως † τρία † μὲν ἔτη ἀντεῖχον τοῖς τε πρότερον ὑπάρχουσι πολεμίοις καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ Σικελίας μετ᾽ αὐτῶν, καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἔτι τοῖς πλέοσιν ἀφεστηκόσι, Κύρῳ τε ὕστερον βασιλέως παιδὶ προσγενομένῳ, ὃς παρεῖχε χρήματα Πελοποννησίοις ἐς τὸ ναυτικόν, καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἐνέδοσαν ἢ αὐτοὶ ἐν σφίσι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας διαφορὰς περιπεσόντες ἐσφάλησαν. [13] τοσοῦτον τῷ Περικλεῖ ἐπερίσσευσε τότε ἀφ᾽ ὧν αὐτὸς προέγνω καὶ πάνυ ἂν ῥᾳδίως περιγενέσθαι τὴν πόλιν Πελοποννησίων αὐτῶν τῷ πολέμῳ.
Such were the arguments by which Pericles tried to cure the Athenians of their anger against him and to divert their thoughts from their immediate afflictions. [2] As a community he succeeded in convincing them; they not only gave up all idea of sending to Lacedaemon, but applied themselves with increased energy to the war; still as private individuals they could not help smarting under their sufferings, the common people having been deprived of the little that they ever possessed, while the higher orders had lost fine properties with costly establishments and buildings in the country, and, worst of all, had war instead of peace. [3] In fact, the public feeling against him did not subside until he had been fined. [4] Not long afterwards, however, according to the way of the multitude, they again elected him general and committed all their affairs to his hands, having now become less sensitive to their private and domestic afflictions, and understanding that he was the best man of all for the public necessities. [5] For as long as he was at the head of the state during the peace, he pursued a moderate and conservative policy; and in his time its greatness was at its height. When the war broke out, here also he seems to have rightly gauged the power of his country. [6] He outlived its commencement two years and six months, and the correctness of his previsions respecting it became better known by his death. [7] He told them to wait quietly, to pay attention to their marine, to attempt no new conquests, and to expose the city to no hazards during the war, and doing this, promised them a favorable result. What they did was the very contrary, allowing private ambitions and private interests, in matters apparently quite foreign to the war, to lead them into projects unjust both to themselves and to their allies—projects whose success would only conduce to the honor and advantage of private persons, and whose failure entailed certain disaster on the country in the war. [8] The causes of this are not far to seek. Pericles indeed, by his rank, ability, and known integrity, was enabled to exercise an independent control over the multitude—in short, to lead them instead of being led by them; for as he never sought power by improper means, he was never compelled to flatter them, but, on the contrary, enjoyed so high an estimation that he could afford to anger them by contradiction. [9] Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. [10] With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. [11] This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. [12] Yet after losing most of their fleet besides other forces in Sicily, and with faction already dominant in the city, they could still for three years make head against their original adversaries, joined not only by the Sicilians, but also by their own allies nearly all in revolt, and at last by the king's son, Cyrus, who furnished the funds for the Peloponnesian navy. Nor did they finally succumb till they fell the victims of their own intestine disorders. [13] So superfluously abundant were the resources from which the genius of Pericles foresaw an easy triumph in the war over the unaided forces of the Peloponnesians.
ὥστε τοὺς ἐργαζομένους καὶ τὰ ξύλα μήτε πυρφόροις οἰστοῖς βάλλεσθαι ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ τε εἶναι
τοσαῦτα ἐπιθειάσας καθίστη ἐς πόλεμον τὸν στρατόν, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν περιεσταύρωσαν αὐτοὺς τοῖς δένδρεσιν ἃ ἔκοψαν, τοῦ μηδένα ἐπεξιέναι, ἔπειτα χῶμα ἔχουν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, ἐλπίζοντες ταχίστην αἵρεσιν ἔσεσθαι αὐτῶν στρατεύματος τοσούτου ἐργαζομένου. [2] ξύλα μὲν οὖν τέμνοντες ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος παρῳκοδόμουν ἑκατέρωθεν, φορμηδὸν ἀντὶ τοίχων τιθέντες, ὅπως μὴ διαχέοιτο ἐπὶ πολὺ τὸ χῶμα: ἐφόρουν δὲ ὕλην ἐς αὐτὸ καὶ λίθους καὶ γῆν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἁνύτειν μέλλοι ἐπιβαλλόμενον. [3] ἡμέρας δὲ ἔχουν † ἑβδομήκοντα † καὶ νύκτας ξυνεχῶς, διῃρημένοι κατ᾽ ἀναπαύλας, ὥστε τοὺς μὲν φέρειν, τοὺς δὲ ὕπνον τε καὶ σῖτον αἱρεῖσθαι: Λακεδαιμονίων τε οἱ ξεναγοὶ ἑκάστης πόλεως ξυνεφεστῶτες ἠνάγκαζον ἐς τὸ ἔργον. [4] οἱ δὲ Πλαταιῆς ὁρῶντες τὸ χῶμα αἰρόμενον, ξύλινον τεῖχος ξυνθέντες καὶ ἐπιστήσαντες τῷ ἑαυτῶν τείχει ᾗ προσεχοῦτο, ἐσῳκοδόμουν ἐς αὐτὸ πλίνθους ἐκ τῶν ἐγγὺς οἰκιῶν καθαιροῦντες. [5] ξύνδεσμος δ᾽ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ ξύλα, τοῦ μὴ ὑψηλὸν γιγνόμενον ἀσθενὲς εἶναι τὸ οἰκοδόμημα, καὶ προκαλύμματα εἶχε δέρσεις καὶ διφθέρας, ὥστε τοὺς ἐργαζομένους καὶ τὰ ξύλα μήτε πυρφόροις οἰστοῖς βάλλεσθαι ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ τε εἶναι. [6] ᾔρετο δὲ τὸ ὕψος τοῦ τείχους μέγα, καὶ τὸ χῶμα οὐ σχολαίτερον ἀντανῄει αὐτῷ. καὶ οἱ Πλαταιῆς τοιόνδε τι ἐπινοοῦσιν: διελόντες τοῦ τείχους ᾗ προσέπιπτε τὸ χῶμα ἐσεφόρουν τὴν γῆν.
After this appeal to the gods Archidamus put his army in motion. First he enclosed the town with a palisade formed of the fruit-trees which they cut down, to prevent further egress from Plataea; next day they threw up a mound against the city, hoping that the largeness of the force employed would insure the speedy reduction of the place. [2] They accordingly cut down timber from Cithaeron, and built it up on either side, laying it like lattice-work to serve as a wall to keep the mound from spreading abroad, and carried to it wood and stones and earth and whatever other material might help to complete it. [3] They continued to work at the mound for seventy days and nights without intermission, being divided into relief parties to allow of some being employed in carrying while others took sleep and refreshment; the Lacedaemonian officer attached to each contingent keeping the men to the work. [4] But the Plataeans observing the progress of the mound, constructed a wall of wood and fixed it upon that part of the city wall against which the mound was being erected, and built up bricks inside it which they took from the neighboring houses. [5] The timbers served to bind the building together, and to prevent its becoming weak as it advanced in height; it had also a covering of skins and hides, which protected the wood-work against the attacks of burning missiles and allowed the men to work in safety. [6] Thus the wall was raised to a great height, and the mound opposite made no less rapid progress. The Plataeans also thought of another expedient; they pulled out part of the wall upon which the mound abutted, and carried the earth into the city.
8. [4] ἡ δὲ εὔνοια παρὰ πολὺ ἐποίει τῶν ἀνθρώπων μᾶλλον ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἄλλως τε καὶ προειπόντων ὅτι τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐλευθεροῦσιν. ἔρρωτό τε πᾶς καὶ ἰδιώτης καὶ πόλις εἴ τι δύναιτο καὶ λόγῳ καὶ ἔργῳ ξυνεπιλαμβάνειν αὐτοῖς: ἐν τούτῳ τε κεκωλῦσθαι ἐδόκει ἑκάστῳ τὰ πράγματα ᾧ μή τις αὐτὸς παρέσται. [5] οὕτως <ἐν> ὀργῇ εἶχον οἱ πλείους τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, οἱ μὲν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπολυθῆναι βουλόμενοι, οἱ δὲ μὴ ἀρχθῶσι φοβούμενοι.
9. παρασκευῇ μὲν οὖν καὶ γνώμῃ τοιαύτῃ ὥρμηντο, πόλεις δὲ ἑκάτεροι τάσδε ἔχοντες ξυμμάχους ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καθίσταντο. [2] Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν οἵδε ξύμμαχοι: Πελοποννήσιοι μὲν οἱ ἐντὸς Ἰσθμοῦ πάντες πλὴν Ἀργείων καὶ Ἀχαιῶν （τούτοις δὲ ἐς ἀμφοτέρους φιλία ἦν: Πελληνῆς δὲ Ἀχαιῶν μόνοι ξυνεπολέμουν τὸ πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ ὕστερον καὶ ἅπαντες）, ἔξω δὲ Πελοποννήσου Μεγαρῆς, Βοιωτοί, Λοκροί, Φωκῆς, Ἀμπρακιῶται, Λευκάδιοι, Ἀνακτόριοι. [3] τούτων ναυτικὸν παρείχοντο Κορίνθιοι, Μεγαρῆς, Σικυώνιοι, Πελληνῆς, Ἠλεῖοι, Ἀμπρακιῶται, Λευκάδιοι, ἱππέας δὲ Βοιωτοί, Φωκῆς, Λοκροί: αἱ δ᾽ ἄλλαι πόλεις πεζὸν παρεῖχον. αὕτη μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμμαχία: [4] Ἀθηναίων δὲ Χῖοι, Λέσβιοι, Πλαταιῆς, Μεσσήνιοι οἱ ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ, Ἀκαρνάνων οἱ πλείους, Κερκυραῖοι, Ζακύνθιοι, καὶ ἄλλαι πόλεις αἱ ὑποτελεῖς οὖσαι ἐν ἔθνεσι τοσοῖσδε, Καρία ἡ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ, Δωριῆς Καρσὶ πρόσοικοι, Ἰωνία, Ἑλλήσποντος, τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, νῆσοι ὅσαι ἐντὸς Πελοποννήσου καὶ Κρήτης πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα, πᾶσαι αἱ Κυκλάδες πλὴν Μήλου καὶ Θήρας. [5] τούτων ναυτικὸν παρείχοντο Χῖοι, Λέσβιοι, Κερκυραῖοι, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι πεζὸν καὶ χρήματα. [6] ξυμμαχία μὲν αὕτη ἑκατέρων καὶ παρασκευὴ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἦν.
8. [4] The good wishes of men made greatly for the Lacedaemonians, especially as they proclaimed themselves the liberators of Hellas. No private or public effort that could help them in speech or action was omitted; each thinking that the cause suffered wherever he could not himself see to it. [5] So general was the indignation felt against Athens, whether by those who wished to escape from her empire, or were apprehensive of being absorbed by it.
9. Such were the preparations and such the feelings with which the contest opened. The allies of the two belligerents were the following. [2] These were the allies of Lacedaemon: all the Peloponnesians within the Isthmus except the Argives and Achaeans, who were neutral; Pellene being the only Achaean city that first joined in the war, though her example was afterwards followed by the rest. Outside Peloponnese the Megarians, Locrians, Boeotians, Phocians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians. [3] Of these, ships were furnished by the Corinthians, Megarians, Sycyonians, Pellenians, Eleans, Ambraciots, and Leucadians; and cavalry by the Boeotians, Phocians, and Locrians. The other states sent infantry. This was the Lacedaemonian confederacy. [4] That of Athens comprised the Chians, Lesbians, Plateans, the Messenians in Naupactus, most of the Acarnanians, the Corcyraeans, Zacynthians, and some tributary cities in the following countries, viz., Caria upon the sea with her Dorian neighbors, Ionia, the Hellespont, the Thracian towns, the islands lying between Peloponnese and Crete towards the east, and all the Cyclades except Melos and Thera. [5] Of these, ships were furnished by Chios, Lesbos, and Corcyra, infantry and money by the rest. [6] Such were the allies of either party and their resources for the war.
σφίσιν ἢ μονωθεῖσιν ἡ μάχη γένηται ἢ ἀναχωρεῖν βουλομένοις οὐκ ᾖ ἀσφαλές
105. τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Ἀμπρακιῶται, ὥσπερ ὑποσχόμενοι Εὐρυλόχῳ τὴν στρατιὰν κατέσχον, ἐκστρατεύονται ἐπὶ Ἄργος τὸ Ἀμφιλοχικὸν τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις, καὶ ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τὴν Ἀργείαν καταλαμβάνουσιν Ὄλπας, τεῖχος ἐπὶ λόφου ἰσχυρὸν πρὸς τῇ θαλάσσῃ, ὅ ποτε Ἀκαρνᾶνες τειχισάμενοι κοινῷ δικαστηρίῳ ἐχρῶντο: ἀπέχει δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀργείων πόλεως ἐπιθαλασσίας οὔσης πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους μάλιστα. [2] οἱ δὲ Ἀκαρνᾶνες οἱ μὲν ἐς Ἄργος ξυνεβοήθουν, οἱ δὲ τῆς Ἀμφιλοχίας ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χωρίῳ ὃ Κρῆναι καλεῖται, φυλάσσοντες τοὺς μετὰ Εὐρυλόχου Πελοποννησίους μὴ λάθωσι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀμπρακιώτας διελθόντες, ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο. [3] πέμπουσι δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ Δημοσθένη τὸν ἐς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγήσαντα, ὅπως σφίσιν ἡγεμὼν γίγνηται, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς εἴκοσι ναῦς Ἀθηναίων αἳ ἔτυχον περὶ Πελοπόννησον οὖσαι, ὧν ἦρχεν Ἀριστοτέλης τε ὁ Τιμοκράτους καὶ Ἱεροφῶν ὁ Ἀντιμνήστου. [4] ἀπέστειλαν δὲ καὶ ἄγγελον οἱ περὶ τὰς Ὄλπας Ἀμπρακιῶται ἐς τὴν πόλιν κελεύοντες σφίσι βοηθεῖν πανδημεί, δεδιότες μὴ οἱ μετ᾽ Εὐρυλόχου οὐ δύνωνται διελθεῖν τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ σφίσιν ἢ μονωθεῖσιν ἡ μάχη γένηται ἢ ἀναχωρεῖν βουλομένοις οὐκ ᾖ ἀσφαλές.
106 οἱ μὲν οὖν μετ᾽ Εὐρυλόχου Πελοποννήσιοι ὡς ᾔσθοντο τοὺς ἐν Ὄλπαις Ἀμπρακιώτας ἥκοντας, ἄραντες ἐκ τοῦ Προσχίου ἐβοήθουν κατὰ τάχος, καὶ διαβάντες τὸν Ἀχελῷον ἐχώρουν δι᾽ Ἀκαρνανίας οὔσης ἐρήμου διὰ τὴν ἐς Ἄργος βοήθειαν, ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν ἔχοντες τὴν Στρατίων πόλιν καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν αὐτῶν, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ τὴν ἄλλην Ἀκαρνανίαν. [2] καὶ διελθόντες τὴν Στρατίων γῆν ἐχώρουν διὰ τῆς Φυτίας καὶ αὖθις Μεδεῶνος παρ᾽ ἔσχατα, ἔπειτα διὰ Λιμναίας: καὶ ἐπέβησαν τῆς Ἀγραίων, οὐκέτι Ἀκαρνανίας, φιλίας δὲ σφίσιν. [3] λαβόμενοι δὲ τοῦ Θυάμου ὄρους, ὅ ἐστιν Ἀγραϊκόν, ἐχώρουν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ κατέβησαν ἐς τὴν Ἀργείαν νυκτὸς ἤδη, καὶ διεξελθόντες μεταξὺ τῆς τε Ἀργείων πόλεως καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ Κρήναις Ἀκαρνάνων φυλακῆς ἔλαθον καὶ προσέμειξαν τοῖς ἐν Ὄλπαις Ἀμπρακιώταις.
105. The same winter the Ambraciotes, according to their promise made to Eurylochus when they retained his army, made war upon Argos in Amphilochia with three thousand men of arms, and invading Argeia, they took Olpae, a strong fort on a hill by the sea-side, which the Acarnanians had fortified and used for the place of their common meetings for matters of justice, and is distant from the city of Argos, which stands also on the sea-side, about twenty-five furlongs. [2] The Acarnanians, with part of their forces, came to relieve Argos; and with the rest they encamped in that part of Amphilochia which is called Crenae to watch the Peloponnesians that were with Eurylochus that they might not pass through to the Ambraciotes without their knowledge; [3] and sent to Demosthenes, who had been leader of the Athenians in the expedition against the Aetolians, to come to them and be their general. They sent also to the twenty Athenian galleys that chanced to be then on the coast of Peloponnesus under the conduct of Aristoteles, the son of Timocrates, and Hierophon, the son of Antimnestus. [4] In like manner the Ambraciotes that were at Olpae sent a messenger to the city of Ambracia, willing them to come to their aid with their whole power, as fearing that those with Eurylochus would not be able to pass by the Acarnanians, and so they should be either forced to fight alone or else have an unsafe retreat.
106. But the Peloponnesians that were with Eurylochus, as soon as they understood that the Ambraciotes were come to Olpae, dislodging from Proschion went with all speed to assist them; and passing over the river Achelöus, marched through Acarnania, which, by reason of the aids sent to Argos, was now disfurnished. On their right hand they had the city of Stratus and that garrison; on the left, the rest of Acarnania. [2] Having passed the territory of the Stratians, they marched through Phytia, and again by the utmost limits of Medeon; then through Limnaea; then they went into the territory of the Agraeans, which are out of Acarnania, and their friends: [3] and getting to the hill Thiamus, which is a desert hill, they marched over it and came down into Argeia when it was now night; and passing between the city of the Argives and the Arcarnanians that kept watch at [the] Wells, came unseen and joined with the Ambraciotes at Olpae.
καὶ ὁποτέροις θᾶσσον παράσχοι ἀσφάλεια θάρσος, (2.) οὗτοι πρότεροί τι καὶ παραβήσεσθαι ἔμελλον.
12. τίς οὖν αὕτη ἢ φιλία ἐγίγνετο ἢ ἐλευθερία πιστή, ἐν ᾗ παρὰ γνώμην ἀλλήλους ὑπεδεχόμεθα, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἡμᾶς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ δεδιότες ἐθεράπευον, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐκείνους ἐν τῇ ἡσυχίᾳ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐποιοῦμεν: ὅ τε τοῖς ἄλλοις μάλιστα εὔνοια πίστιν βεβαιοῖ, ἡμῖν τοῦτο ὁ φόβος ἐχυρὸν παρεῖχε, δέει τε τὸ πλέον ἢ φιλίᾳ κατεχόμενοι ξύμμαχοι ἦμεν: καὶ ὁποτέροις θᾶσσον παράσχοι ἀσφάλεια θάρσος,οὗτοι πρότεροί τι καὶ παραβήσεσθαι ἔμελλον. [2] ὥστε εἴ τῳ δοκοῦμεν ἀδικεῖν προαποστάντες διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων μέλλησιν τῶν ἐς ἡμᾶς δεινῶν, αὐτοὶ οὐκ ἀνταναμείναντες σαφῶς εἰδέναι εἴ τι αὐτῶν ἔσται, οὐκ ὀρθῶς σκοπεῖ. [3] εἰ γὰρ δυνατοὶ ἦμεν ἐκ τοῦ ἴσου καὶ ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαι καὶ ἀντιμελλῆσαι, τί ἔδει ἡμᾶς ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις εἶναι; ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις δὲ ὄντος αἰεὶ τοῦ ἐπιχειρεῖν καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν εἶναι δεῖ τὸ προαμύνασθαι.
How then could we put our trust in such friendship or freedom as we had here? We accepted each other against our inclination; fear made them court us in war, and us them in peace; sympathy, the ordinary basis of confidence, had its place supplied by terror, fear having more share than friendship in detaining us in the alliance; and the first party that should be encouraged by the hope of impunity was certain to break faith with the other. [2] So that to condemn us for being the first to break off, because they delay the blow that we dread, instead of ourselves delaying to know for certain whether it will be dealt or not, is to take a false view of the case. [3] For if we were equally able with them to meet their plots and imitate their delay, we should be their equals and should be under no necessity of being their subjects; but the liberty of offence being always theirs, that of defence ought clearly to be ours.
ἱκανὰς δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐκφοβῆσαι καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειάν τινα τρέψαι, βουλομένους μὲν καὶ πάλαι, ὅτε ἔτι ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ ἐπέμψαμεν
‘τοιαύτας ἔχοντες προφάσεις καὶ αἰτίας, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι, ἀπέστημεν, σαφεῖς μὲν τοῖς ἀκούουσι γνῶναι ὡς εἰκότως ἐδράσαμεν, ἱκανὰς δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐκφοβῆσαι καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειάν τινα τρέψαι, βουλομένους μὲν καὶ πάλαι, ὅτε ἔτι ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ ἐπέμψαμεν ὡς ὑμᾶς περὶ ἀποστάσεως, ὑμῶν δὲ οὐ προσδεξαμένων κωλυθέντας: νῦν δὲ ἐπειδὴ Βοιωτοὶ προυκαλέσαντο εὐθὺς ὑπηκούσαμεν, καὶ ἐνομίζομεν ἀποστήσεσθαι διπλῆν ἀπόστασιν, ἀπό τε τῶν Ἑλλήνων μὴ ξὺν κακῶς ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς μετ᾽ Ἀθηναίων ἀλλὰ ξυνελευθεροῦν, ἀπό τε Ἀθηναίων μὴ αὐτοὶ διαφθαρῆναι ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐν ὑστέρῳ ἀλλὰ προποιῆσαι. [2] ἡ μέντοι ἀπόστασις ἡμῶν θᾶσσον γεγένηται καὶ ἀπαράσκευος: ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον χρὴ ξυμμάχους δεξαμένους ἡμᾶς διὰ ταχέων βοήθειαν ἀποστέλλειν, ἵνα φαίνησθε ἀμύνοντές τε οἷς δεῖ καὶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους βλάπτοντες. [3] καιρὸς δὲ ὡς οὔπω πρότερον. νόσῳ τε γὰρ ἐφθάραται Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ χρημάτων δαπάνῃ, νῆές τε αὐτοῖς αἱ μὲν περὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν εἰσίν, αἱ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν τετάχαται. [4] ὥστε οὐκ εἰκὸς αὐτοὺς περιουσίαν νεῶν ἔχειν, ἢν ὑμεῖς ἐν τῷ θέρει τῷδε ναυσί τε καὶ πεζῷ ἅμα ἐπεσβάλητε τὸ δεύτερον, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ὑμᾶς οὐκ ἀμυνοῦνται ἐπιπλέοντας ἢ ἀπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἀποχωρήσονται. [5] νομίσῃ τε μηδεὶς ἀλλοτρίας γῆς πέρι οἰκεῖον κίνδυνον ἕξειν. ᾧ γὰρ δοκεῖ μακρὰν ἀπεῖναι ἡ Λέσβος, τὴν ὠφελίαν αὐτῷ ἐγγύθεν παρέξει. οὐ γὰρ ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ἔσται ὁ πόλεμος, ὥς τις οἴεται, ἀλλὰ δι᾽ ἣν ἡ Ἀττικὴ ὠφελεῖται. [6] ἔστι δὲ τῶν χρημάτων ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἡ πρόσοδος, καὶ ἔτι μείζων ἔσται, εἰ ἡμᾶς καταστρέψονται: οὔτε γὰρ ἀποστήσεται ἄλλος τά τε ἡμέτερα προσγενήσεται, πάθοιμέν τ᾽ ἂν δεινότερα ἢ οἱ πρὶν δουλεύοντες. [7] βοηθησάντων δὲ ὑμῶν προθύμως πόλιν τε προσλήψεσθε ναυτικὸν ἔχουσαν μέγα, οὗπερ ὑμῖν μάλιστα προσδεῖ, καὶ Ἀθηναίους ῥᾷον καθαιρήσετε ὑφαιροῦντες αὐτῶν τοὺς ξυμμάχους （θρασύτερον γὰρ πᾶς τις προσχωρήσεται）, τήν τε αἰτίαν ἀποφεύξεσθε ἣν εἴχετε μὴ βοηθεῖν τοῖς ἀφισταμένοις. ἢν δ᾽ ἐλευθεροῦντες φαίνησθε, τὸ κράτος τοῦ πολέμου βεβαιότερον ἕξετε.
Such, Lacedaemonians and allies, are the grounds and the reasons of our revolt; clear enough to convince our hearers of the fairness of our conduct, and sufficient to alarm ourselves, and to make us turn to some means of safety. This we wished to do long ago, when we sent to you on the subject while the peace yet lasted, but were baulked by your refusing to receive us; and now, upon the Boeotians inviting us, we at once responded to the call, and decided upon a twofold revolt, from the Hellenes and from the Athenians, not to aid the latter in harming the former, but to join in their liberation, and not to allow the Athenians in the end to destroy us, but to act in time against them. [2] Our revolt, however has taken place prematurely and without preparation—a fact which makes it all the more incumbent on you to receive us into alliance and to send us speedy relief, in order to show that you support your friends, and at the same time do harm to your enemies. [3] You have an opportunity such as you never had before. Disease and expenditure have wasted the Athenians: their ships are either cruising round your coasts, or engaged in blockading us; [4] and it is not probable that they will have any to spare, if you invade them a second time this summer by sea and land; but they will either offer no resistance to your vessels, or withdraw from both our shores. [5] Nor must it be thought that this is a case of putting yourselves into danger for a country which is not yours. Lesbos may appear far off, but when help is wanted she will be found near enough. It is not in Attica that the war will be decided, as some imagine, but in the countries by which Attica is supported; [6] and the Athenian revenue is drawn from the allies, and will become still larger if they reduce us; as not only will no other state revolt, but our resources will be added to theirs, and we shall be treated worse than those that were enslaved before. [7] But if you will frankly support us, you will add to your side a state that has a large navy, which is your great want; you will smooth the way to the overthrow of the Athenians by depriving them of their allies, who will be greatly encouraged to come over; and you will free yourselves from the imputation made against you, of not supporting insurrection. In short, only show yourselves as liberators, and you may count upon having the advantage in the war.
ἦσαν δὲ εὐσταλεῖς τε τῇ ὁπλίσει καὶ τὸν ἀριστερὸν μόνον πόδα (3.) ὑποδεδεμένοι ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὸν πηλόν.
22. οἱ δ᾽, ἐπειδὴ παρεσκεύαστο αὐτοῖς, τηρήσαντες νύκτα χειμέριον ὕδατι καὶ ἀνέμῳ καὶ ἅμ᾽ ἀσέληνον ἐξῇσαν: ἡγοῦντο δὲ οἵπερ καὶ τῆς πείρας αἴτιοι ἦσαν. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὴν τάφρον διέβησαν ἣ περιεῖχεν αὐτούς, ἔπειτα προσέμειξαν τῷ τείχει τῶν πολεμίων λαθόντες τοὺς φύλακας, ἀνὰ τὸ σκοτεινὸν μὲν οὐ προϊδόντων αὐτῶν, ψόφῳ δὲ τῷ ἐκ τοῦ προσιέναι αὐτοὺς ἀντιπαταγοῦντος τοῦ ἀνέμου οὐ κατακουσάντων: [2] ἅμα δὲ καὶ διέχοντες πολὺ ᾖσαν, ὅπως τὰ ὅπλα μὴ κρουόμενα πρὸς ἄλληλα αἴσθησιν παρέχοι. ἦσαν δὲ εὐσταλεῖς τε τῇ ὁπλίσει καὶ τὸν ἀριστερὸν μόνον πόδα ὑποδεδεμένοι ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὸν πηλόν. [3] κατὰ οὖν μεταπύργιον προσέμισγον πρὸς τὰς ἐπάλξεις, εἰδότες ὅτι ἐρῆμοί εἰσι, πρῶτον μὲν οἱ τὰς κλίμακας φέροντες, καὶ προσέθεσαν: ἔπειτα ψιλοὶ δώδεκα ξὺν ξιφιδίῳ καὶ θώρακι ἀνέβαινον, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Ἀμμέας ὁ Κοροίβου καὶ πρῶτος ἀνέβη: μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ ἑπόμενοι, ἓξ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερον τῶν πύργων, ἀνέβαινον. ἔπειτα ψιλοὶ ἄλλοι μετὰ τούτους ξὺν δορατίοις ἐχώρουν, οἷς ἕτεροι κατόπιν τὰς ἀσπίδας ἔφερον, ὅπως ἐκεῖνοι ῥᾷον προσβαίνοιεν, καὶ ἔμελλον δώσειν ὁπότε πρὸς τοῖς πολεμίοις εἶεν. [4] ὡς δὲ ἄνω πλείους ἐγένοντο, ᾔσθοντο οἱ ἐκ τῶν πύργων φύλακες: κατέβαλε γάρ τις τῶν Πλαταιῶν ἀντιλαμβανόμενος ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπάλξεων κεραμίδα, ἣ πεσοῦσα δοῦπον ἐποίησεν. [5] καὶ αὐτίκα βοὴ ἦν, τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ὥρμησεν: οὐ γὰρ ᾔδει ὅτι ἦν τὸ δεινὸν σκοτεινῆς νυκτὸς καὶ χειμῶνος ὄντος, καὶ ἅμα οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν Πλαταιῶν ὑπολελειμμένοι ἐξελθόντες προσέβαλον τῷ τείχει τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἐκ τοὔμπαλιν ἢ οἱ ἄνδρες αὐτῶν ὑπερέβαινον, ὅπως ἥκιστα πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὸν νοῦν ἔχοιεν. [6] ἐθορυβοῦντο μὲν οὖν κατὰ χώραν μένοντες, βοηθεῖν δὲ οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμα ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτῶν φυλακῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀπόρῳ ἦσαν εἰκάσαι τὸ γιγνόμενον. [7] καὶ οἱ τριακόσιοι αὐτῶν, οἷς ἐτέτακτο παραβοηθεῖν εἴ τι δέοι, ἐχώρουν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους πρὸς τὴν βοήν. φρυκτοί τε ᾔροντο ἐς τὰς Θήβας πολέμιοι: [8] παρανῖσχον δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Πλαταιῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους φρυκτοὺς πολλοὺς πρότερον παρεσκευασμένους ἐς αὐτὸ τοῦτο, ὅπως ἀσαφῆ τὰ σημεῖα τῆς φρυκτωρίας τοῖς πολεμίοις ᾖ καὶ μὴ βοηθοῖεν, ἄλλο τι νομίσαντες τὸ γιγνόμενον εἶναι ἢ τὸ ὄν, πρὶν σφῶν οἱ ἄνδρες οἱ ἐξιόντες...
22. when their preparations were completed, they waited for a stormy night of wind and rain and without any moon, and then set out, guided by the authors of the enterprise. Crossing first the ditch that ran round the town, they next gained the wall of the enemy unperceived by the sentinels, who did not see them in the darkness, or hear them, as the wind drowned with its roar the noise of their approach; [2] besides which they kept a good way off from each other, that they might not be betrayed by the clash of their weapons. They were also lightly equipped, and had only the left foot shod to preserve them from slipping in the mire. [3] They came up to the battlements at one of the intermediate spaces where they knew them to be unguarded: those who carried the ladders went first and planted them; next twelve light-armed soldiers with only a dagger and a breastplate mounted, led by Ammias, son of Coroebus, who was the first on the wall; his followers getting up after him and going six to each of the towers. After these came another party of light troops armed with spears, whose shields, that they might advance the easier, were carried by men behind, who were to hand them to them when they found themselves in presence of the enemy. [4] After a good many had mounted they were discovered by the sentinels in the towers, by the noise made by a tile which was knocked down by one of the Plataeans as he was laying hold of the battlements. [5] The alarm was instantly given, and the troops rushed to the wall, not knowing the nature of the danger, owing to the dark night and stormy weather; the Plataeans in the town having also chosen that moment to make a sortie against the wall of the Peloponnesians upon the side opposite to that on which their men were getting over, in order to divert the attention of the besiegers. [6] Accordingly they remained distracted at their several posts, without any venturing to stir to give help from his own station, and at a loss to guess what was going on. [7] Meanwhile the three hundred set aside for service on emergencies went outside the wall in the direction of the alarm. Fire-signals of an attack were also raised towards Thebes; [8] but the Plataeans in the town at once displayed a number of others, prepared beforehand for this very purpose, in order to render the enemy's signals unintelligible, and to prevent his friends getting a true idea of what was passing and coming to his aid, before their comrades who had gone out should have made good their escape and be in safety.
πρὶν σφῶν οἱ ἄνδρες οἱ ἐξιόντες (23,1) διαφύγοιεν καὶ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς ἀντιλάβοιντο.
23. διαφύγοιεν καὶ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς ἀντιλάβοιντο. οἱ δ᾽ ὑπερβαίνοντες τῶν Πλαταιῶν ἐν τούτῳ, ὡς οἱ πρῶτοι αὐτῶν ἀνεβεβήκεσαν καὶ τοῦ πύργου ἑκατέρου τοὺς φύλακας διαφθείραντες ἐκεκρατήκεσαν, τάς τε διόδους τῶν πύργων ἐνστάντες αὐτοὶ ἐφύλασσον μηδένα δι᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιβοηθεῖν, καὶ κλίμακας προσθέντες ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους τοῖς πύργοις καὶ ἐπαναβιβάσαντες ἄνδρας πλείους, οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων τοὺς ἐπιβοηθοῦντας καὶ κάτωθεν καὶ ἄνωθεν εἶργον βάλλοντες, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ πλείους πολλὰς προσθέντες κλίμακας ἅμα καὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις ἀπώσαντες διὰ τοῦ μεταπυργίου ὑπερέβαινον. [2] ὁ δὲ διακομιζόμενος αἰεὶ ἵστατο ἐπὶ τοῦ χείλους τῆς τάφρου καὶ ἐντεῦθεν ἐτόξευόν τε καὶ ἠκόντιζον, εἴ τις παραβοηθῶν παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος κωλυτὴς γίγνοιτο τῆς διαβάσεως. [3] ἐπεὶ δὲ πάντες διεπεπεραίωντο, οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων χαλεπῶς οἱ τελευταῖοι καταβαίνοντες ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὴν τάφρον, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ τριακόσιοι αὐτοῖς ἐπεφέροντο λαμπάδας ἔχοντες. [4] οἱ μὲν οὖν Πλαταιῆς ἐκείνους ἑώρων μᾶλλον ἐκ τοῦ σκότους ἑστῶτες ἐπὶ τοῦ χείλους τῆς τάφρου, καὶ ἐτόξευόν τε καὶ ἐσηκόντιζον ἐς τὰ γυμνά, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐν τῷ ἀφανεῖ ὄντες ἧσσον διὰ τὰς λαμπάδας καθεωρῶντο, ὥστε φθάνουσι τῶν Πλαταιῶν καὶ οἱ ὕστατοι διαβάντες τὴν τάφρον, χαλεπῶς δὲ καὶ βιαίως: [5] κρύσταλλός τε γὰρ ἐπεπήγει οὐ βέβαιος ἐν αὐτῇ ὥστ᾽ ἐπελθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οἷος ἀπηλιώτου [ἢ βορέου] ὑδατώδης μᾶλλον, καὶ ἡ νὺξ τοιούτῳ ἀνέμῳ ὑπονειφομένη πολὺ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐν αὐτῇ ἐπεποιήκει, ὃ μόλις ὑπερέχοντες ἐπεραιώθησαν. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ ἡ διάφευξις αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον διὰ τοῦ χειμῶνος τὸ μέγεθος.
should have made good their escape and be in safety. Meanwhile the first of the scaling-party that had got up, after carrying both the towers and putting the sentinels to the sword, posted themselves inside to prevent any one coming through against them; and rearing ladders from the wall, sent several men up on the towers, and from their summit and base kept in check all of the enemy that came up, with their missiles, while their main body planted a number of ladders against the wall, and knocking down the battlements, passed over between the towers; [2] each as soon as he had got over taking up his station at the edge of the ditch, and plying from thence with arrows and darts any who came along the wall to stop the passage of his comrades. [3] When all were over, the party on the towers came down, the last of them not without difficulty, and proceeded to the ditch, just as the three hundred came up carrying torches. [4] The Plataeans, standing on the edge of the ditch in the dark, had a good view of their opponents, and discharged their arrows and darts upon the unarmed parts of their bodies, while they themselves could not be so well seen in the obscurity for the torches; and thus even the last of them got over the ditch, though not without effort and difficulty; [5] as ice had formed in it, not strong enough to walk upon, but of that watery kind which generally comes with a wind more east than north, and the snow which this wind had caused to fall during the night, had made the water in the ditch rise, so that they could scarcely breast it as they crossed. However, it was mainly the violence of the storm that enabled them to effect their escape at all.
τὰ δὲ πολλὰ κατὰ λόγον τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εὐτυχοῦντα ἀσφαλέστερα ἢ παρὰ δόξαν
39. ‘ὧν ἐγὼ πειρώμενος ἀποτρέπειν ὑμᾶς ἀποφαίνω Μυτιληναίους μάλιστα δὴ μίαν πόλιν ἠδικηκότας ὑμᾶς. [2] ἐγὼ γάρ, οἵτινες μὲν μὴ δυνατοὶ φέρειν τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀρχὴν ἢ οἵτινες ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀναγκασθέντες ἀπέστησαν, ξυγγνώμην ἔχω: νῆσον δὲ οἵτινες ἔχοντες μετὰ τειχῶν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν μόνον φοβούμενοι τοὺς ἡμετέρους πολεμίους, ἐν ᾧ καὶ αὐτοὶ τριήρων παρασκευῇ οὐκ ἄφαρκτοι ἦσαν πρὸς αὐτούς, αὐτόνομοί τε οἰκοῦντες καὶ τιμώμενοι ἐς τὰ πρῶτα ὑπὸ ἡμῶν τοιαῦτα εἰργάσαντο, τί ἄλλο οὗτοι ἢ ἐπεβούλευσάν τε καὶ ἐπανέστησαν μᾶλλον ἢ ἀπέστησαν （ἀπόστασις μέν γε τῶν βίαιόν τι πασχόντων ἐστίν）, ἐζήτησάν τε μετὰ τῶν πολεμιωτάτων ἡμᾶς στάντες διαφθεῖραι; καίτοι δεινότερόν ἐστιν ἢ εἰ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς δύναμιν κτώμενοι ἀντεπολέμησαν. [3] παράδειγμα δὲ αὐτοῖς οὔτε αἱ τῶν πέλας ξυμφοραὶ ἐγένοντο, ὅσοι ἀποστάντες ἤδη ἡμῶν ἐχειρώθησαν, οὔτε ἡ παροῦσα εὐδαιμονία παρέσχεν ὄκνον μὴ ἐλθεῖν ἐς τὰ δεινά: γενόμενοι δὲ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον θρασεῖς καὶ ἐλπίσαντες μακρότερα μὲν τῆς δυνάμεως, ἐλάσσω δὲ τῆς βουλήσεως, πόλεμον ἤραντο, ἰσχὺν ἀξιώσαντες τοῦ δικαίου προθεῖναι: ἐν ᾧ γὰρ ᾠήθησαν περιέσεσθαι, ἐπέθεντο ἡμῖν οὐκ ἀδικούμενοι. [4] εἴωθε δὲ τῶν πόλεων αἷς ἂν μάλιστα καὶ δι᾽ ἐλαχίστου ἀπροσδόκητος εὐπραγία ἔλθῃ, ἐς ὕβριν τρέπειν: τὰ δὲ πολλὰ κατὰ λόγον τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εὐτυχοῦντα ἀσφαλέστερα ἢ παρὰ δόξαν, καὶ κακοπραγίαν ὡς εἰπεῖν ῥᾷον ἀπωθοῦνται ἢ εὐδαιμονίαν διασῴζονται. [5] χρῆν δὲ Μυτιληναίους καὶ πάλαι μηδὲν διαφερόντως τῶν ἄλλων ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν τετιμῆσθαι, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἐς τόδε ἐξύβρισαν: πέφυκε γὰρ καὶ ἄλλως ἄνθρωπος τὸ μὲν θεραπεῦον ὑπερφρονεῖν, τὸ δὲ μὴ ὑπεῖκον θαυμάζειν. [6] κολασθέντων δὲ καὶ νῦν ἀξίως τῆς ἀδικίας, καὶ μὴ τοῖς μὲν ὀλίγοις ἡ αἰτία προστεθῇ, τὸν δὲ δῆμον ἀπολύσητε. πάντες γὰρ ὑμῖν γε ὁμοίως ἐπέθεντο, οἷς γ᾽ ἐξῆν ὡς ἡμᾶς τραπομένοις νῦν πάλιν ἐν τῇ πόλει εἶναι: ἀλλὰ τὸν μετὰ τῶν ὀλίγων κίνδυνον ἡγησάμενοι βεβαιότερον ξυναπέστησαν. [7] τῶν τε ξυμμάχων σκέψασθε εἰ τοῖς τε ἀναγκασθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τοῖς ἑκοῦσιν ἀποστᾶσι τὰς αὐτὰς ζημίας προσθήσετε, τίνα οἴεσθε ὅντινα οὐ βραχείᾳ προφάσει ἀποστήσεσθαι, ὅταν ἢ κατορθώσαντι ἐλευθέρωσις ᾖ ἢ σφαλέντι μηδὲν παθεῖν ἀνήκεστον; [8] ἡμῖν δὲ πρὸς ἑκάστην πόλιν ἀποκεκινδυνεύσεται τά τε χρήματα καὶ αἱ ψυχαί, καὶ τυχόντες μὲν πόλιν ἐφθαρμένην παραλαβόντες τῆς ἔπειτα προσόδου, δι᾽ ἣν ἰσχύομεν, τὸ λοιπὸν στερήσεσθε, σφαλέντες δὲ πολεμίους πρὸς τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν ἕξομεν, καὶ ὃν χρόνον τοῖς νῦν καθεστηκόσι δεῖ ἐχθροῖς ἀνθίστασθαι, τοῖς οἰκείοις ξυμμάχοις πολεμήσομεν.
39. "To put you out of this humour, I say unto you that the Mytilenaeans have done us more injury than ever did any one city. [2] For those that have revolted through the over-hard pressure of our government or that have been compelled to it by the enemy, I pardon them. But they that were islanders and had their city walled so as they needed not fear our enemies but only by sea, in which case also they were armed for them with sufficient provision of galleys, and they that were permitted to have their own laws and whom we principally honoured, and yet have done thus, what have they done but conspired against us and rather warred upon us than revolted from us (for a revolt is only of such as suffer violence) and joined with our bitterest enemies to destroy us? This is far worse than if they had warred against us for increasing of their own power. [3] But these men would neither take example by their neighbour's calamity, who are, all that revolted, already subdued by us; nor could their own present felicity make them afraid of changing it into misery, but being bold against future events and aiming at matters above their strength though below their desires, have taken arms against us and preferred force before justice. For no sooner they thought they might get the victory but immediately, though without injury done them, they rose against us. But with cities that come to great and unexpected prosperity, it is usual to turn insolent; [4] whereas most commonly that prosperity which is attained according to the course of reason is more firm than that which cometh unhoped for; and such cities, as one may say, do more easily keep off an adverse, than maintain a happy, fortune. [5] Indeed we should not formerly have done any honour more to the Mytilenaeans than to the rest of our confederates, for then they had never come to this degree of insolence. For it is natural to men to contemn those that observe them and to have in admiration such as will not give them way. [6] Now therefore let them be punished according to their wicked dealing, and let not the fault be laid upon a few and the people be absolved. For they have all alike taken arms against us; and the commons, if they had been constrained to it, might have fled hither and have recovered their city afterwards again. But they, esteeming it the safer adventure to join with the few, are alike with them culpable of the revolt. [7] Have also in consideration your confederates; and if you inflict the same punishment on them that revolt upon compulsion of the enemy that you do on them that revolt of their own accord, who, think you, will not revolt, though on light pretence, seeing that speeding they win their liberty and failing their case is not incurable? [8] Besides, that against every city we must be at a new hazard, both of our persons and fortunes. Wherein with the best success we recover but an exhausted city and lose that wherein our strength lieth, the revenue of it; but miscarrying, we add these enemies to our former and must spend that time in warring against our own confederates, which we needed to employ against the enemies we have already.
ἀσφαλέστερον δοκεῖ εἶναι εἰπόντας τι κινδυνεύειν
53. ‘τὴν μὲν παράδοσιν τῆς πόλεως, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, πιστεύσαντες ὑμῖν ἐποιησάμεθα, οὐ τοιάνδε δίκην οἰόμενοι ὑφέξειν, νομιμωτέραν δέ τινα ἔσεσθαι, καὶ ἐν δικασταῖς οὐκ ἂν ἄλλοις δεξάμενοι, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐσμέν, γενέσθαι [ἢ ὑμῖν], ἡγούμενοι τὸ ἴσον μάλιστ᾽ ἂν φέρεσθαι. [2] νῦν δὲ φοβούμεθα μὴ ἀμφοτέρων ἅμα ἡμαρτήκαμεν: τόν τε γὰρ ἀγῶνα περὶ τῶν δεινοτάτων εἶναι εἰκότως ὑποπτεύομεν καὶ ὑμᾶς μὴ οὐ κοινοὶ ἀποβῆτε, τεκμαιρόμενοι προκατηγορίας τε ἡμῶν οὐ προγεγενημένης ᾗ χρὴ ἀντειπεῖν （ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ λόγον ᾐτησάμεθα） τό τε ἐπερώτημα βραχὺ ὄν, ᾧ τὰ μὲν ἀληθῆ ἀποκρίνασθαι ἐναντία γίγνεται, τὰ δὲ ψευδῆ ἔλεγχον ἔχει. [3] πανταχόθεν δὲ ἄποροι καθεστῶτες ἀναγκαζόμεθα καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον δοκεῖ εἶναι εἰπόντας τι κινδυνεύειν: καὶ γὰρ ὁ μὴ ῥηθεὶς λόγος τοῖς ὧδ᾽ ἔχουσιν αἰτίαν ἂν παράσχοι ὡς, εἰ ἐλέχθη, σωτήριος ἂν ἦν. [4] χαλεπῶς δὲ ἔχει ἡμῖν πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ ἡ πειθώ. ἀγνῶτες μὲν γὰρ ὄντες ἀλλήλων ἐπεσενεγκάμενοι μαρτύρια ὧν ἄπειροι ἦτε ὠφελούμεθ᾽ ἄν: νῦν δὲ πρὸς εἰδότας πάντα λελέξεται, καὶ δέδιμεν οὐχὶ μὴ προκαταγνόντες ἡμῶν τὰς ἀρετὰς ἥσσους εἶναι τῶν ὑμετέρων ἔγκλημα αὐτὸ ποιῆτε, ἀλλὰ μὴ ἄλλοις χάριν φέροντες ἐπὶ διεγνωσμένην κρίσιν καθιστώμεθα.
53. "Men of Lacedaemon, relying upon you we yielded up our city, not expecting to undergo this but some more legal manner of proceeding; and we agreed not to stand to the judgment of others (as now we do) but of yourselves only, conceiving we should so obtain the better justice. But now we fear we have been deceived in both. [2] For we have reason to suspect both that the trial is capital, and you, the judges, partial, gathering so much both from that, that there hath not been presented any accusation to which we might answer, and also from this, that the interrogatory is short and such, as if we answer to it with truth, we shall speak against ourselves and be easily convinced if we lie. [3] But since we are on all hands in a strait, we are forced (and it seems our safest way) to try what we can obtain by pleading. For, for men in our case the speech not spoken may give occasion to some to think, that spoken it had preserved us. But besides other inconveniences, the means also of persuasion go ill on our side. [4] For if we had not known one another, we might have helped ourselves by producing testimony in things you knew not. Whereas now, all that we shall say will be before men that know already what it is. And we fear not that you mean, because you know us inferior in virtue to yourselves, to make that a crime, but lest you bring us to a judgment already judged to gratify somebody else.
μᾶλλον οἱ μὴ τὰ ξύμφορα πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον αὑτοῖς ἀσφαλείᾳ πράσσοντες
56. ‘Θηβαῖοι δὲ πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα ἡμᾶς ἠδίκησαν, τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον αὐτοὶ ξύνιστε, δι᾽ ὅπερ καὶ τάδε πάσχομεν. [2] πόλιν γὰρ αὐτοὺς τὴν ἡμετέραν καταλαμβάνοντας ἐν σπονδαῖς καὶ προσέτι ἱερομηνίᾳ ὀρθῶς τε ἐτιμωρησάμεθα κατὰ τὸν πᾶσι νόμον καθεστῶτα, τὸν ἐπιόντα πολέμιον ὅσιον εἶναι ἀμύνεσθαι, καὶ νῦν οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως δι᾽ αὐτοὺς βλαπτοίμεθα. [3] εἰ γὰρ τῷ αὐτίκα χρησίμῳ ὑμῶν τε καὶ ἐκείνων πολεμίῳ τὸ δίκαιον λήψεσθε, τοῦ μὲν ὀρθοῦ φανεῖσθε οὐκ ἀληθεῖς κριταὶ ὄντες, τὸ δὲ ξυμφέρον μᾶλλον θεραπεύοντες. [4] καίτοι εἰ νῦν ὑμῖν ὠφέλιμοι δοκοῦσιν εἶναι, πολὺ καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες μᾶλλον τότε ὅτε ἐν μείζονι κινδύνῳ ἦτε. νῦν μὲν γὰρ ἑτέροις ὑμεῖς ἐπέρχεσθε δεινοί, ἐν ἐκείνῳ δὲ τῷ καιρῷ, ὅτε πᾶσι δουλείαν ἐπέφερεν ὁ βάρβαρος, οἵδε μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἦσαν. [5] καὶ δίκαιον ἡμῶν τῆς νῦν ἁμαρτίας, εἰ ἄρα ἡμάρτηταί τι, ἀντιθεῖναι τὴν τότε προθυμίαν: καὶ μείζω τε πρὸς ἐλάσσω εὑρήσετε καὶ ἐν καιροῖς οἷς σπάνιον ἦν τῶν Ἑλλήνων τινὰ ἀρετὴν τῇ Ξέρξου δυνάμει ἀντιτάξασθαι, ἐπῃνοῦντό τε μᾶλλον οἱ μὴ τὰ ξύμφορα πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον αὑτοῖς ἀσφαλείᾳ πράσσοντες, ἐθέλοντες δὲ τολμᾶν μετὰ κινδύνων τὰ βέλτιστα. [6] ὧν ἡμεῖς γενόμενοι καὶ τιμηθέντες ἐς τὰ πρῶτα νῦν ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς δέδιμεν μὴ διαφθαρῶμεν, Ἀθηναίους ἑλόμενοι δικαίως μᾶλλον ἢ ὑμᾶς κερδαλέως. [7] καίτοι χρὴ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ὁμοίως φαίνεσθαι γιγνώσκοντας, καὶ τὸ ξυμφέρον μὴ ἄλλο τι νομίσαι ἢ τῶν ξυμμάχων τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ὅταν αἰεὶ βέβαιον τὴν χάριν τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔχωσι καὶ τὸ παραυτίκα που ὑμῖν ὠφέλιμον καθιστῆται.
56. "The Thebans have done us many other injuries; but this last, which is the cause of what we now suffer, you yourselves know what it was. [2] For we avenged us but justly of those that in time of peace, and upon the day of our novilunial sacrifice, had surprised our city; and by the law of all nations it is lawful to repel an assailing enemy, and therefore there is no reason you should punish us now for them. [3] For if you shall measure justice by your and their present benefit in the war, it will manifestly appear that you are not judges of the truth but respecters only of your profit. [4] And yet if the Thebans seem profitable to you now, we and the rest of the Grecians were more profitable to you then when you were in greater danger. For though the Thebans are now on your side when you invade others; yet at that time when the barbarian came in to impose servitude on all, they were on his. [5] It is but justice that with our present offence (if we have committed any) you compare our forwardness then which you will find both greater than our fault and augmented also by the circumstance of such a season when it was rare to find any Grecian that durst oppose his valour to Xerxes' power, and when they were most commended not that with safety helped to further his invasion but that adventured to do what was most honest, though with danger. [6] But we being of that number and honoured for it amongst the first are afraid lest the same shall be now a cause of our destruction, as having chosen rather to follow the Athenians justly than you profitably. [7] But you should ever have the same opinion in the same case and think this only to be profitable that doing what is useful for the present occasion, you reserve withal a constant acknowledgment of the virtue of your good confederates.
ἀσφαλείᾳ δὲ τὸ ἐπιβουλεύσασθαι ἀποτροπῆς πρόφασις εὔλογος
82. οὕτως ὠμὴ <ἡ> στάσις προυχώρησε, καὶ ἔδοξε μᾶλλον, διότι ἐν τοῖς πρώτη ἐγένετο, ἐπεὶ ὕστερόν γε καὶ πᾶν ὡς εἰπεῖν τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐκινήθη, διαφορῶν οὐσῶν ἑκασταχοῦ τοῖς τε τῶν δήμων προστάταις τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐπάγεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. καὶ ἐν μὲν εἰρήνῃ οὐκ ἂν ἐχόντων πρόφασιν οὐδ᾽ ἑτοίμων παρακαλεῖν αὐτούς, πολεμουμένων δὲ καὶ ξυμμαχίας ἅμα ἑκατέροις τῇ τῶν ἐναντίων κακώσει καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ προσποιήσει ῥᾳδίως αἱ ἐπαγωγαὶ τοῖς νεωτερίζειν τι βουλομένοις ἐπορίζοντο. [2] καὶ ἐπέπεσε πολλὰ καὶ χαλεπὰ κατὰ στάσιν ταῖς πόλεσι, γιγνόμενα μὲν καὶ αἰεὶ ἐσόμενα, ἕως ἂν ἡ αὐτὴ φύσις ἀνθρώπων ᾖ, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ἡσυχαίτερα καὶ τοῖς εἴδεσι διηλλαγμένα, ὡς ἂν ἕκασται αἱ μεταβολαὶ τῶν ξυντυχιῶν ἐφιστῶνται. ἐν μὲν γὰρ εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν αἵ τε πόλεις καὶ οἱ ἰδιῶται ἀμείνους τὰς γνώμας ἔχουσι διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ἀκουσίους ἀνάγκας πίπτειν: ὁ δὲ πόλεμος ὑφελὼν τὴν εὐπορίαν τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν βίαιος διδάσκαλος καὶ πρὸς τὰ παρόντα τὰς ὀργὰς τῶν πολλῶν ὁμοιοῖ. [3] ἐστασίαζέ τε οὖν τὰ τῶν πόλεων, καὶ τὰ ἐφυστερίζοντά που πύστει τῶν προγενομένων πολὺ ἐπέφερε τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ καινοῦσθαι τὰς διανοίας τῶν τ᾽ ἐπιχειρήσεων περιτεχνήσει καὶ τῶν τιμωριῶν ἀτοπίᾳ. [4] καὶ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν ἀξίωσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐς τὰ ἔργα ἀντήλλαξαν τῇ δικαιώσει. τόλμα μὲν γὰρ ἀλόγιστος ἀνδρεία φιλέταιρος ἐνομίσθη, μέλλησις δὲ προμηθὴς δειλία εὐπρεπής, τὸ δὲ σῶφρον τοῦ ἀνάνδρου πρόσχημα, καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἅπαν ξυνετὸν ἐπὶ πᾶν ἀργόν: τὸ δ᾽ ἐμπλήκτως ὀξὺ ἀνδρὸς μοίρᾳ προσετέθη, ἀσφαλείᾳ δὲ τὸ ἐπιβουλεύσασθαι ἀποτροπῆς πρόφασις εὔλογος. [5] καὶ ὁ μὲν χαλεπαίνων πιστὸς αἰεί, ὁ δ᾽ ἀντιλέγων αὐτῷ ὕποπτος. ἐπιβουλεύσας δέ τις τυχὼν ξυνετὸς καὶ ὑπονοήσας ἔτι δεινότερος: προβουλεύσας δὲ ὅπως μηδὲν αὐτῶν δεήσει, τῆς τε ἑταιρίας διαλυτὴς καὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐκπεπληγμένος. ἁπλῶς δὲ ὁ φθάσας τὸν μέλλοντα κακόν τι δρᾶν ἐπῃνεῖτο, καὶ ὁ ἐπικελεύσας τὸν μὴ διανοούμενον. [6] καὶ μὴν καὶ τὸ ξυγγενὲς τοῦ ἑταιρικοῦ ἀλλοτριώτερον ἐγένετο διὰ τὸ ἑτοιμότερον εἶναι ἀπροφασίστως τολμᾶν: οὐ γὰρ μετὰ τῶν κειμένων νόμων ὠφελίας αἱ τοιαῦται ξύνοδοι, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοὺς καθεστῶτας πλεονεξίᾳ. καὶ τὰς ἐς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς πίστεις οὐ τῷ θείῳ νόμῳ μᾶλλον ἐκρατύνοντο ἢ τῷ κοινῇ τι παρανομῆσαι. [7] τά τε ἀπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων καλῶς λεγόμενα ἐνεδέχοντο ἔργων φυλακῇ, εἰ προύχοιεν, καὶ οὐ γενναιότητι. ἀντιτιμωρήσασθαί τέ τινα περὶ πλείονος ἦν ἢ αὐτὸν μὴ προπαθεῖν. καὶ ὅρκοι εἴ που ἄρα γένοιντο ξυναλλαγῆς, ἐν τῷ αὐτίκα πρὸς τὸ ἄπορον ἑκατέρῳ διδόμενοι ἴσχυον οὐκ ἐχόντων ἄλλοθεν δύναμιν: ἐν δὲ τῷ παρατυχόντι ὁ φθάσας θαρσῆσαι, εἰ ἴδοι ἄφαρκτον, ἥδιον διὰ τὴν πίστιν ἐτιμωρεῖτο ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦς, καὶ τό τε ἀσφαλὲς ἐλογίζετο καὶ ὅτι ἀπάτῃ περιγενόμενος ξυνέσεως ἀγώνισμα προσελάμβανεν. ῥᾷον δ᾽ οἱ πολλοὶ κακοῦργοι ὄντες δεξιοὶ κέκληνται ἢ ἀμαθεῖς ἀγαθοί, καὶ τῷ μὲν αἰσχύνονται, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ ἀγάλλονται. [8] πάντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν αἴτιον ἀρχὴ ἡ διὰ πλεονεξίαν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν: ἐκ δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ἐς τὸ φιλονικεῖν καθισταμένων τὸ πρόθυμον. οἱ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι προστάντες μετὰ ὀνόματος ἑκάτεροι εὐπρεποῦς, πλήθους τε ἰσονομίας πολιτικῆς καὶ ἀριστοκρατίας σώφρονος προτιμήσει, τὰ μὲν κοινὰ λόγῳ θεραπεύοντες ἆθλα ἐποιοῦντο, παντὶ δὲ τρόπῳ ἀγωνιζόμενοι ἀλλήλων περιγίγνεσθαι ἐτόλμησάν τε τὰ δεινότατα ἐπεξῇσάν τε τὰς τιμωρίας ἔτι μείζους, οὐ μέχρι τοῦ δικαίου καὶ τῇ πόλει ξυμφόρου προτιθέντες, ἐς δὲ τὸ ἑκατέροις που αἰεὶ ἡδονὴν ἔχον ὁρίζοντες, καὶ ἢ μετὰ ψήφου ἀδίκου καταγνώσεως ἢ χειρὶ κτώμενοι τὸ κρατεῖν ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν τὴν αὐτίκα φιλονικίαν ἐκπιμπλάναι. ὥστε εὐσεβείᾳ μὲν οὐδέτεροι ἐνόμιζον, εὐπρεπείᾳ δὲ λόγου οἷς ξυμβαίη ἐπιφθόνως τι διαπράξασθαι, ἄμεινον ἤκουον. τὰ δὲ μέσα τῶν πολιτῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἢ ὅτι οὐ ξυνηγωνίζοντο ἢ φθόνῳ τοῦ περιεῖναι διεφθείροντο.
82. For afterwards all Greece, as a man may say, was in commotion; and quarrels arose everywhere between the patrons of the commons, that sought to bring in the Athenians, and the few, that desired to bring in the Lacedaemonians. Now in time of peace they could have had no pretence nor would have been so forward to call them in; but being war and confederates to be had for either party, both to hurt their enemies and strengthen themselves, such as desired alteration easily got them to come in. [2] And many and heinous things happened in the cities through this sedition, which though they have been before and shall be ever as long as human nature is the same, yet they are more calm and of different kinds according to the several conjunctures. For in peace and prosperity as well cities as private men are better minded because they be not plunged into necessity of doing anything against their will. But war, taking away the affluence of daily necessaries, is a most violent master and conformeth most men's passions to the present occasion. The cities therefore being now in sedition and those that fell into it later having heard what had been done in the former, they far exceeded the same in newness of conceit, both for the art of assailing and for the strangeness of their revenges. [3] The received value of names imposed for signification of things was changed into arbitrary. For inconsiderate boldness was counted true-hearted manliness; provident deliberation, a handsome fear; modesty, the cloak of cowardice; to be wise in everything, to be lazy in everything. [4] A furious suddenness was reputed a point of valour. To re-advise for the better security was held for a fair pretext of tergiversation. He that was fierce was always trusty, and he that contraried such a one was suspected. He that did insidiate, if it took, was a wise man; but he that could smell out a trap laid, a more dangerous man than he. [5] But he that had been so provident as not to need to do the one or the other was said to be a dissolver of society and one that stood in fear of his adversary. In brief, he that could outstrip another in the doing of an evil act or that could persuade another thereto that never meant it was commended. To be kin to another was not to be so near as to be of his society because these were ready to undertake anything and not to dispute it. [6] For these societies were not made upon prescribed laws of profit but for rapine, contrary to the laws established. And as for mutual trust amongst them, it was confirmed not so much by divine law as by the communication of guilt. And what was well advised of their adversaries, they received with an eye to their actions to see whether they were too strong for them or not, and not ingenuously. [7] To be revenged was in more request than never to have received injury. And for oaths (when any were) of reconcilement, being administered in the present for necessity, were of force to such as had otherwise no power; but upon opportunity, he that first durst thought his revenge sweeter by the trust than if he had taken the open way. For they did not only put to account the safeness of that course but, having circumvented their adversary by fraud, assumed to themselves withal a mastery in point of wit. And dishonest men for the most part are sooner called able than simple men honest, and men are ashamed of this title but take a pride in the other.
The cause of all this is desire of rule out of avarice and ambition, and the zeal of contention from those two proceeding. [8] For such as were of authority in the cities, both of the one and the other faction, preferring under decent titles, one, the polit- ical equality of the multitude, the other, the moderate aristoc- racy, though in words they seemed to be servants of the public, they made it in effect but the prize of their contention; and striving by whatsoever means to overcome both ventured on most horrible outrages and prosecuted their revenges still fartheir without any regard of justice or the public good, but limiting them, each faction, by their own appetite, and stood ready, whether by unjust sentence or with their own hands, when they should get power, to satisfy their present spite. So that neither side made account to have anything the sooner done for religion [of an oath], but he was most commended that could pass a business against the hair with a fair oration. The neutrals of the city were destroyed by both factions, partly because they would not side with them and partly for envy that they should so escape.
καὶ τό τε ἀσφαλὲς ἐλογίζετο καὶ ὅτι ἀπάτῃ περιγενόμενος ξυνέσεως ἀγώνισμα προσελάμβανεν
[7] τά τε ἀπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων καλῶς λεγόμενα ἐνεδέχοντο ἔργων φυλακῇ, εἰ προύχοιεν, καὶ οὐ γενναιότητι. ἀντιτιμωρήσασθαί τέ τινα περὶ πλείονος ἦν ἢ αὐτὸν μὴ προπαθεῖν. καὶ ὅρκοι εἴ που ἄρα γένοιντο ξυναλλαγῆς, ἐν τῷ αὐτίκα πρὸς τὸ ἄπορον ἑκατέρῳ διδόμενοι ἴσχυον οὐκ ἐχόντων ἄλλοθεν δύναμιν: ἐν δὲ τῷ παρατυχόντι ὁ φθάσας θαρσῆσαι, εἰ ἴδοι ἄφαρκτον, ἥδιον διὰ τὴν πίστιν ἐτιμωρεῖτο ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦς, καὶ τό τε ἀσφαλὲς ἐλογίζετο καὶ ὅτι ἀπάτῃ περιγενόμενος ξυνέσεως ἀγώνισμα προσελάμβανεν. ῥᾷον δ᾽ οἱ πολλοὶ κακοῦργοι ὄντες δεξιοὶ κέκληνται ἢ ἀμαθεῖς ἀγαθοί, καὶ τῷ μὲν αἰσχύνονται, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ ἀγάλλονται. [8] πάντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν αἴτιον ἀρχὴ ἡ διὰ πλεονεξίαν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν: ἐκ δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ἐς τὸ φιλονικεῖν καθισταμένων τὸ πρόθυμον. οἱ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι προστάντες μετὰ ὀνόματος ἑκάτεροι εὐπρεποῦς, πλήθους τε ἰσονομίας πολιτικῆς καὶ ἀριστοκρατίας σώφρονος προτιμήσει, τὰ μὲν κοινὰ λόγῳ θεραπεύοντες ἆθλα ἐποιοῦντο, παντὶ δὲ τρόπῳ ἀγωνιζόμενοι ἀλλήλων περιγίγνεσθαι ἐτόλμησάν τε τὰ δεινότατα ἐπεξῇσάν τε τὰς τιμωρίας ἔτι μείζους, οὐ μέχρι τοῦ δικαίου καὶ τῇ πόλει ξυμφόρου προτιθέντες, ἐς δὲ τὸ ἑκατέροις που αἰεὶ ἡδονὴν ἔχον ὁρίζοντες, καὶ ἢ μετὰ ψήφου ἀδίκου καταγνώσεως ἢ χειρὶ κτώμενοι τὸ κρατεῖν ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν τὴν αὐτίκα φιλονικίαν ἐκπιμπλάναι. ὥστε εὐσεβείᾳ μὲν οὐδέτεροι ἐνόμιζον, εὐπρεπείᾳ δὲ λόγου οἷς ξυμβαίη ἐπιφθόνως τι διαπράξασθαι, ἄμεινον ἤκουον. τὰ δὲ μέσα τῶν πολιτῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἢ ὅτι οὐ ξυνηγωνίζοντο ἢ φθόνῳ τοῦ περιεῖναι διεφθείροντο.
[7] To be revenged was in more request than never to have received injury. And for oaths (when any were) of reconcilement, being administered in the present for necessity, were of force to such as had otherwise no power; but upon opportunity, he that first durst thought his revenge sweeter by the trust than if he had taken the open way. For they did not only put to account the safeness of that course but, having circumvented their adversary by fraud, assumed to themselves withal a mastery in point of wit. And dishonest men for the most part are sooner called able than simple men honest, and men are ashamed of this title but take a pride in the other.
The cause of all this is desire of rule out of avarice and ambition, and the zeal of contention from those two proceeding. [8] For such as were of authority in the cities, both of the one and the other faction, preferring under decent titles, one, the polit- ical equality of the multitude, the other, the moderate aristoc- racy, though in words they seemed to be servants of the public, they made it in effect but the prize of their contention; and striving by whatsoever means to overcome both ventured on most horrible outrages and prosecuted their revenges still fartheir without any regard of justice or the public good, but limiting them, each faction, by their own appetite, and stood ready, whether by unjust sentence or with their own hands, when they should get power, to satisfy their present spite. So that neither side made account to have anything the sooner done for religion [of an oath], but he was most commended that could pass a business against the hair with a fair oration. The neutrals of the city were destroyed by both factions, partly because they would not side with them and partly for envy that they should so escape.
τὸ ἔπειτα ἀσφαλῶς ἕξει, δεξάμενος τοὺς ἐθελήσαντας ἐπιχωρῆσαι ἄνωθεν κατὰ τὰς σπονδάς
[107] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ὁ μὲν τὰ ἐν τῇ Ἠιόνι καθίστατο, ὅπως καὶ τὸ αὐτίκα, ἢν ἐπίῃ ὁ Βρασίδας, καὶ τὸ ἔπειτα ἀσφαλῶς ἕξει, δεξάμενος τοὺς ἐθελήσαντας ἐπιχωρῆσαι ἄνωθεν κατὰ τὰς σπονδάς: [2] ὁ δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὴν Ἠιόνα κατά τε τὸν ποταμὸν πολλοῖς πλοίοις ἄφνω καταπλεύσας, εἴ πως τὴν προύχουσαν ἄκραν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους λαβὼν κρατοίη τοῦ ἔσπλου, καὶ κατὰ γῆν ἀποπειράσας ἅμα, ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἀπεκρούσθη, τὰ δὲ περὶ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν ἐξηρτύετο. [3] καὶ Μύρκινός τε αὐτῷ προσεχώρησεν Ἠδωνικὴ πόλις, Πιττακοῦ τοῦ Ἠδώνων βασιλέως ἀποθανόντος ὑπὸ τῶν Γοάξιος παίδων καὶ Βραυροῦς τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ, καὶ Γαληψὸς οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον καὶ Οἰσύμη: εἰσὶ δὲ αὗται Θασίων ἀποικίαι. παρὼν δὲ καὶ Περδίκκας εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ξυγκαθίστη ταῦτα.
107. After this Thucydides assured Eion, so as it should be safe both for the present, though Brasidas should assault it, and for the future; and took into it such as, according to the proclamation made, came down from Amphipolis. [2] Brasidas with many boats came suddenly down the river to Eion and attempted to seize on the point of the ground lying out from the wall into the sea, and thereby to command the mouth of the river; he assayed also the same at the same time by land, and was in both beaten off; but Amphipolis he furnished with all things necessary. [3] Then revolted to him Myrcinus, a city of the Edonians, Pittacus, the king of the Edonians, being slain by the sons of Goaxis and by Braures his own wife. And not long after Gapselus also, and Oesyme, colonies of the Thasians. Perdiccas also, after the taking of these places, came to him and helped him in assuring of the same.
τὸ δὲ πλέον βουλήσει κρίνοντες ἀσαφεῖ ἢ προνοίᾳ ἀσφαλεῖ, εἰωθότες οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὗ μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦσιν ἐλπίδι ἀπερισκέπτῳ διδόναι
108. ἐχομένης δὲ τῆς Ἀμφιπόλεως οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς μέγα δέος κατέστησαν, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὅτι ἡ πόλις αὐτοῖς ἦν ὠφέλιμος ξύλων τε ναυπηγησίμων πομπῇ καὶ χρημάτων προσόδῳ, καὶ ὅτι μέχρι μὲν τοῦ Στρυμόνος ἦν πάροδος Θεσσαλῶν διαγόντων ἐπὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους σφῶν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, τῆς δὲ γεφύρας μὴ κρατούντων, ἄνωθεν μὲν μεγάλης οὔσης ἐπὶ πολὺ λίμνης τοῦ ποταμοῦ, τὰ δὲ πρὸς Ἠιόνα τριήρεσι τηρουμένων, οὐκ ἂν δύνασθαι προελθεῖν: τότε δὲ ῥᾴδια ἤδη [ἐνόμιζεν] γεγενῆσθαι. καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐφοβοῦντο μὴ ἀποστῶσιν. [2] ὁ γὰρ Βρασίδας ἔν τε τοῖς ἄλλοις μέτριον ἑαυτὸν παρεῖχε, καὶ ἐν τοῖς λόγοις πανταχοῦ ἐδήλου ὡς ἐλευθερώσων τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐκπεμφθείη. [3] καὶ αἱ πόλεις πυνθανόμεναι αἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπήκοοι τῆς τε Ἀμφιπόλεως τὴν ἅλωσιν καὶ ἃ παρέχεται, τήν τε ἐκείνου πραότητα, μάλιστα δὴ ἐπήρθησαν ἐς τὸ νεωτερίζειν, καὶ ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν κρύφα, ἐπιπαριέναι τε κελεύοντες καὶ βουλόμενοι αὐτοὶ ἕκαστοι πρῶτοι ἀποστῆναι. [4] καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἄδεια ἐφαίνετο αὐτοῖς, ἐψευσμένοις μὲν τῆς Ἀθηναίων δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὅση ὕστερον διεφάνη, τὸ δὲ πλέον βουλήσει κρίνοντες ἀσαφεῖ ἢ προνοίᾳ ἀσφαλεῖ, εἰωθότες οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὗ μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦσιν ἐλπίδι ἀπερισκέπτῳ διδόναι, ὃ δὲ μὴ προσίενται λογισμῷ αὐτοκράτορι διωθεῖσθαι. [5] ἅμα δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς νεωστὶ πεπληγμένων καὶ τοῦ Βρασίδου ἐφολκὰ καὶ οὐ τὰ ὄντα λέγοντος, ὡς αὐτῷ ἐπὶ Νίσαιαν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μόνῃ στρατιᾷ οὐκ ἠθέλησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ξυμβαλεῖν, ἐθάρσουν καὶ ἐπίστευον μηδένα ἂν ἐπὶ σφᾶς βοηθῆσαι. [6] τὸδὲ μέγιστον, διὰ τὸ ἡδονὴν ἔχον ἐν τῷ αὐτίκα καὶ ὅτι τὸ πρῶτον Λακεδαιμονίων ὀργώντων ἔμελλον πειράσεσθαι, κινδυνεύειν παντὶ τρόπῳ ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν. ὧν αἰσθανόμενοι οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι φυλακάς, ὡς ἐξ ὀλίγου καὶ ἐν χειμῶνι, διέπεμπον ἐς τὰς πόλεις, ὁ δὲ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ἐφιέμενος στρατιάν τε προσαποστέλλειν ἐκέλευε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ Στρυμόνι ναυπηγίαν τριήρων παρεσκευάζετο. [7] οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ μὲν καὶ φθόνῳ ἀπὸ τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν οὐχ ὑπηρέτησαν αὐτῷ, τὰ δὲ καὶ βουλόμενοι μᾶλλον τούς τε ἄνδρας τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου κομίσασθαι καὶ τὸν πόλεμον καταλῦσαι.
108. After Amphipolis was taken, the Athenians were brought into great fear, especially for that it was a city that yielded them much profit, both in timber which is sent them for the building of galleys and in revenue of money, and because also, though the Lacedaemonians had a passage open to come against their confederates, the Thessalians convoying them, as far as to Strymon, yet if they had not gotten that bridge, the river being upwards nothing but a vast fen, and towards Eion well guarded with their galleys, they could have gone no further; which now they thought they might easily do, and therefore feared lest their confederates should revolt. [2] For Brasidas both showed himself otherwise very moderate, and also gave out in speech that he was sent forth to recover the liberty of Greece. [3] And the cities which were subject to the Athenians, hearing of the taking of Amphipolis, and what assurance he brought with him, and of his gentleness besides, were extremely desirous of innovation, and sent messengers privily to bid him draw near, every one striving who should first revolt. [4] For they thought they might do it boldly, falsely estimating the power of the Athenians to be less than afterwards it appeared, and making a judgment of it according to [blind] wilfulness rather than safe forecast; it being the fashion of men, what they wish to be true to admit even upon an ungrounded hope, and what they wish not, with a magistral kind of arguing to reject. [5] Withal, because the Athenians had lately received a blow from the Boeotians, and because Brasidas had said (not as was the truth, but as served best to allure them) that when he was at Nisaea the Athenians durst not fight with those forces of his alone, they grew confident thereon, and believed not that any man would come against them. [6] But the greatest cause of all was that for the delight they took at this time to innovate, and for that they were to make trial of the Lacedaemonians, not till now angry, they were content by any means to put it to the hazard. Which being perceived, the Athenians sent garrison soldiers into those cities, as many as the shortness of the time and the season of winter would permit. And Brasidas sent unto Lacedaemon to demand greater forces, and in the meantime prepared to build galleys on the river Strymon. [7] But the Lacedaemonians, partly through envy of the principal men, and partly because they more affected the redemption of their men taken in the island and the ending of the war, refused to furnish him.
βεβαίως τῆς πόλεως ἐχομένης ὁ Βρασίδας τοῖς μὲν μετὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων Τορωναίοις καταπεφευγόσι κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο τὸν βουλόμενον ἐπὶ τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ἐξελθόντα ἀδεῶς πολιτεύειν
114. γεγενημένης δὲ ἡμέρας ἤδη καὶ βεβαίως τῆς πόλεως ἐχομένης ὁ Βρασίδας τοῖς μὲν μετὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων Τορωναίοις καταπεφευγόσι κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο τὸν βουλόμενον ἐπὶ τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ἐξελθόντα ἀδεῶς πολιτεύειν, τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις κήρυκα προσπέμψας ἐξιέναι ἐκέλευεν ἐκ τῆς Ληκύθου ὑποσπόνδους καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἔχοντας ὡς οὔσης Χαλκιδέων. [2] οἱ δὲ ἐκλείψειν μὲν οὐκ ἔφασαν, σπείσασθαι δὲ σφίσιν ἐκέλευον ἡμέραν τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀνελέσθαι. ὁ δὲ ἐσπείσατο δύο. ἐν ταύταις δὲ αὐτός τε τὰς ἐγγὺς οἰκίας ἐκρατύνατο καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ σφέτερα. [3] καὶ ξύλλογον τῶν Τορωναίων ποιήσας ἔλεξε τοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀκάνθῳ παραπλήσια, ὅτι οὐ δίκαιον εἴη οὔτε τοὺς πράξαντας πρὸς αὐτὸν τὴν λῆψιν τῆς πόλεως χείρους οὐδὲ προδότας ἡγεῖσθαι （οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ οὐδὲ χρήμασι πεισθέντας δρᾶσαι τοῦτο, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ ἀγαθῷ καὶ ἐλευθερίᾳ τῆς πόλεως） οὔτε τοὺς μὴ μετασχόντας οἴεσθαι μὴ τῶν αὐτῶν τεύξεσθαι: ἀφῖχθαι γὰρ οὐ διαφθερῶν οὔτε πόλιν οὔτε ἰδιώτην οὐδένα. [4] τὸ δὲ κήρυγμα ποιήσασθαι τούτου ἕνεκα τοῖς παρ᾽ Ἀθηναίους καταπεφευγόσιν, ὡς ἡγούμενος οὐδὲν χείρους τῇ ἐκείνων φιλία: οὐδ᾽ ἂν σφῶν πειρασαμένους αὐτοὺς [τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων] δοκεῖν ἧσσον, ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μᾶλλον, ὅσῳ δικαιότερα πράσσουσιν, εὔνους ἂν σφίσι γενέσθαι, ἀπειρίᾳ δὲ νῦν πεφοβῆσθαι. [5] τούς τε πάντας παρασκευάζεσθαι ἐκέλευεν ὡς βεβαίους τε ἐσομένους ξυμμάχους καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἤδη ὅτι ἂν ἁμαρτάνωσιν αἰτίαν ἕξοντας: τὰ δὲ πρότερα οὐ σφεῖς ἀδικεῖσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνους μᾶλλον ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων κρεισσόνων, καὶ ξυγγνώμην εἶναι εἴ τι ἠναντιοῦντο.
114. Being now day, and the city strongly possessed, Brasidas caused a proclamation to be made that those Toronaeans which were fled with the Athenians might come back, as many as would, to their own and inhabit there in security. To the Athenians he sent a herald, bidding them depart out of Lecythus under truce with all that they had, as a place that belonged to the Chalcideans. [2] The Athenians denied to quit the place, but the truce they desired for one day for the taking up of their dead. And Brasidas granted it for two, in which two days he fortified the buildings near; and so also did the Athenians theirs. [3] He also called an assembly of the Toronaeans and spake unto them as he had done before to the Acanthians, adding that there was no just cause why either they that had practised to put the city into his hands should be the worse thought of or accounted traitors for it, seeing that they did it with no intent to bring the city into servitude, nor were hired thereunto with money, but for the benefit and liberty of the city; or that they which were not made acquainted with it should think that themselves were not to reap as much good by it as the others; [4] for he came not to destroy either city or man, but had therefore made that proclamation touching those that fled with the Athenians because he thought them never the worse for that friendship, and made account when they had made trial of the Lacedaemonians, they would show as much good will also unto them, or rather more, inasmuch as they would behave themselves with more equity; and that their present fear was only upon want of trial. [5] Withal he wished them to prepare themselves to be true confederates for the future, and from henceforward, to look to have their faults imputed; for, for what was past, he thought they had not done any wrong, but suffered it rather from other men that were too strong for them, and therefore were to be pardoned if they had in aught been against him.
Z. 4: ἔς τε τὸ ἀσφαλὲς θᾶσσον ἀφίζεσθε / Z. 8: τὸ εὔψυχον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ὀξεῖς ἐνδείκνυνται
126. ‘εἰ μὲν μὴ ὑπώπτευον, ἄνδρες Πελοποννήσιοι, ὑμᾶς τῷ τε μεμονῶσθαι καὶ ὅτι βάρβαροι οἱ ἐπιόντες καὶ πολλοὶ ἔκπληξιν ἔχειν, οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως διδαχὴν ἅμα τῇ παρακελεύσει ἐποιούμην: νῦν δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὴν ἀπόλειψιν τῶν ἡμετέρων καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων βραχεῖ ὑπομνήματι καὶ παραινέσει τὰ μέγιστα πειράσομαι πείθειν. [2] ἀγαθοῖς γὰρ εἶναι ὑμῖν προσήκει τὰ πολέμια οὐ διὰ ξυμμάχων παρουσίαν ἑκάστοτε, ἀλλὰ δι᾽ οἰκείαν ἀρετήν, καὶ μηδὲν πλῆθος πεφοβῆσθαι ἑτέρων, οἵ γε μηδὲ ἀπὸ πολιτειῶν τοιούτων ἥκετε, ἐν αἷς οὐ πολλοὶ ὀλίγων ἄρχουσιν, ἀλλὰ πλεόνων μᾶλλον ἐλάσσους, οὐκ ἄλλῳ τινὶ κτησάμενοι τὴν δυναστείαν ἢ τῷ μαχόμενοι κρατεῖν. [3] βαρβάρους δὲ οὓς νῦν ἀπειρίᾳ δέδιτε μαθεῖν χρή, ἐξ ὧν τε προηγώνισθε τοῖς Μακεδόσιν αὐτῶν καὶ ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἐγὼ εἰκάζω τε καὶ ἄλλων ἀκοῇ ἐπίσταμαι, οὐ δεινοὺς ἐσομένους. [4] καὶ γὰρ ὅσα μὲν τῷ ὄντι ἀσθενῆ ὄντα τῶν πολεμίων δόκησιν ἔχει ἰσχύος, διδαχὴ ἀληθὴς προσγενομένη περὶ αὐτῶν ἐθάρσυνε μᾶλλον τοὺς ἀμυνομένους: οἷς δὲ βεβαίως τι πρόσεστιν ἀγαθόν, μὴ προειδώς τις ἂν αὐτοῖς τολμηρότερον προσφέροιτο. [5] οὗτοι δὲ τὴν μέλλησιν μὲν ἔχουσι τοῖς ἀπείροις φοβεράν: καὶ γὰρ πλήθει ὄψεως δεινοὶ καὶ βοῆς μεγέθει ἀφόρητοι, ἥ τε διὰ κενῆς ἐπανάσεισις τῶν ὅπλων ἔχει τινὰ δήλωσιν ἀπειλῆς. προσμεῖξαι δὲ τοῖς ὑπομένουσιν αὐτὰ οὐχ ὁμοῖοι: οὔτε γὰρ τάξιν ἔχοντες αἰσχυνθεῖεν ἂν λιπεῖν τινὰ χώραν βιαζόμενοι ἥ τε φυγὴ καὶ ἡ ἔφοδος αὐτῶν ἴσην ἔχουσα δόξαν τοῦ καλοῦ ἀνεξέλεγκτον καὶ τὸ ἀνδρεῖον ἔχει （αὐτοκράτωρ δὲ μάχη μάλιστ᾽ ἂν καὶ πρόφασιν τοῦ σῴζεσθαί τινι πρεπόντως πορίσειε）, τοῦ τε ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν πιστότερον τὸ ἐκφοβῆσαι ὑμᾶς ἀκινδύνως ἡγοῦνται: ἐκείνῳ γὰρ ἂν πρὸ τούτου ἐχρῶντο. [6] σαφῶς τε πᾶν τὸ προϋπάρχον δεινὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁρᾶτε ἔργῳ μὲν βραχὺ ὄν, ὄψει δὲ καὶ ἀκοῇ κατασπέρχον. ὃ ὑπομείναντες ἐπιφερόμενον καί, ὅταν καιρὸς ᾖ, κόσμῳ καὶ τάξει αὖθις ὑπαγαγόντες, ἔς τε τὸ ἀσφαλὲς θᾶσσον ἀφίζεσθε καὶ γνώσεσθε τὸ λοιπὸν ὅτι οἱ τοιοῦτοι ὄχλοι τοῖς μὲν τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον δεξαμένοις ἄπωθεν ἀπειλαῖς τὸ ἀνδρεῖον μελλήσει ἐπικομποῦσιν, οἳ δ᾽ ἂν εἴξωσιν αὐτοῖς, κατὰ πόδας τὸ εὔψυχον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ὀξεῖς ἐνδείκνυνται.’
127. τοιαῦτα ὁ Βρασίδας παραινέσας ὑπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἰδόντες πολλῇ βοῇ καὶ θορύβῳ προσέκειντο, νομίσαντες φεύγειν τε αὐτὸν καὶ καταλαβόντες διαφθερεῖν. [2] καὶ ὡς αὐτοῖς αἵ τε ἐκδρομαὶ ὅπῃ προσπίπτοιεν ἀπήντων καὶ αὐτὸς ἔχων τοὺς λογάδας ἐπικειμένους ὑφίστατο, τῇ τε πρώτῃ ὁρμῇ παρὰ γνώμην ἀντέστησαν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπιφερομένους μὲν δεχόμενοι ἠμύνοντο, ἡσυχαζόντων δὲ αὐτοὶ ὑπεχώρουν, τότε δὴ τῶν μετὰ τοῦ Βρασίδου Ἑλλήνων ἐν τῇ εὐρυχωρίᾳ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπέσχοντο, μέρος δέ τι καταλιπόντες αὐτοῖς ἐπακολουθοῦν προσβάλλειν, οἱ λοιποὶ χωρήσαντες δρόμῳ ἐπί τε τοὺς φεύγοντας τῶν Μακεδόνων οἷς ἐντύχοιεν ἔκτεινον καὶ τὴν ἐσβολήν, ἥ ἐστι μεταξὺ δυοῖν λόφοιν στενὴ ἐς τὴν Ἀρραβαίου, φθάσαντες προκατέλαβον, εἰδότες οὐκ οὖσαν ἄλλην τῷ Βρασίδᾳ ἀναχώρησιν. καὶ προσιόντος αὐτοῦ ἐς αὐτὸ ἤδη τὸ ἄπορον τῆς ὁδοῦ κυκλοῦνται ὡς ἀποληψόμενοι.
126. ‘Men of Peloponnesus, if I did not mistrust, in respect you are thus abandoned by the Macedonians and that the barbarians which come upon you are many, that you were afraid, I should not [at this time] instruct you and encourage you as I do. But now, against this desertion of your companions and the multitude of your enemies, I will endeavour with a short instruction and hortative to give you encouragement to the full. [2] For to be good soldiers is unto you natural, not by the presence of any confederates, but by your own valour; and not to fear others for the number, seeing you are not come from a city where the many bear rule over the few, but the few over the many; and have gotten this for power by no other means than by overcoming in fight. [3] And as to these barbarians, whom through ignorance you fear, you may take notice, both by the former battles fought by us against them before, in favour of the Macedonians, and also by what I myself conjecture and have heard by others, that they have no great danger in them. [4] For when any enemy whatsoever maketh show of strength, being indeed weak, the truth once known doth rather serve to embolden the other side; whereas, against such as have valour indeed, a man will be the boldest when he knoweth the least. These men here, to such as have not tried them, do indeed make terrible offers; [5] for the sight of their number is fearful, the greatness of their cry intolerable, and the vain shaking of their weapons on high is not without signification of menacing. But they are not answerable to this when with such as stand them they come to blows. For fighting without order they will quit their place without shame if they be once pressed; and seeing it is with them honourable alike to fight or run away, their valours are never called in question; and a battle wherein every one may do as he lists, affords them a more handsome excuse to save themselves. But they trust rather in their standing out of danger and terrifying us afar off than in coming to hands with us; for else they would rather have taken that course than this. [6] And you see manifestly that all that was before terrible in them is in effect little, and serves only to urge you to be going with their show and noise. Which if you sustain at their first coming on, and again withdraw yourselves still, as you shall have leisure, in your order and places, you shall not only come the sooner to a place of safety, but shall learn also against hereafter that such a rabble as this, to men prepared to endure their first charge, do but make a flourish of valour with threats from afar before the battle; but to such as give them ground, they are eager enough to seem courageous where they may do it safely.’
127. When Brasidas had made his exhortation, he led away his army. And the barbarians, seeing it, pressed after them with great cries and tumult, as supposing he fled. [2] But seeing that those who were appointed to run out upon them [did so, and] met them which way soever they came on, and that Brasidas himself, with his chosen band, sustained them where they charged close and endured the first brunt beyond their expectation, and seeing also that afterwards continually when they charged, the other received them and fought, and when they ceased the other retired, then at length the greatest part of the barbarians forbore the Grecians that with Brasidas were in the open field, and leaving a part to follow them with shot, the rest ran with all speed after the Macedonians which were fled, of whom as many as they overtook they slew; and withal prepossessed the passage, which is a narrow one between two hills, giving entrance into the country of Arrhibaeus, knowing that there was no other passage by which Brasidas could get away. And when he was come to the very strait, they were going about him to have cut him off.
Βρασίδας δὲ ὡς ἀντελάβετο τῶν μετεώρων, κατὰ ἀσφάλειαν μᾶλλον ἰὼν αὐθημερὸν ἀφικνεῖται
128. ὁ δὲ γνοὺς προεῖπε τοῖς μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ τριακοσίοις, ὃν ᾤετο μᾶλλον ἂν ἑλεῖν τῶν λόφων, χωρήσαντας πρὸς αὐτὸν δρόμῳ, ὡς τάχιστα ἕκαστος δύναται, ἄνευ τάξεως, πειρᾶσαι ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐκκροῦσαι τοὺς ἤδη ἐπόντας βαρβάρους, πρὶν καὶ τὴν πλέονα κύκλωσιν σφῶν αὐτόσε προσμεῖξαι. [2] καὶ οἱ μὲν προσπεσόντες ἐκράτησάν τε τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ λόφου, καὶ ἡ πλείων ἤδη στρατιὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ῥᾷον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπορεύοντο: οἱ γὰρ βάρβαροι καὶ ἐφοβήθησαν, τῆς τροπῆς αὐτοῖς ἐνταῦθα γενομένης σφῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ μετεώρου,καὶ ἐς τὸ πλέον οὐκέτ᾽ ἐπηκολούθουν, νομίζοντες καὶ ἐν μεθορίοις εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἤδη καὶ διαπεφευγέναι. [3] Βρασίδας δὲ ὡς ἀντελάβετο τῶν μετεώρων, κατὰ ἀσφάλειαν μᾶλλον ἰὼν αὐθημερὸν ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Ἄρνισαν πρῶτον τῆς Περδίκκου ἀρχῆς. [4] καὶ αὐτοὶ ὀργιζόμενοι οἱ στρατιῶται τῇ προαναχωρήσει τῶν Μακεδόνων, ὅσοις ἐνέτυχον κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ζεύγεσιν αὐτῶν βοεικοῖς ἢ εἴ τινι σκεύει ἐκπεπτωκότι, οἷα ἐν νυκτερινῇ καὶ φοβερᾷ ἀναχωρήσει εἰκὸς ἦν ξυμβῆναι, τὰ μὲν ὑπολύοντες κατέκοπτον, τῶν δὲ οἰκείωσιν ἐποιοῦντο. [5] ἀπὸ τούτου τε πρῶτον Περδίκκας Βρασίδαν τε πολέμιον ἐνόμισε καὶ ἐς τὸ λοιπὸν Πελοποννησίων τῇ μὲν γνώμῃ δι᾽ Ἀθηναίους οὐ ξύνηθες μῖσος εἶχε, τῶν δὲ ἀναγκαίων ξυμφόρων διαναστὰς ἔπρασσεν ὅτῳ τρόπῳ τάχιστα τοῖς μὲν ξυμβήσεται, τῶν δὲ ἀπαλλάξεται.
128. He, when he saw this, commanded the three hundred that were with him to run every man as fast as he could to one of the tops, which of them they could easliest get up to, and try if they could drive down those barbarians that were now going up to the same, before any greater number was above to hem them in. [2] These accordingly fought with and overcame those barbarians upon the hill, and thereby the rest of the army marched the more easily to the top. For this beating of them from the vantage of the hill made the barbarians also afraid, so that they followed them no further, conceiving withal that they were now at the confines and already escaped through. [3] Brasidas, having now gotten the hills and marching with more safety, came first the same day to Arnissa, of the dominion of Perdiccas. [4] And the soldiers of themselves, being angry with the Macedonians for leaving them behind, whatsoever teams of oxen or fardles fallen from any man (as was likely to happen in a retreat made in fear and in the night) they lighted on by the way, the oxen they cut in pieces and took the fardles to themselves. [5] And from this time did Perdiccas first esteem Brasidas as his enemy, and afterwards hated the Peloponnesians, not with ordinary hatred for the Athenians' sake, but being utterly fallen out with him about his own particular interest, sought means as soon as he could to compound with these and be disleagued from the other.
σωφρόνων δὲ ἀνδρῶν οἵτινες τἀγαθὰ ἐς ἀμφίβολον ἀσφαλῶς ἔθεντο
[18] γνῶτε δὲ καὶ ἐς τὰς ἡμετέρας νῦν ξυμφορὰς ἀπιδόντες, οἵτινες ἀξίωμα μέγιστον τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔχοντες ἥκομεν παρ᾽ ὑμᾶς, πρότερον αὐτοὶ κυριώτεροι νομίζοντες εἶναι δοῦναι ἐφ᾽ ἃ νῦν ἀφιγμένοι ὑμᾶς αἰτούμεθα. [2] καίτοι οὔτε δυνάμεως ἐνδείᾳ ἐπάθομεν αὐτὸ οὔτε μείζονος προσγενομένης ὑβρίσαντες, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν αἰεὶ ὑπαρχόντων γνώμῃ σφαλέντες, ἐν ᾧ πᾶσι τὸ αὐτὸ ὁμοίως ὑπάρχει. [3] ὥστε οὐκ εἰκὸς ὑμᾶς διὰ τὴν παροῦσαν νῦν ῥώμην πόλεώς τε καὶ τῶν προσγεγενημένων καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης οἴεσθαι αἰεὶ μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν ἔσεσθαι. [4] σωφρόνων δὲ ἀνδρῶν οἵτινες τἀγαθὰ ἐς ἀμφίβολον ἀσφαλῶς ἔθεντο （καὶ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς οἱ αὐτοὶ εὐξυνετώτερον ἂν προσφέροιντο）, τόν τε πόλεμον νομίσωσι μὴ καθ᾽ ὅσον ἄν τις αὐτοῦ μέρος βούληται μεταχειρίζειν, τούτῳ ξυνεῖναι, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἂν αἱ τύχαι αὐτῶν ἡγήσωνται: καὶ ἐλάχιστ᾽ ἂν οἱ τοιοῦτοι πταίοντες διὰ τὸ μὴ τῷ ὀρθουμένῳ αὐτοῦ πιστεύοντες ἐπαίρεσθαι ἐν τῷ εὐτυχεῖν ἂν μάλιστα καταλύοιντο. [5] ὃ νῦν ὑμῖν, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, καλῶς ἔχει πρὸς ἡμᾶς πρᾶξαι,καὶ μή ποτε ὕστερον, ἢν ἄρα μὴ πειθόμενοι σφαλῆτε, ἃ πολλὰ ἐνδέχεται, νομισθῆναι τύχῃ καὶ τὰ νῦν προχωρήσαντα κρατῆσαι, ἐξὸν ἀκίνδυνον δόκησιν ἰσχύος καὶ ξυνέσεως ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα καταλιπεῖν.
[18.] "Know it, by seeing this present misfortune fallen on us, who, being of greatest dignity of all the Grecians, come to you to ask that which before we thought chiefly in our own hands to give. [2] And yet we are not brought to this through weakness nor through insolence upon addition of strength, but because it succeeded not with the power we had as we thought it should, which may as well happen to any other as to ourselves. [3] So that you have no reason to conceive that for your power and purchases fortune also must be therefore always yours. [4] Such wise men as safely reckon their prosperity in the account of things doubtful do most wisely also address themselves towards adversity and not think that war will so far follow and no further as one shall please more or less to take it in hand, but rather so far as fortune shall lead it. Such men also, seldom miscarrying because they be not puffed up with the confidence of success, choose then principally to give over when they are in their better fortune. [5] And so it will be good for you, men of Athens, to do with us, and not, if rejecting our advice you chance to miscarry (as many ways you may), to have it thought hereafter that all your present successes were but mere fortune; whereas, on the contrary, it is in your hands without danger to leave a reputation to posterity both of strength and wisdom.
ἦγον δέ τινας καὶ ἐκ τῶν Κυθήρων ἄνδρας ὀλίγους, οὓς ἐδόκει ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα μεταστῆσαι.
[57] προσπλεόντων οὖν ἔτι τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ Αἰγινῆται τὸ μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ὃ ἔτυχον οἰκοδομοῦντες τεῖχος ἐκλείπουσιν, ἐς δὲ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν, ἐν ᾗ ᾤκουν, ἀπεχώρησαν, ἀπέχουσαν σταδίους μάλιστα δέκα τῆς θαλάσσης. [2] καὶ αὐτοῖς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων φρουρὰ μία τῶν περὶ τὴν χώραν, ἥπερ καὶ ξυνετείχιζε, ξυνεσελθεῖν μὲν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος οὐκ ἠθέλησαν δεομένων τῶν Αἰγινητῶν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῖς κίνδυνος ἐφαίνετο ἐς τὸ τεῖχος κατακλῄεσθαι: ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ μετέωρα, ὡς οὐκ ἐνόμιζον ἀξιόμαχοι εἶναι, ἡσύχαζον. [3] ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι κατασχόντες καὶ χωρήσαντες εὐθὺς πάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ αἱροῦσι τὴν Θυρέαν. καὶ τήν τε πόλιν κατέκαυσαν καὶ τὰ ἐνόντα ἐξεπόρθησαν, τούς τε Αἰγινήτας, ὅσοι μὴ ἐν χερσὶ διεφθάρησαν, ἄγοντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας καὶ τὸν ἄρχοντα ὃς παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἦν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, Τάνταλον τὸν Πατροκλέους: ἐζωγρήθη γὰρ τετρωμένος. [4] ἦγον δέ τινας καὶ ἐκ τῶν Κυθήρων ἄνδρας ὀλίγους, οὓς ἐδόκει ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα μεταστῆσαι. καὶ τούτους μὲν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐβουλεύσαντο καταθέσθαι ἐς τὰς νήσους, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Κυθηρίους οἰκοῦντας τὴν ἑαυτῶν φόρον τέσσαρα τάλαντα φέρειν, Αἰγινήτας δὲ ἀποκτεῖναι πάντας ὅσοι ἑάλωσαν διὰ τὴν προτέραν αἰεί ποτε ἔχθραν, Τάνταλον δὲ παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Λακεδαιμονίους καταδῆσαι.
57. When the Athenians were coming towards them, the Aeginetae left the wall which they happened to be then building toward the sea-side and retired up into the city above where they dwelt, and which was not above ten furlongs from the sea. [2] There was also with them one of those garrisons which the Lacedaemonians had distributed into the several parts of the country; and these, though they helped them to build the fort below, yet would not now enter with them into the town, though the Aeginetae entreated them, apprehending danger in being cooped up within the walls; and therefore retiring into the highest ground, lay still there, as finding themselves too weak to give them battle. [3] In the meantime the Athenians came in, and marching up presently with their whole army, won Thyrea, and burnt it, and destroyed whatsoever was in it. The Aeginetae, as many as were not slain in the affray, they carried prisoners to Athens, amongst whom Tantalus also, the son of Patroclus, captain of such Lacedaemonians as were amongst them, was wounded and taken alive. [4] They carried likewise with them some few men of Cythera, whom for safety's sake they thought good to remove into some other place. These therefore, the Athenians decreed, should be placed in the islands; and that the rest of the Cythereans at the tribute of four talents should inhabit their own territory; that the Aeginetae, as many as they had taken (out of former inveterate hatred), should be put to death; and that Tantalus should be put in bonds amongst those Lacedaemonians that were taken in the island.
παρεστάναι δὲ μηδενὶ ὡς οἱ μὲν Δωριῆς ἡμῶν πολέμιοι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, τὸ δὲ Χαλκιδικὸν τῇ Ἰάδι ξυγγενείᾳ ἀσφαλές
[61] ‘καίτοι τῇ ἑαυτῶν ἑκάστους, εἰ σωφρονοῦμεν, χρὴ τὰ μὴ προσήκοντα ἐπικτωμένους μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ ἑτοῖμα βλάπτοντας ξυμμάχους τε ἐπάγεσθαι καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους προσλαμβάνειν, νομίσαι τε στάσιν μάλιστα φθείρειν τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν Σικελίαν, ἧς γε οἱ ἔνοικοι ξύμπαντες μὲν ἐπιβουλευόμεθα, κατὰ πόλεις δὲ διέσταμεν. [2] ἃ χρὴ γνόντας καὶ ἰδιώτην ἰδιώτῃ καταλλαγῆναι καὶ πόλιν πόλει, καὶ πειρᾶσθαι κοινῇ σῴζειν τὴν πᾶσαν Σικελίαν, παρεστάναι δὲ μηδενὶ ὡς οἱ μὲν Δωριῆς ἡμῶν πολέμιοι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, τὸ δὲ Χαλκιδικὸν τῇ Ἰάδι ξυγγενείᾳ ἀσφαλές. [3] οὐ γὰρ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, ὅτι δίχα πέφυκε, τοῦ ἑτέρου ἔχθει ἐπίασιν, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ ἀγαθῶν ἐφιέμενοι, ἃ κοινῇ κεκτήμεθα. [4] ἐδήλωσαν δὲ νῦν ἐν τῇ τοῦ Χαλκιδικοῦ γένους παρακλήσει: τοῖς γὰρ οὐδεπώποτε σφίσι κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν προσβοηθήσασιν αὐτοὶ τὸ δίκαιον μᾶλλον τῆς ξυνθήκης προθύμως παρέσχοντο. [5] καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἀθηναίους ταῦτα πλεονεκτεῖν τε καὶ προνοεῖσθαι πολλὴ ξυγγνώμη, καὶ οὐ τοῖς ἄρχειν βουλομένοις μέμφομαι, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὑπακούειν ἑτοιμοτέροις οὖσιν: πέφυκε γὰρ τὸ ἀνθρώπειον διὰ παντὸς ἄρχειν μὲν τοῦ εἴκοντος, φυλάσσεσθαι δὲ τὸ ἐπιόν. [6] ὅσοι δὲ γιγνώσκοντες αὐτὰ μὴ ὀρθῶς προσκοποῦμεν, μηδὲ τοῦτό τις πρεσβύτατον ἥκει κρίνας, τὸ κοινῶς φοβερὸν ἅπαντας εὖ θέσθαι, ἁμαρτάνομεν. [7] τάχιστα δ᾽ ἂν ἀπαλλαγὴ αὐτοῦ γένοιτο, εἰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ξυμβαῖμεν: οὐ γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς αὑτῶν ὁρμῶνται Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἐπικαλεσαμένων. καὶ οὕτως οὐ πόλεμος πολέμῳ, εἰρήνῃ δὲ διαφοραὶ ἀπραγμόνως παύονται, οἵ τ᾽ ἐπίκλητοι εὐπρεπῶς ἄδικοι ἐλθόντες εὐλόγως ἄπρακτοι ἀπίασιν.
61. "Now, if we were wise, we ought rather to call in confederates and undergo dangers for the winning of somewhat that is none of ours than for the impairing of what we already have; and to believe that nothing so much destroys a city as sedition, and that Sicily, though we the inhabitants thereof be insidiated by the Athenians as one body, is nevertheless city against city in sedition within itself. [2] In contemplation whereof, we ought, man with man and city with city, to return again into amity; and with one consent to endeavour the safety of all Sicily: and not to have this conceit, that though the Dorians be the Athenians' enemies, yet the Chalcideans are safe, as being of the race of the Ionians. [3] For they invade not these divided races upon hatred of a side, but upon a covetous desire of those necessaries which we enjoy in common. And this they have proved themselves in their coming hither to aid the Chalcideans. [4] For though they never received any aid by virtue of their league from the Chalcideans, yet have they on their part been more forward to help them than by the league they were bound unto. [5] Indeed, the Athenians, that covet and meditate these things, are to be pardoned. I blame not those that are willing to reign, but those that are most willing to be subject; for it is the nature of man everywhere to command such as give way and to be shy of such as assail. [6] We are to blame that know this and do not provide accordingly and make it our first care of all to take good order against the common fear. [7] Of which we should soon be delivered, if we would agree amongst ourselves (for the Athenians come not amongst us out of their own country, but from theirs here that have called them in); and so, not war by war, but all our quarrels shall be ended by peace without trouble; and those that have been called in, as they came with fair pretence to injure us, so shall they with fair reason be dismissed by us without their errand.
διάδηλοι ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι (λίπα γὰρ ἀλείψεσθαι), ὅπως μὴ ἀδικῶνται. ἀσφάλεια δὲ αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἐγίγνετο τῆς ἀνοίξεως
68. ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἤδη ὁ αἰεὶ ἐντὸς γιγνόμενος ἐχώρει ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος. [2] καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι φρουροὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντίσχοντες ἠμύνοντο ὀλίγοι, καὶ ἀπέθανόν τινες αὐτῶν, οἱ δὲ πλείους ἐς φυγὴν κατέστησαν, φοβηθέντες ἐν νυκτί τε πολεμίων προσπεπτωκότων καὶ τῶν προδιδόντων Μεγαρέων ἀντιμαχομένων, νομίσαντες τοὺς ἅπαντας σφᾶς Μεγαρέας προδεδωκέναι. [3] ξυνέπεσε γὰρ καὶ τὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων κήρυκα ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης κηρύξαι τὸν βουλόμενον ἰέναι Μεγαρέων μετὰ Ἀθηναίων θησόμενον τὰ ὅπλα. οἱ δ᾽ ὡς ἤκουσαν, οὐκέτι ἀνέμενον, ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι νομίσαντες κοινῇ πολεμεῖσθαι κατέφυγον ἐς τὴν Νίσαιαν. [4] ἅμα δὲ ἕῳ ἑαλωκότων ἤδη τῶν τειχῶν καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει Μεγαρέων θορυβουμένων οἱ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους πράξαντες καὶ ἄλλο μετ᾽ αὐτῶν πλῆθος, ὃ ξυνῄδει, ἔφασαν χρῆναι ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας καὶ ἐπεξιέναι ἐς μάχην. [5] ξυνέκειτο δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν πυλῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν ἐσπίπτειν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, αὐτοὶ δὲ διάδηλοι ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι （λίπα γὰρ ἀλείψεσθαι）, ὅπως μὴ ἀδικῶνται. ἀσφάλεια δὲ αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἐγίγνετο τῆς ἀνοίξεως: καὶ γὰρ οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐλευσῖνος κατὰ τὸ ξυγκείμενον τετρακισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ἱππῆς ἑξακόσιοι [οἱ] τὴν νύκτα πορευόμενοι παρῆσαν. [6] ἀληλιμμένων δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ὄντων ἤδη περὶ τὰς πύλας καταγορεύει τις ξυνειδὼς τοῖς ἑτέροις τὸ ἐπιβούλευμα. καὶ οἳ ξυστραφέντες ἁθρόοι ἦλθον καὶ οὐκ ἔφασαν χρῆναι οὔτε ἐπεξιέναι （οὐδὲ γὰρ πρότερόν πω τοῦτο ἰσχύοντες μᾶλλον τολμῆσαι） οὔτε ἐς κίνδυνον φανερὸν τὴν πόλιν καταγαγεῖν: εἴ τε μὴ πείσεταί τις, αὐτοῦ τὴν μάχην ἔσεσθαι. ἐδήλουν δὲ οὐδὲν ὅτι ἴσασι τὰ πρασσόμενα, ἀλλὰ ὡς τὰ βέλτιστα βουλεύοντες ἰσχυρίζοντο, καὶ ἅμα περὶ τὰς πύλας παρέμενον φυλάσσοντες, ὥστε οὐκ ἐγένετο τοῖς ἐπιβουλεύουσι πρᾶξαι ὃ ἔμελλον.
68. After this the Athenian soldiers, as they entered, went up every one to the wall. [2] And a few of the Peloponnesians that were of the garrison, made head at first and fought and were some of them slain; but the most of them took their heels, fearing in the night both the enemy that charged them and also the traitors of the Megareans that fought against them, apprehending that all the Megareans in general had betrayed them. [3] It chanced also that the Athenian herald of his own discretion made proclamation that if any Megarean would take part with the Athenians, he should come and lay down his arms. When the Peloponnesians heard this, they stayed no longer, but seriously believing that they jointly warred upon them, fled into Nisaea. [4] As soon as it was day, the walls being now taken and the Megareans being in a tumult within the city, they that had treated with the Athenians, and with them the rest, as many as were conscious, said it was fit to have the gates opened and to go out and give the enemy battle. [5] Now it was agreed on between them that when the gates were open, the Athenians should rush in, and that themselves would be easily known from the rest, to the end they might have no harm done them, for that they would besmear themselves with some ointment. And the opening of the gates would be for their greater safety, for the four thousand men of arms of Athens and six hundred horsemen, which according to the appointment were to come to them, having marched all night, were already arrived. [6] When they had besmeared themselves and were now about the gates, one of those who were privy discovered the conspiracy to the rest that were not. These joining their strength came all together to the gates, denying that it was fit to go out to fight, for that neither in former times when they were stronger than now, durst they do so, or to put the city into so manifest danger, and said, that if they would not be satisfied, the battle should be thereright. Yet they discovered not that they knew of the practice, but only, as having given good advice, meant to maintain it. And they stayed at the gates, insomuch as the traitors could not perform what they intended.
καὶ οὕτω σφίσιν ἀσφαλεστέρως ἔχειν, οἷς τις εἴη εὔνους, κρατήσασι προσχωρῆσαι
71. αἱ δὲ τῶν Μεγαρέων στάσεις φοβούμεναι, οἱ μὲν μὴ τοὺς φεύγοντας σφίσιν ἐσαγαγὼν αὐτοὺς ἐκβάλῃ, οἱ δὲ μὴ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ὁ δῆμος δείσας ἐπίθηται σφίσι καὶ ἡ πόλις ἐν μάχῃ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν οὖσα ἐγγὺς ἐφεδρευόντων Ἀθηναίων ἀπόληται, οὐκ ἐδέξαντο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις ἐδόκει ἡσυχάσασι τὸ μέλλον περιιδεῖν. [2] ἤλπιζον γὰρ καὶ μάχην ἑκάτεροι ἔσεσθαι τῶν τε Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν προσβοηθησάντων, καὶ οὕτω σφίσιν ἀσφαλεστέρως ἔχειν, οἷς τις εἴη εὔνους, κρατήσασι προσχωρῆσαι: ὁ δὲ Βρασίδας ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀνεχώρησε πάλιν ἐς τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα.
[72] ἅμα δὲ τῇ ἕῳ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ παρῆσαν, διανενοημένοι μὲν καὶ πρὶν Βρασίδαν πέμψαι βοηθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ Μέγαρα, ὡς οὐκ ἀλλοτρίου ὄντος τοῦ κινδύνου, καὶ ἤδη ὄντες πανστρατιᾷ Πλαταιᾶσιν: ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ ἦλθεν ὁ ἄγγελος, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐρρώσθησαν, καὶ ἀποστείλαντες διακοσίους καὶ δισχιλίους ὁπλίτας καὶ ἱππέας ἑξακοσίους τοῖς πλέοσιν ἀπῆλθον πάλιν. [2] παρόντος δὲ ἤδη ξύμπαντος τοῦ στρατεύματος, ὁπλιτῶν οὐκ ἔλασσον ἑξακισχιλίων, καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων τῶν μὲν ὁπλιτῶν περί τε τὴν Νίσαιαν ὄντων καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἐν τάξει, τῶν δὲ ψιλῶν ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον ἐσκεδασμένων, οἱ ἱππῆς οἱ τῶν Βοιωτῶν ἀπροσδοκήτοις ἐπιπεσόντες τοῖς ψιλοῖς ἔτρεψαν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν （ἐν γὰρ τῷ πρὸ τοῦ οὐδεμία βοήθειά πω τοῖς Μεγαρεῦσιν οὐδαμόθεν ἐπῆλθεν）: [3] ἀντεπεξελάσαντες δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐς χεῖρας ᾖσαν, καὶ ἐγένετο ἱππομαχία ἐπὶ πολύ, ἐν ᾗ ἀξιοῦσιν ἑκάτεροι οὐχ ἥσσους γενέσθαι. [4] τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἵππαρχον τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς οὐ πολλοὺς πρὸς αὐτὴν τὴν Νίσαιαν προσελάσαντας οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι [καὶ] ἀποκτείναντες ἐσκύλευσαν, καὶ τῶν τε νεκρῶν τούτων κρατήσαντες ὑποσπόνδους ἀπέδοσαν καὶ τροπαῖον ἔστησαν: οὐ μέντοι ἔν γε τῷ παντὶ ἔργῳ βεβαίως οὐδέτεροι τελευτήσαντες ἀπεκρίθησαν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτῶν, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν Νίσαιαν.
71. But the Megarean factions, being afraid, one, lest he should bring in the outlaws and cast out them, the other, lest the commons out of this very fear should assault them, whereby the city, being at battle within itself and the Athenians lying in wait so near, would be lost, received him not, but resolved on both sides to sit still and attend the success. [2] For both the one faction and the other expected that the Athenians and these that came to succour the city would join battle; and then they might with more safety, such as were the favoured side, turn unto them that had the victory. And Brasidas, not prevailing, went back to the rest of the army.
72. Betimes in the morning arrived the Boeotians, having also intended to come to the aid of Megara before Brasidas sent, as esteeming the danger to concern themselves, and were then with their whole forces come forward as far as Plataea. But when they had received also this message, they were a great deal the more encouraged and sent two thousand two hundred men of arms and two hundred horse to Brasidas, but went back with the greater part of their army. [2] The whole army being now together of no less than six thousand men of arms, and the Athenian men of arms lying indeed in good order about Nisaea and the sea-side, but the light-armed straggling in the plains, the Boeotian horsemen came unexpectedly upon the light-armed soldiers, and drove them towards the sea; for in all this time till now, there had come no aid at all to the Megareans from any place. [3] But when the Athenian horse went likewise out to encounter them, they fought, and there was a battle between the horsemen of either side that held long, wherein both sides claimed the victory. [4] For the Athenians slew the general of the Boeotian horse and some few others and rifled them, having themselves been first chased by them to Nisaea; and having these dead bodies in their power they restored them upon truce and erected a trophy. Nevertheless, in respect of the whole action, neither side went off with assurance; but parting asunder, the Boeotians went to the army, and the Athenians to Nisaea.
νυνὶ δ’ εἴ τῳ καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον ἔδοξεν εἶναι, μεταγνώτω.
[92] ‘χρῆν μέν, ὦ ἄνδρες Βοιωτοί, μηδ᾽ ἐς ἐπίνοιάν τινα ἡμῶν ἐλθεῖν τῶν ἀρχόντων ὡς οὐκ εἰκὸς Ἀθηναίοις, ἢν ἄρα μὴ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ ἔτι καταλάβωμεν αὐτούς, διὰ μάχης ἐλθεῖν. τὴν γὰρ Βοιωτίαν ἐκ τῆς ὁμόρου ἐλθόντες τεῖχος ἐνοικοδομησάμενοι μέλλουσι φθείρειν, καὶ εἰσὶ δήπου πολέμιοι ἐν ᾧ τε ἂν χωρίῳ καταληφθῶσι καὶ ὅθεν ἐπελθόντες πολέμια ἔδρασαν. [2] νυνὶ δ᾽ εἴ τῳ καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον ἔδοξεν εἶναι, μεταγνώτω. οὐ γὰρ τὸ προμηθές, οἷς ἂν ἄλλος ἐπίῃ, περὶ τῆς σφετέρας ὁμοίως ἐνδέχεται λογισμὸν καὶ ὅστις τὰ μὲν ἑαυτοῦ ἔχει, τοῦ πλέονος δὲ ὀρεγόμενος ἑκών τινι ἐπέρχεται. [3] πάτριόν τε ὑμῖν στρατὸν ἀλλόφυλον ἐπελθόντα καὶ ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ καὶ ἐν τῇ τῶν πέλας ὁμοίως ἀμύνεσθαι. Ἀθηναίους δὲ καὶ προσέτι ὁμόρους ὄντας πολλῷ μάλιστα δεῖ. [4] πρός τε γὰρ τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας πᾶσι τὸ ἀντίπαλον καὶ ἐλεύθερον καθίσταται, καὶ πρὸς τούτους γε δή, οἳ καὶ μὴ τοὺς ἐγγύς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄπωθεν πειρῶνται δουλοῦσθαι, πῶς οὐ χρὴ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἔσχατον ἀγῶνος ἐλθεῖν （παράδειγμα δὲ ἔχομεν τούς τε ἀντιπέρας Εὐβοέας καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος τὸ πολὺ ὡς αὐτοῖς διάκειται）, καὶ γνῶναι ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις οἱ πλησιόχωροι περὶ γῆς ὅρων τὰς μάχας ποιοῦνται, ἡμῖν δὲ ἐς πᾶσαν, ἢν νικηθῶμεν, εἷς ὅρος οὐκ ἀντίλεκτος παγήσεται; [5] ἐσελθόντες γὰρ βίᾳ τὰ ἡμέτερα ἕξουσιν. τοσούτῳ ἐπικινδυνοτέραν ἑτέρων τὴν παροίκησιν τῶνδε ἔχομεν. εἰώθασί τε οἱ ἰσχύος που θράσει τοῖς πέλας, ὥσπερ Ἀθηναῖοι νῦν, ἐπιόντες τὸν μὲν ἡσυχάζοντα καὶ ἐν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μόνον ἀμυνόμενον ἀδεέστερον ἐπιστρατεύειν, τὸν δὲ ἔξω ὅρων προαπαντῶντα καί, ἢν καιρὸς ᾖ, πολέμου ἄρχοντα ἧσσον ἑτοίμως κατέχειν. [6] πεῖραν δὲ ἔχομεν ἡμεῖς αὐτοῦ ἐς τούσδε: νικήσαντες γὰρ ἐν Κορωνείᾳ αὐτούς, ὅτε τὴν γῆν ἡμῶν στασιαζόντων κατέσχον, πολλὴν ἄδειαν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ μέχρι τοῦδε κατεστήσαμεν. [7] ὧν χρὴ μνησθέντας ἡμᾶς τούς τε πρεσβυτέρους ὁμοιωθῆναι τοῖς πρὶν ἔργοις, τούς τε νεωτέρους πατέρων τῶν τότε ἀγαθῶν γενομένων παῖδας πειρᾶσθαι μὴ αἰσχῦναι τὰς προσηκούσας ἀρετάς, πιστεύσαντας δὲ τῷ θεῷ πρὸς ἡμῶν ἔσεσθαι, οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνόμως τειχίσαντες νέμονται, καὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἃ ἡμῖν θυσαμένοις καλὰ φαίνεται, ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖσδε καὶ δεῖξαι ὅτι ὧν μὲν ἐφίενται πρὸς τοὺς μὴ ἀμυνομένους ἐπιόντες κτάσθων, οἷς δὲ γενναῖον τήν τε αὑτῶν αἰεὶ ἐλευθεροῦν μάχῃ καὶ τὴν ἄλλων μὴ δουλοῦσθαι ἀδίκως, ἀνανταγώνιστοι ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀπίασιν.’
92. ‘Men of Boeotia, it ought never to have so much as entered into the thought of any of us the commanders that, because we find not the Athenians now in Boeotia, it should therefore be unfit to give them battle. For they out of a bordering country have entered Boeotia and fortified in it with intent to waste it, and are indeed enemies in whatsoever ground we find them, or whencesoever they come doing the acts of hostility. [2] But now if any man think it also unsafe, let him henceforth be of another opinion. For providence, in them that are invaded, endureth not such deliberation concerning their own as may be used by them who, retaining their own, out of desire to enlarge, voluntarily invade the estate of another. [3] And it is the custom of this country of yours, when a foreign enemy comes against you, to fight with him both on your own and on your neighbour's ground alike; but much more you ought to do it against the Athenians when they be borderers. [4] For liberty with all men is nothing else but to be a match for the cities that are their neighbours. With these, then, that attempt the subjugation not only of their neighbours, but of estates far from them, why should we not try the utmost of our fortune? We have for example the estate that the Euboeans over against us, and also the greatest part of the rest of Greece, do live in under them. And you must know that though others fight with their neighbours about the bounds of their territories, we, if we be vanquished, shall have but one bound amongst us all, so that we shall no more quarrel about limits. [5] For if they enter, they will take all our several states into their own possession by force. So much more dangerous is the neighbourhood of the Athenians than of other people. And such as upon confidence in their strength invade their neighbours, as the Athenians now do, use to be bold in warring on those that sit still, defending themselves only in their own territories; whereas they be less urgent to those that are ready to meet them without their own limits, or [also] to begin the war when opportunity serveth. [6] We have experience hereof in these same men. For after we had overcome them at Coroneia, at what time through our own sedition they held our country in subjection, we established a great security in Boeotia, which lasted till this present. [7] Remembering which, we ought now, the elder sort to imitate our former acts there, and the younger sort, who are the children of those valiant fathers, to endeavour not to disgrace the virtue of their houses; but rather with confidence that the god, whose temple fortified they unlawfully dwell in, will be with us, the sacrifices we offered him appearing fair, to march against them, and let them see that though they may gain what they covet when they invade such as will not fight, yet men that have the generosity to hold their own in liberty by battle, and not invade the state of another unjustly, will never let them go away unfoughten.’
{ΑΘ.} Οὔκουν οἴεσθε τὸ ξυμφέρον μὲν μετ’ ἀσφαλείας εἶναι, τὸ δὲ δίκαιον καὶ καλὸν μετὰ κινδύνου δρᾶσθαι
107. ΑΘ.
οὔκουν οἴεσθε τὸ ξυμφέρον μὲν μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας εἶναι, τὸ δὲ δίκαιον καὶ καλὸν μετὰ κινδύνου δρᾶσθαι: ὃ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἥκιστα ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ τολμῶσιν.
108. ΜΗΛ.
ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους τε ἡμῶν ἕνεκα μᾶλλον ἡγούμεθ᾽ ἂν ἐγχειρίσασθαι αὐτούς, καὶ βεβαιοτέρους ἢ ἐς ἄλλους νομιεῖν, ὅσῳ πρὸς μὲν τὰ ἔργα τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἐγγὺς κείμεθα, τῆς δὲ γνώμης τῷ ξυγγενεῖ πιστότεροι ἑτέρων ἐσμέν.
107. Ath. ‘You think not, then, that what is profitable must be also safe, and that which is just and honourable must be performed with danger, which commonly the Lacedaemonians are least willing of all men to undergo [for others].’
108. Mel. ‘But we suppose that they will undertake danger for us rather than for any other; and that they think that we will be more assured unto them than unto any other, because for action, we lie near to Peloponnesus, and for affection, are more faithful than others for our nearness of kin.’
δοθείσης αἱρέσεως πολέμου πέρι καὶ ἀσφαλείας μὴ τὰ χείρω φιλονικῆσαι
111. ΑΘ.
τούτων μὲν καὶ πεπειραμένοις ἄν τι γένοιτο καὶ ὑμῖν καὶ οὐκ ἀνεπιστήμοσιν ὅτι οὐδ᾽ ἀπὸ μιᾶς πώποτε πολιορκίας Ἀθηναῖοι δι᾽ ἄλλων φόβον ἀπεχώρησαν. [2] ἐνθυμούμεθα δὲ ὅτι φήσαντες περὶ σωτηρίας βουλεύσειν οὐδὲν ἐν τοσούτῳ λόγῳ εἰρήκατε ᾧ ἄνθρωποι ἂν πιστεύσαντες νομίσειαν σωθήσεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὑμῶν τὰ μὲν ἰσχυρότατα ἐλπιζόμενα μέλλεται, τὰ δ᾽ ὑπάρχοντα βραχέα πρὸς τὰ ἤδη ἀντιτεταγμένα περιγίγνεσθαι. πολλήν τε ἀλογίαν τῆς διανοίας παρέχετε, εἰ μὴ μεταστησάμενοι ἔτι ἡμᾶς ἄλλο τι τῶνδε σωφρονέστερον γνώσεσθε. [3] οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐπί γε τὴν ἐν τοῖς αἰσχροῖς καὶ προύπτοις κινδύνοις πλεῖστα διαφθείρουσαν ἀνθρώπους αἰσχύνην τρέψεσθε. πολλοῖς γὰρ προορωμένοις ἔτι ἐς οἷα φέρονται τὸ αἰσχρὸν καλούμενον ὀνόματος ἐπαγωγοῦ δυνάμει ἐπεσπάσατο ἡσσηθεῖσι τοῦ ῥήματος ἔργῳ ξυμφοραῖς ἀνηκέστοις ἑκόντας περιπεσεῖν καὶ αἰσχύνην αἰσχίω μετὰ ἀνοίας ἢ τύχῃ προσλαβεῖν. [4] ὃ ὑμεῖς, ἢν εὖ βουλεύησθε, φυλάξεσθε, καὶ οὐκ ἀπρεπὲς νομιεῖτε πόλεώς τε τῆς μεγίστης ἡσσᾶσθαι μέτρια προκαλουμένης, ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι ἔχοντας τὴν ὑμετέραν αὐτῶν ὑποτελεῖς, καὶ δοθείσης αἱρέσεως πολέμου πέρι καὶ ἀσφαλείας μὴ τὰ χείρω φιλονικῆσαι: ὡς οἵτινες τοῖς μὲν ἴσοις μὴ εἴκουσι, τοῖς δὲ κρείσσοσι καλῶς προσφέρονται, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἥσσους μέτριοί εἰσι, πλεῖστ᾽ ἂν ὀρθοῖντο. [5] σκοπεῖτε οὖν καὶ μεταστάντων ἡμῶν καὶ ἐνθυμεῖσθε πολλάκις ὅτι περὶ πατρίδος βουλεύεσθε, ἧς μιᾶς πέρι καὶ ἐς μίαν βουλὴν τυχοῦσάν τε καὶ μὴ κατορθώσασαν ἔσται.
111. Ath. ‘Let them take which course of these they will that you also may find by experience and not be ignorant that the Athenians never yet gave over siege for fear of any diversion upon others. [2] But we observe that, whereas you said you would consult of your safety, you have not yet in all this discourse said anything which a man relying on could hope to be preserved by; the strongest arguments you use are but future hopes; and your present power is too short to defend you against the forces already arranged against you. You shall therefore take very absurd counsel, unless, excluding us, you make amongst yourselves some more discreet conclusion; [3] for [when you are by yourselves], you will no more set your thoughts upon shame, which, when dishonour and danger stand before men's eyes, for the most part undoeth them. For many, when they have foreseen into what dangers they were entering, have nevertheless been so overcome by that forcible word dishonour that that which is but called dishonour hath caused them to fall willingly into immedicable calamities, and so to draw upon themselves really, by their own madness, a greater dishonour than could have befallen them by fortune. [4] Which you, if you deliberate wisely, will take heed of, and not think shame to submit to a most potent city, and that upon so reasonable conditions as of league and of enjoying your own under tribute; and seeing choice is given you of war or safety, do not out of peevishness take the worse. For such do take the best course who, though they give no way to their equals, yet do fairly accommodate to their superiors, and towards their inferiors use moderation. [5] Consider of it, therefore, whilst we stand off; and have often in your mind that you deliberate of your country, which is to be happy or miserable in and by this one consultation.’
τὴν μείζω παρασκευὴν περιέμενεν, οὐχ ὡς τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ, ἢν ἀναγκάζηται, περισχήσων
7. ὁ δὲ Κλέων τέως μὲν ἡσύχαζεν, ἔπειτα ἠναγκάσθη ποιῆσαι ὅπερ ὁ Βρασίδας προσεδέχετο. [2] τῶν γὰρ στρατιωτῶν ἀχθομένων μὲν τῇ ἕδρᾳ, ἀναλογιζομένων δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου ἡγεμονίαν πρὸς οἵαν ἐμπειρίαν καὶ τόλμαν μετὰ οἵας ἀνεπιστημοσύνης καὶ μαλακίας γενήσοιτο καὶ οἴκοθεν ὡς ἄκοντες αὐτῷ ξυνῆλθον, αἰσθόμενος τὸν θροῦν καὶ οὐ βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς διὰ τὸ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καθημένους βαρύνεσθαι, ἀναλαβὼν ἦγεν. [3] καὶ ἐχρήσατο τῷ τρόπῳ ᾧπερ καὶ ἐς τὴν Πύλον εὐτυχήσας ἐπίστευσέ τι φρονεῖν: ἐς μάχην μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ ἤλπισέν οἱ ἐπεξιέναι οὐδένα, κατὰ θέαν δὲ μᾶλλον ἔφη ἀναβαίνειν τοῦ χωρίου, καὶ τὴν μείζω παρασκευὴν περιέμενεν, οὐχ ὡς τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ, ἢν ἀναγκάζηται, περισχήσων, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς κύκλῳ περιστὰς βίᾳ αἱρήσων τὴν πόλιν. [4] ἐλθών τε καὶ καθίσας ἐπὶ λόφου καρτεροῦ πρὸ τῆς Ἀμφιπόλεως τὸν στρατὸν αὐτὸς ἐθεᾶτο τὸ λιμνῶδες τοῦ Στρυμόνος καὶ τὴν θέσιν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τῇ Θρᾴκῃ ὡς ἔχοι. [5] ἀπιέναι τε ἐνόμιζεν, ὁπόταν βούληται, ἀμαχεί: καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ ἐφαίνετο οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους οὐδεὶς οὔτε κατὰ πύλας ἐξῄει, κεκλῃμέναι τε ἦσαν πᾶσαι. ὥστε καὶ μηχανὰς ὅτι οὐκ ἀνῆλθεν ἔχων, ἁμαρτεῖν ἐδόκει: ἑλεῖν γὰρ ἂν τὴν πόλιν διὰ τὸ ἐρῆμον.
7. Cleon for a while lay still, but was afterwards forced to do as was expected by Brasidas. [2] For the soldiers being angry with their stay there, and recounting with themselves what a command his would be, and with what ignorance and cowardice against what skill and boldness of the other, and how they came forth with him against their wills, he perceived their muttering, and being unwilling to offend them with so long a stay in one place, dislodged and led them forward. [3] And he took the same course there, which having succeeded well before at Pylus gave him cause to think himself to have some judgment. For he thought not that any body would come forth to give him battle, and gave out he went up principally to see the place, and stayed for greater forces, not to secure him in case he should be compelled to fight, but that he might therewith environ the city on all sides at once, and in that manner take it by force. [4] So he went up and set his army down on a strong hill before Amphipolis, standing himself to view the fens of the river Strymon and the situation of the city towards Thrace; [5] and thought he could have retired again at his pleasure, without battle. For neither did any man appear upon the walls nor come out of the gates, which were all fast shut. Insomuch as he thought he had committed an error in coming without engines, because he thought he might by such means have won the city, as being without defendants.
ὑμεῖς οἱ καθήμενοι ἔτι ἀσφαλέστερον ποιήσατε
85. οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις ἔλεγον τοιάδε. ‘ἐπειδὴ οὐ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος οἱ λόγοι γίγνονται, ὅπως δὴ μὴ ξυνεχεῖ ῥήσει οἱ πολλοὶ ἐπαγωγὰ καὶ ἀνέλεγκτα ἐσάπαξ ἀκούσαντες ἡμῶν ἀπατηθῶσιν （γιγνώσκομεν γὰρ ὅτι τοῦτο φρονεῖ ἡμῶν ἡ ἐς τοὺς ὀλίγους ἀγωγή）, ὑμεῖς οἱ καθήμενοι ἔτι ἀσφαλέστερον ποιήσατε. καθ᾽ ἕκαστον γὰρ καὶ μηδ᾽ ὑμεῖς ἑνὶ λόγῳ, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ μὴ δοκοῦν ἐπιτηδείως λέγεσθαι εὐθὺς ὑπολαμβάνοντες κρίνετε. καὶ πρῶτον εἰ ἀρέσκει ὡς λέγομεν εἴπατε.’
86. οἱ δὲ τῶν Μηλίων ξύνεδροι ἀπεκρίναντο ‘ἡ μὲν ἐπιείκεια τοῦ διδάσκειν καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν ἀλλήλους οὐ ψέγεται, τὰ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου παρόντα ἤδη καὶ οὐ μέλλοντα διαφέροντα αὐτοῦ φαίνεται. ὁρῶμεν γὰρ αὐτούς τε κριτὰς ἥκοντας ὑμᾶς τῶν λεχθησομένων καὶ τὴν τελευτὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς περιγενομένοις μὲν τῷ δικαίῳ καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸ μὴ ἐνδοῦσι πόλεμον ἡμῖν φέρουσαν, πεισθεῖσι δὲ δουλείαν.’
85. Athenians. ‘Since we may not speak to the multitude, for fear lest when they hear our persuasive and unanswerable arguments all at once in a continued oration, they should chance to be seduced (for we know that this is the scope of your bringing us to audience before the few), make surer yet that point, you that sit here; answer you also to every particular, not in a set speech, but presently interrupting us whensoever anything shall be said by us which shall seem unto you to be otherwise. And first answer us whether you like this motion or not?’
86. Whereunto the council of the Melians answered: ‘The equity of a leisurely debate is not to be found fault withal; but this preparation of war, not future but already here present, seemeth not to agree with the same. For we see that you are come to be judges of the conference, and that the issue of it, if we be superior in argument and therefore yield not, is likely to bring us war, and if we yield, servitude.’
ὥστε ἔξω καὶ τοῦ πλεόνων ἄρξαι καὶ τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἡμῖν διὰ τὸ καταστραφῆναι ἂν παράσχοιτε
97. ΑΘ.
δικαιώματι γὰρ οὐδετέρους ἐλλείπειν ἡγοῦνται, κατὰ δύναμιν δὲ τοὺς μὲν περιγίγνεσθαι, ἡμᾶς δὲ φόβῳ οὐκ ἐπιέναι: ὥστε ἔξω καὶ τοῦ πλεόνων ἄρξαι καὶ τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἡμῖν διὰ τὸ καταστραφῆναι ἂν παράσχοιτε, ἄλλως τε καὶ νησιῶται ναυκρατόρων καὶ ἀσθενέστεροι ἑτέρων ὄντες εἰ μὴ περιγένοισθε.
97. Ath. ‘Why not? For they think they have reason on their side, both the one sort and the other, and that such as are subdued are subdued by force, and such as are forborne are so through our fear. So that by subduing you, besides the extending of our dominion over so many more subjects, we shall assure it the more over those we had before, especially being masters of the sea, and you islanders, and weaker (except you can get the victory) than others whom we have subdued already.’
{ΜΗΛ.} Ἐν δ’ ἐκείνῳ οὐ νομίζετε ἀσφάλειαν; δεῖ γὰρ αὖ καὶ ἐνταῦθα, ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς τῶν δικαίων λόγων ἡμᾶς ἐκβιβάσαντες τῷ ὑμετέρῳ ξυμφόρῳ ὑπακούειν πείθετε
98. ΜΗΛ.
ἐν δ᾽ ἐκείνῳ οὐ νομίζετε ἀσφάλειαν; δεῖ γὰρ αὖ καὶ ἐνταῦθα, ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς τῶν δικαίων λόγων ἡμᾶς ἐκβιβάσαντες τῷ ὑμετέρῳ ξυμφόρῳ ὑπακούειν πείθετε, καὶ ἡμᾶς τὸ ἡμῖν χρήσιμον διδάσκοντας, εἰ τυγχάνει καὶ ὑμῖν τὸ αὐτὸ ξυμβαῖνον, πειρᾶσθαι πείθειν. ὅσοι γὰρ νῦν μηδετέροις ξυμμαχοῦσι, πῶς οὐ πολεμώσεσθε αὐτούς, ὅταν ἐς τάδε βλέψαντες ἡγήσωνταί ποτε ὑμᾶς καὶ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἥξειν; κἀν τούτῳ τί ἄλλο ἢ τοὺς μὲν ὑπάρχοντας πολεμίους μεγαλύνετε, τοὺς δὲ μηδὲ μελλήσαντας γενέσθαι ἄκοντας ἐπάγεσθε;
99. ΑΘ.
οὐ γὰρ νομίζομεν ἡμῖν τούτους δεινοτέρους ὅσοι ἠπειρῶταί που ὄντες τῷ ἐλευθέρῳ πολλὴν τὴν διαμέλλησιν τῆς πρὸς ἡμᾶς φυλακῆς ποιήσονται, ἀλλὰ τοὺς νησιώτας τέ που ἀνάρκτους, ὥσπερ ὑμᾶς, καὶ τοὺς ἤδη τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ ἀναγκαίῳ παροξυνομένους. οὗτοι γὰρ πλεῖστ᾽ ἂν τῷ ἀλογίστῳ ἐπιτρέψαντες σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐς προῦπτον κίνδυνον καταστήσειαν.
98. Mel. ‘Do you think then, that there is no assurance in that which we propounded? For here again (since driving us from the plea of equity you persuade us to submit to your profit), when we have shewed you what is good for us, we must endeavour to draw you to the same, as far forth as it shall be good for you also. As many therefore as now are neutral, what do you but make them your enemies, when, beholding these your proceedings, they look that hereafter you will also turn your arms upon them? And what is this, but to make greater the enemies you have already, and to make others your enemies, each against their wills, that would not else have been so?’
99. Ath. ‘We do not think that they shall be ever the more our enemies, who inhabiting anywhere in the continent, will be long ere they so much as keep guard upon their liberty against us. But islanders unsubdued, as you be, or islanders offended with the necessity of subjection which they are already in, these may indeed, by unadvised courses, put both themselves and us into apparent danger.’
οἴεσθε ἴσως τὰς γενομένας ὑμῖν σπονδὰς ἔχειν τι βέβαιον, αἳ ἡσυχαζόντων μὲν ὑμῶν ὀνόματι σπονδαὶ ἔσονται
‘φημὶ γὰρ ὑμᾶς πολεμίους πολλοὺς ἐνθάδε ὑπολιπόντας καὶ ἑτέρους ἐπιθυμεῖν ἐκεῖσε πλεύσαντας δεῦρο ἐπαγαγέσθαι. [2] καὶ οἴεσθε ἴσως τὰς γενομένας ὑμῖν σπονδὰς ἔχειν τι βέβαιον, αἳ ἡσυχαζόντων μὲν ὑμῶν ὀνόματι σπονδαὶ ἔσονται （οὕτω γὰρ ἐνθένδε τε ἄνδρες ἔπραξαν αὐτὰ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων）, σφαλέντων δέ που ἀξιόχρεῳ δυνάμει ταχεῖαν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἡμῖν οἱ ἐχθροὶ ποιήσονται, οἷς πρῶτον μὲν διὰ ξυμφορῶν ἡ ξύμβασις καὶ ἐκ τοῦ αἰσχίονος ἢ ἡμῖν κατ᾽ ἀνάγκην ἐγένετο, ἔπειτα ἐν αὐτῇ ταύτῃ πολλὰ τὰ ἀμφισβητούμενα ἔχομεν. [3] εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἳ οὐδὲ ταύτην πω τὴν ὁμολογίαν ἐδέξαντο, καὶ οὐχ οἱ ἀσθενέστατοι: ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἄντικρυς πολεμοῦσιν, οἱ δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ Λακεδαιμονίους ἔτι ἡσυχάζειν δεχημέροις σπονδαῖς καὶ αὐτοὶ κατέχονται. [4] τάχα δ᾽ ἂν ἴσως, εἰ δίχα ἡμῶν τὴν δύναμιν λάβοιεν, ὅπερ νῦν σπεύδομεν, καὶ πάνυ ἂν ξυνεπιθοῖντο μετὰ Σικελιωτῶν, οὓς πρὸ πολλῶν ἂν ἐτιμήσαντο ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ. [5] ὥστε χρὴ σκοπεῖν τινὰ αὐτὰ καὶ μὴ μετεώρῳ τε <τῇ> πόλει ἀξιοῦν κινδυνεύειν καὶ ἀρχῆς ἄλλης ὀρέγεσθαι πρὶν ἣν ἔχομεν βεβαιωσώμεθα, εἰ Χαλκιδῆς γε οἱ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης ἔτη τοσαῦτα ἀφεστῶτες ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἔτι ἀχείρωτοί εἰσι καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς κατὰ τὰς ἠπείρους ἐνδοιαστῶς ἀκροῶνται. ἡμεῖς δὲ Ἐγεσταίοις δὴ οὖσι ξυμμάχοις ὡς ἀδικουμένοις ὀξέως βοηθοῦμεν: ὑφ᾽ ὧν δ᾽ αὐτοὶ πάλαι ἀφεστώτων ἀδικούμεθα, ἔτι μέλλομεν ἀμύνεσθαι.
10. "For I say that going thither you leave many enemies here behind you, and more you endeavour to draw hither. [2] You perhaps think that the league will be firm that you have made with the Lacedaemonians; which, though as long as you stir not, may continue a league in name (for so some have made it of their own side ), yet if any considerable forces of ours chance to miscarry, our enemies will soon renew the war, as having made the peace constrained by calamities, and upon terms of more dishonour and necessity than ourselves; besides, in the league itself we have many things controverted. And some there be that refuse utterly to accept it, and they none of the weakest; [3] whereof some are now in open war against us, and others, because the Lacedaemonians stir not, maintain only a truce with us from ten to ten days, and so are contented yet to hold their hands. [4] But, peradventure, when they shall hear that our power is distracted, which is the thing we now hasten to do, they will be glad to join in the war with the Sicilians against us, the confederacy of whom they would heretofore have valued above many other. [5] It behoveth us therefore to consider of these things and not to run into new dangers when the state of our own city hangeth unsettled, nor seek a new dominion before we assure that which we already have. For the Chalcideans of Thrace, after so many years' revolt, are yet unreduced; and from others in divers parts of the continent we have but doubtful obedience. But the Egestaeans, being forsooth our confederates and wronged, they in all haste must be aided; though to right us on those by whom we have a long time ourselves been wronged, that we defer.
πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐς τὸ ἀσφαλές, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐπιόντος
101. τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ ἀπὸ τοῦ κύκλου ἐτείχιζον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν κρημνὸν τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἕλους, ὃς τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν ταύτῃ πρὸς τὸν μέγαν λιμένα ὁρᾷ, καὶ ᾗπερ αὐτοῖς βραχύτατον ἐγίγνετο καταβᾶσι διὰ τοῦ ὁμαλοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἕλους ἐς τὸν λιμένα τὸ περιτείχισμα. [2] καὶ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐν τούτῳ ἐξελθόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀπεσταύρουν αὖθις ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως διὰ μέσου τοῦ ἕλους, καὶ τάφρον ἅμα παρώρυσσον, ὅπως μὴ οἷόν τε ᾖ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις μέχρι τῆς θαλάσσης ἀποτειχίσαι. [3] οἱ δ᾽, ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρὸς τὸν κρημνὸν αὐτοῖς ἐξείργαστο, ἐπιχειροῦσιν αὖθις τῷ τῶν Συρακοσίων σταυρώματι καὶ τάφρῳ, τὰς μὲν ναῦς κελεύσαντες περιπλεῦσαι ἐκ τῆς Θάψου ἐς τὸν μέγαν λιμένα τὸν τῶν Συρακοσίων, αὐτοὶ δὲ περὶ ὄρθρον καταβάντες ἀπὸ τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν ἐς τὸ ὁμαλὸν καὶ διὰ τοῦ ἕλους, ᾗ πηλῶδες ἦν καὶ στεριφώτατον, θύρας καὶ ξύλα πλατέα ἐπιθέντες καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν διαβαδίσαντες, αἱροῦσιν ἅμα ἕῳ τό τε σταύρωμα πλὴν ὀλίγου καὶ τὴν τάφρον, καὶ ὕστερον καὶ τὸ ὑπολειφθὲν εἷλον. [4] καὶ μάχη ἐγένετο, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ ἐνίκων οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. καὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων οἱ μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας ἔχοντες πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔφευγον, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ εὐωνύμῳ παρὰ τὸν ποταμόν. καὶ αὐτοὺς βουλόμενοι ἀποκλῄσασθαι τῆς διαβάσεως οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων τριακόσιοι λογάδες δρόμῳ ἠπείγοντο πρὸς τὴν γέφυραν. [5] δείσαντες δὲ οἱ Συρακόσιοι （ἦσαν γὰρ καὶ τῶν ἱππέων αὐτοῖς οἱ πολλοὶ ἐνταῦθα） ὁμόσε χωροῦσι τοῖς τριακοσίοις τούτοις, καὶ τρέπουσί τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐσβάλλουσιν ἐς τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας τῶν Ἀθηναίων: καὶ προσπεσόντων αὐτῶν ξυνεφοβήθη καὶ ἡ πρώτη φυλὴ τοῦ κέρως. [6] ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Λάμαχος παρεβοήθει ἀπὸ τοῦ εὐωνύμου τοῦ ἑαυτῶν μετὰ τοξοτῶν τε οὐ πολλῶν καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους παραλαβών, καὶ ἐπιδιαβὰς τάφρον τινὰ καὶ μονωθεὶς μετ᾽ ὀλίγων τῶν ξυνδιαβάντων ἀποθνῄσκει αὐτός τε καὶ πέντε ἢ ἓξ τῶν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. καὶ τούτους μὲν οἱ Συρακόσιοι εὐθὺς κατὰ τάχος φθάνουσιν ἁρπάσαντες πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐς τὸ ἀσφαλές, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐπιόντος ἤδη καὶ τοῦ ἄλλου στρατεύματος τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπεχώρουν.
101. The next day, the Athenians, beginning at their circular wall, built onwards to that crag over the marshes, which on that part of Epipolae looketh to the great haven, and by which the way to the haven, for their wall to come through the plain and marsh, was the shortest. [2] As this was doing, the Syracusians came out again and made another pallisado, beginning at the city, through the middle of the marsh, and a ditch at the side of it, to exclude the Athenians from bringing their wall to the sea. [3] But the Athenians, when they had finished their work as far as to the crag, assaulted the pallisado and trench of the Syracusians again. And having commanded their galleys to be brought about from Thapsus into the great haven of Syracuse, about break of day went straight down into the plain, and passing through the marsh, where the ground was clay and firmest, [and partly] upon boards and planks, won both the trench and pallisado, all but a small part, betimes in the morning, and the rest not long after. [4] And here also they fought, and the victory fell to the Athenians; the Syracusians, those of the right wing, fled to the city, and they of the left, to the river. The three hundred chosen Athenians, desiring to cut off their passage, marched at high speed towards the bridge. [5] But the Syracusians, fearing to be prevented (for most of the horsemen were in this number), set upon these three hundred, and putting them to flight, drave them upon the right wing of the Athenians, and following, affrighted also the foremost guard of the wing. [6] Lamachus, seeing this, came to aid them with a few archers from the left wing of their own and with [all] the Argives, and passing over a certain ditch, having but few with him, was deserted and slain with some six or seven more. These the Syracusians hastily snatched up and carried into a place of safety beyond the river; and when they saw the rest of the Athenian army coming towards them, they departed.
5,1: τὸ δὲ ἀσφαλές, καὶ μένειν, ἤν τι προχωρῇ, καὶ ἀπελθεῖν, αἱ νῆες παρέξουσιν / 7,3: τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀσφαλέστατα τούτους οἰκεῖν οἳ ἂν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἤθεσι καὶ νόμοις
18. ὥστε τί ἂν λέγοντες εἰκὸς ἢ αὐτοὶ ἀποκνοῖμεν ἢ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκεῖ ξυμμάχους σκηπτόμενοι μὴ βοηθοῖμεν; οἷς χρεών, ἐπειδή γε καὶ ξυνωμόσαμεν, ἐπαμύνειν, καὶ μὴ ἀντιτιθέναι ὅτι οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνοι ἡμῖν. οὐ γὰρ ἵνα δεῦρο ἀντιβοηθῶσι προσεθέμεθα αὐτούς, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα τοῖς ἐκεῖ ἐχθροῖς ἡμῶν λυπηροὶ ὄντες δεῦρο κωλύωσιν αὐτοὺς ἐπιέναι. [2] τήν τε ἀρχὴν οὕτως ἐκτησάμεθα καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ ὅσοι δὴ ἄλλοι ἦρξαν, παραγιγνόμενοι προθύμως τοῖς αἰεὶ ἢ βαρβάροις ἢ Ἕλλησιν ἐπικαλουμένοις, ἐπεὶ εἴ γε ἡσυχάζοιεν πάντες ἢ φυλοκρινοῖεν οἷς χρεὼν βοηθεῖν, βραχὺ ἄν τι προσκτώμενοι αὐτῇ περὶ αὐτῆς ἂν ταύτης μᾶλλον κινδυνεύοιμεν. τὸν γὰρ προύχοντα οὐ μόνον ἐπιόντα τις ἀμύνεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅπως μὴ ἔπεισι προκαταλαμβάνει. [3] καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ταμιεύεσθαι ἐς ὅσον βουλόμεθα ἄρχειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνάγκη, ἐπειδήπερ ἐν τῷδε καθέσταμεν, τοῖς μὲν ἐπιβουλεύειν, τοὺς δὲ μὴ ἀνιέναι, διὰ τὸ ἀρχθῆναι ἂν ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων αὐτοῖς κίνδυνον εἶναι, εἰ μὴ αὐτοὶ ἄλλων ἄρχοιμεν. καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐπισκεπτέον ὑμῖν τοῖς ἄλλοις τὸ ἥσυχον, εἰ μὴ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα ἐς τὸ ὁμοῖον μεταλήψεσθε. [4]
‘λογισάμενοι οὖν τάδε μᾶλλον αὐξήσειν, ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνα ἢν ἴωμεν, ποιώμεθα τὸν πλοῦν, ἵνα Πελοποννησίων τε στορέσωμεν τὸ φρόνημα, εἰ δόξομεν ὑπεριδόντες τὴν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἡσυχίαν καὶ ἐπὶ Σικελίαν πλεῦσαι: καὶ ἅμα ἢ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τῶν ἐκεῖ προσγενομένων πάσης τῷ εἰκότι ἄρξομεν, ἢ κακώσομέν γε Συρακοσίους, ἐν ᾧ καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ὠφελησόμεθα. [5] τὸ δὲ ἀσφαλές, καὶ μένειν, ἤν τι προχωρῇ, καὶ ἀπελθεῖν, αἱ νῆες παρέξουσιν: ναυκράτορες γὰρ ἐσόμεθα καὶ ξυμπάντων Σικελιωτῶν. [6] καὶ μὴ ὑμᾶς ἡ Νικίου τῶν λόγων ἀπραγμοσύνη καὶ διάστασις τοῖς νέοις ἐς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἀποτρέψῃ, τῷ δὲ εἰωθότι κόσμῳ, ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἅμα νέοι γεραιτέροις βουλεύοντες ἐς τάδε ἦραν αὐτά, καὶ νῦν τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ πειρᾶσθε προαγαγεῖν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ νομίσατε νεότητα μὲν καὶ γῆρας ἄνευ ἀλλήλων μηδὲν δύνασθαι, ὁμοῦ δὲ τό τε φαῦλον καὶ τὸ μέσον καὶ τὸ πάνυ ἀκριβὲς ἂν ξυγκραθὲν μάλιστ᾽ ἂν ἰσχύειν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἐὰν μὲν ἡσυχάζῃ, τρίψεσθαί τε αὐτὴν περὶ αὑτὴν ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλο τι, καὶ πάντων τὴν ἐπιστήμην ἐγγηράσεσθαι, ἀγωνιζομένην δὲ αἰεὶ προσλήψεσθαί τε τὴν ἐμπειρίαν καὶ τὸ ἀμύνεσθαι οὐ λόγῳ ἀλλ᾽ ἔργῳ μᾶλλον ξύνηθες ἕξειν. [7] παράπαν τε γιγνώσκω πόλιν μὴ ἀπράγμονα τάχιστ᾽ ἄν μοι δοκεῖν ἀπραγμοσύνης μεταβολῇ διαφθαρῆναι, καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀσφαλέστατα τούτους οἰκεῖν οἳ ἂν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἤθεσι καὶ νόμοις, ἢν καὶ χείρω ᾖ, ἥκιστα διαφόρως πολιτεύωσιν.’
18. "What therefore can we allege with any probability for our backwardness; or what can we pretend unto our confederates for denying them assistance? Whom we ought to defend, were it but because we have sworn it to them, without objecting that they have not reciprocally aided us. For we took them not into league that they should come hither with their aids, but that by troubling our enemies there they might hinder them from coming hither against us. [2] And the way whereby we, and whosoever else hath dominion hath gotten it, hath ever been the cheerful succouring of their associates that required it, whether they were Greeks or barbarians. For if we should all sit still, or stand to make choice which were fit to be assisted and which not, we should have little under our government of the estates of other men, but rather hazard our own. [3] For when one is grown mightier than the rest, men use not only to defend themselves against him when he shall invade, but to anticipate him, that he invade not at all. Nor is it in our power to be our own carvers how much we will have subject to us; but considering the case we are in, it is as necessary for us to seek to subdue those that are not under our dominion, as to keep so those that are; lest if others be not subject to us, we fall in danger of being subjected unto them. [4] Nor are we to weigh quietness in the same balance that others do, unless also the institution of this state were like unto that of other states. Let us rather make reckoning by enterprising abroad to increase our power at home, and proceed on our voyage that we may cast down the haughty conceit of the Peloponnesians and show them the contempt and slight account we make of our present ease by undertaking this our expedition into Sicily. [5] Whereby, either conquering those states we shall become masters of all Greece, or weaken the Syracusians, to the benefit of ourselves and our confederates. And for our security to stay, if any city shall come to our side, or to come away if otherwise, our galleys will afford it. [6] For in that we shall be at our own liberty, though all the Sicilians together were against it.
‘Let not the speech of Nicias, tending only to laziness and to the stirring of debate between the young men and the old, avert you from it; but with the same decency wherewith your ancestors, consulting young and old together, have brought our dominion to the present height, endeavour you likewise to enlarge the same. And think not that youth or age, one without the other, is of any effect, but that the simplest, the middle sort, and the exactest judgments tempered together is it that doth the greatest good; and that a state as well as any other thing will, if it rest, wear out of itself, and all men's knowledge decay; whereas by the exercise of war experience will continually increase, and the city will get a habit of resisting the enemy, not with words, but action. [7] In sum, this is my opinion: that a state accustomed to be active, if it once grow idle, will quickly be subjected by the change; and that they of all men are most surely planted that with most unity observe the present laws and customs, though not always of the best.’
ὅτι ἐλάχιστα τῇ τύχῃ παραδοὺς ἐμαυτὸν βούλομαι ἐκπλεῖν, παρασκευῇ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν εἰκότων ἀσφαλὴς ἐκπλεῦσαι.
23. ἢν γὰρ αὐτοὶ ἔλθωμεν ἐνθένδε μὴ ἀντίπαλον μόνον παρασκευασάμενοι,πλήν γε πρὸς τὸ μάχιμον αὐτῶν, τὸ ὁπλιτικόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπερβάλλοντες τοῖς πᾶσι, μόλις οὕτως οἷοί τε ἐσόμεθα τῶν μὲν κρατεῖν, τὰ δὲ καὶ διασῶσαι. [2] πόλιν τε νομίσαι χρὴ ἐν ἀλλοφύλοις καὶ πολεμίοις οἰκιοῦντας ἰέναι, οὓς πρέπει τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ᾗ ἂν κατάσχωσιν εὐθὺς κρατεῖν τῆς γῆς, ἢ εἰδέναι ὅτι, ἢν σφάλλωνται, πάντα πολέμια ἕξουσιν. [3] ὅπερ ἐγὼ φοβούμενος, καὶ εἰδὼς πολλὰ μὲν ἡμᾶς δέον εὖ βουλεύσασθαι, ἔτι δὲ πλείω εὐτυχῆσαι （χαλεπὸν δὲ ἀνθρώπους ὄντας）, ὅτι ἐλάχιστα τῇ τύχῃ παραδοὺς ἐμαυτὸν βούλομαι ἐκπλεῖν, παρασκευῇ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν εἰκότων ἀσφαλὴς ἐκπλεῦσαι. ταῦτα γὰρ τῇ τε ξυμπάσῃ πόλει βεβαιότατα ἡγοῦμαι καὶ ἡμῖν τοῖς στρατευσομένοις σωτήρια. εἰ δέ τῳ ἄλλως δοκεῖ, παρίημι αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχήν.’
23. ‘For although we go thither with an army not only equal unto theirs, but also (excepting their men of arms for battle) in everything exceeding it, yet so shall we scarce be able both to overcome them and withal to preserve our own. [2] We must also make account that we go to inhabit some city in that foreign and hostile country, and either the first day we come thither to be presently masters of the field, or failing, be assured to find all in hostility against us. [3] Which fearing, and knowing that the business requires much good advice and more good fortune (which is a hard matter, being we are but men), I would so set forth as to commit myself to fortune as little as I may and take with me an army that in likelihood should be secure. [4] And this I conceive to be both the surest course for the city in general and the safest for us that go the voyage. If any man be of a contrary opinion, I resign him my place.’
2, Z. 1: εἰ ἀναγκάζοιτο στρατεύεσθαι, μάλιστ’ <ἂν> οὕτως ἀσφαλῶς ἐκπλεῦσαι / 3, Z. 1: εὖ τε γὰρ παραινέσαι ἔδοξε καὶ ἀσφάλεια νῦν δὴ καὶ πολλὴ ἔσεσθαι
24 ὁ μὲν Νικίας τοσαῦτα εἶπε νομίζων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τῷ πλήθει τῶν πραγμάτων ἢ ἀποτρέψειν ἤ, εἰ ἀναγκάζοιτο στρατεύεσθαι, μάλιστ᾽ <ἂν> οὕτως ἀσφαλῶς ἐκπλεῦσαι: [2] οἱ δὲ τὸ μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦν τοῦ πλοῦ οὐκ ἐξῃρέθησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ ὀχλώδους τῆς παρασκευῆς, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὥρμηντο, καὶ τοὐναντίον περιέστη αὐτῷ: εὖ τε γὰρ παραινέσαι ἔδοξε καὶ ἀσφάλεια νῦν δὴ καὶ πολλὴ ἔσεσθαι. [3] καὶ ἔρως ἐνέπεσε τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁμοίως ἐκπλεῦσαι: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ πρεσβυτέροις ὡς ἢ καταστρεψομένοις ἐφ᾽ ἃ ἔπλεον ἢ οὐδὲν ἂν σφαλεῖσαν μεγάλην δύναμιν, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ τῆς τε ἀπούσης πόθῳ ὄψεως καὶ θεωρίας, καὶ εὐέλπιδες ὄντες σωθήσεσθαι: ὁ δὲ πολὺς ὅμιλος καὶ στρατιώτης ἔν τε τῷ παρόντι ἀργύριον οἴσειν καὶ προσκτήσεσθαι δύναμιν ὅθεν ἀίδιον μισθοφορὰν ὑπάρξειν. [4] ὥστε διὰ τὴν ἄγαν τῶν πλεόνων ἐπιθυμίαν, εἴ τῳ ἄρα καὶ μὴ ἤρεσκε, δεδιὼς μὴ ἀντιχειροτονῶν κακόνους δόξειεν εἶναι τῇ πόλει ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν.
24. Thus spake Nicias, imagining that either the Athenians would, upon the multitude of the things required, abandon the enterprise; or if he were forced to go, he might go with the more security. [2] But the Athenians gave not over the desire they had of the voyage for the difficulty of the preparation, but were the more inflamed thereby to have it proceed; and the contrary fell out of that which he before expected. For they approved his counsel and thought now there would be no danger at all. [3] And every one alike fell in love with the enterprise: the old men, upon hope to subdue the place they went to, or that at least so great a power could not miscarry; and the young men, upon desire to see a foreign country and to gaze, making little doubt but to return with safety. As for the common sort and the soldiers, they made account to gain by it not only their wages for the time, but also so to amplify the state in power as that their stipend should endure forever. [4] So that through the vehement desire thereunto of the most, they also that liked it not, for fear if they held up their hands against it to be thought evil-affected to the state, were content to let it pass.
τὸ δ’ ἤδη τὰς μετὰ φόβου παρασκευὰς ἀσφαλεστάτας νομίσαντας ὡς ἐπὶ κινδύνου πράσσειν
34. ‘θαρσοῦντες οὖν τά τε αὐτοῦ παρασκευαζώμεθα καὶ ἐς τοὺς Σικελοὺς πέμποντες τοὺς μὲν μᾶλλον βεβαιωσώμεθα, τοῖς δὲ φιλίαν καὶ ξυμμαχίαν πειρώμεθα ποιεῖσθαι, ἔς τε τὴν ἄλλην Σικελίαν πέμπωμεν πρέσβεις δηλοῦντες ὡς κοινὸς ὁ κίνδυνος, καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ὅπως ἢ ξυμμαχίαν ποιώμεθα ἡμῖν ἢ μὴ δέχωνται Ἀθηναίους. [2] δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἄμεινον εἶναι πέμψαι: οὐ γὰρ ἀνέλπιστον αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ διὰ φόβου εἰσὶ μή ποτε Ἀθηναῖοι αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔλθωσιν, ὥστε τάχ᾽ ἂν ἴσως νομίσαντες, εἰ τάδε προήσονται, κἂν σφεῖς ἐν πόνῳ εἶναι, ἐθελήσειαν ἡμῖν ἤτοι κρύφα γε ἢ φανερῶς ἢ ἐξ ἑνός γέ του τρόπου ἀμῦναι. δυνατοὶ δὲ εἰσὶ μάλιστα τῶν νῦν, βουληθέντες: χρυσὸν γὰρ καὶ ἄργυρον πλεῖστον κέκτηνται, ὅθεν ὅ τε πόλεμος καὶ τἆλλα εὐπορεῖ. [3] πέμπωμεν δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα καὶ ἐς Κόρινθον δεόμενοι δεῦρο κατὰ τάχος βοηθεῖν καὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ πόλεμον κινεῖν. [4] ὃ δὲ μάλιστα ἐγώ τε νομίζω ἐπίκαιρον ὑμεῖς τε διὰ τὸ ξύνηθες ἥσυχον ἥκιστ᾽ ἂν ὀξέως πείθοισθε, ὅμως εἰρήσεται. Σικελιῶται γὰρ εἰ ἐθέλοιμεν ξύμπαντες, εἰ δὲ μή, ὅτι πλεῖστοι μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν, καθελκύσαντες ἅπαν τὸ ὑπάρχον ναυτικὸν μετὰ δυοῖν μηνοῖν τροφῆς ἀπαντῆσαι Ἀθηναίοις ἐς Τάραντα καὶ ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν, καὶ δῆλον ποιῆσαι αὐτοῖς ὅτι οὐ περὶ τῆς Σικελίας πρότερον ἔσται ὁ ἀγὼν ἢ τοῦ ἐκείνους περαιωθῆναι τὸν Ἰόνιον, μάλιστ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐκπλήξαιμεν καὶ ἐς λογισμὸν καταστήσαιμεν ὅτι ὁρμώμεθα μὲν ἐκ φιλίας χώρας φύλακες （ὑποδέχεται γὰρ ἡμᾶς Τάρας）, τὸ δὲ πέλαγος αὐτοῖς πολὺ περαιοῦσθαι μετὰ πάσης τῆς παρασκευῆς, χαλεπὸν δὲ διὰ πλοῦ μῆκος ἐν τάξει μεῖναι, καὶ ἡμῖν ἂν εὐεπίθετος εἴη, βραδεῖά τε καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγον προσπίπτουσα. [5] εἰ δ᾽ αὖ τῷ ταχυναυτοῦντι ἁθροωτέρῳ κουφίσαντες προσβάλοιεν, εἰ μὲν κώπαις χρήσαιντο, ἐπιθοίμεθ᾽ ἂν κεκμηκόσιν, εἰ δὲ μὴ δοκοίη, ἔστι καὶ ὑποχωρῆσαι ἡμῖν ἐς Τάραντα: οἱ δὲ μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἐφοδίων ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίᾳ περαιωθέντες ἀποροῖεν ἂν κατὰ χωρία ἐρῆμα, καὶ ἢ μένοντες πολιορκοῖντο ἂν ἢ πειρώμενοι παραπλεῖν τήν τε ἄλλην παρασκευὴν ἀπολείποιεν ἂν καὶ τὰ τῶν πόλεων οὐκ ἂν βέβαια ἔχοντες, εἰ ὑποδέξοιντο, ἀθυμοῖεν. [6] ὥστ᾽ ἔγωγε τούτῳ τῷ λογισμῷ ἡγοῦμαι ἀποκλῃομένους αὐτοὺς οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἀπᾶραι ἀπὸ Κερκύρας, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ διαβουλευσαμένους καὶ κατασκοπαῖς χρωμένους, ὁπόσοι τ᾽ ἐσμὲν καὶ ἐν ᾧ χωρίῳ, ἐξωσθῆναι ἂν τῇ ὥρᾳ ἐς χειμῶνα, ἢ καταπλαγέντας τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ καταλῦσαι ἂν τὸν πλοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῦ ἐμπειροτάτου τῶν στρατηγῶν, ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκούω, ἄκοντος ἡγουμένου καὶ ἀσμένου ἂν πρόφασιν λαβόντος, εἴ τι ἀξιόχρεων ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν ὀφθείη. [7] ἀγγελλοίμεθα δ᾽ ἂν εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι ἐπὶ τὸ πλέον: τῶν δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων πρὸς τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ αἱ γνῶμαι ἵστανται, καὶ τοὺς προεπιχειροῦντας ἢ τοῖς γε ἐπιχειροῦσι προδηλοῦντας ὅτι ἀμυνοῦνται μᾶλλον πεφόβηνται, ἰσοκινδύνους ἡγούμενοι. [8] ὅπερ ἂν νῦν Ἀθηναῖοι πάθοιεν. ἐπέρχονται γὰρ ἡμῖν ὡς οὐκ ἀμυνουμένοις, δικαίως κατεγνωκότες ὅτι αὐτοὺς οὐ μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐφθείρομεν: εἰ δ᾽ ἴδοιεν παρὰ γνώμην τολμήσαντας, τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ μᾶλλον ἂν καταπλαγεῖεν ἢ τῇ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς δυνάμει. [9]
‘πείθεσθε οὖν μάλιστα μὲν ταῦτα τολμήσαντες, εἰ δὲ μή, ὅτι τάχιστα τἆλλα ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἑτοιμάζειν, καὶ παραστῆναι παντὶ τὸ μὲν καταφρονεῖν τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἐν τῶν ἔργων τῇ ἀλκῇ δείκνυσθαι, τὸ δ᾽ ἤδη τὰς μετὰ φόβου παρασκευὰς ἀσφαλεστάτας νομίσαντας ὡς ἐπὶ κινδύνου πράσσειν χρησιμώτατον ἂν ξυμβῆναι. οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες καὶ ἐπέρχονται καὶ ἐν πλῷ εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι ἤδη εἰσὶ καὶ ὅσον οὔπω πάρεισιν.’
34. ‘Let us therefore with courage put in readiness our own forces; let us send to the Siculi to confirm those we have, and to make peace and league with others; and let us send ambassadors to the rest of Sicily to show them that it is a common danger, and into Italy to get them into our league, or at least that they receive not the Athenians. [2] And in my judgment it were our best course to send also to Carthage, for even they are not without expectation of the same danger. Nay, they are in a continual fear that the Athenians will bring war upon them also, even to their city. So that upon apprehension that if they neglect us the trouble will come home to their own door, they will perhaps, either secretly or openly or some way assist us. And of all that now are, they are the best able to do it, if they please. For they have the most gold and silver, by which the wars and all things else are the best expedited. [3] Let us also send to Lacedaemon and to Corinth, praying them not only to send their succours hither with speed, but also to set on foot the war there. [4] But that which I think the best course of all, though through an habit of sitting still you will hardly be brought to it, I will nevertheless now tell you what it is. If the Sicilians all together, or if not all, yet if we and most of the rest, should draw together our whole navy, and with two months' provision go and meet the Athenians at Tarentum and the promontory of Iapygia, and let them see that they must fight for their passage over the Ionian gulf before they fight for Sicily, it would both terrify them the most and also put them into a consideration that we, as the watchmen of our country, come upon them out of an amicable territory (for we shall be received at Tarentum), whereas they themselves have a great deal of sea to pass with all their preparations and cannot keep themselves in their order for the length of the voyage; and that for us it will be an easy matter to assail them, coming up slowly as they do and thin. [5] Again, if lightening their galleys, they shall come up to us more nimbly and more close together, we shall charge upon them already wearied, or we may, if we please, retire again into Tarentum. Whereas they, if they come over but with a part of their provisions, as to fight at sea, shall be driven into want of victuals in those desert parts, and either staying be there besieged, or, attempting to go by, leave behind them the rest of their provision, and be dejected, as not assured of the cities whether they will receive them or not. [6] I am therefore of opinion that dismayed with this reckoning they will either not put over at all from Corcyra, or whilst they spend time in deliberating and in sending out to explore how many and in what place we are, the season will be lost and winter come; or deterred with our unlookedfor opposition, they will give over the voyage. And the rather for that as I hear the man of most experience amongst their commanders hath the charge against his will and would take a light occasion to return if he saw any considerable stop made by us in the way. [7] And I am very sure we should be voiced amongst them to the utmost. And as the reports are, so are men's minds; and they fear more such as they hear will begin with them than such as give out that they will no more but defend themselves, because then they think the danger equal. [8] Which would be now the case of the Athenians. For they come against us with an opinion that we will not fight, deservedly contemning us because we joined not with the Lacedaemonians to pull them down. [9] But if they should see us once bolder than they looked for, they would be terrified more with the unexpectedness than with the truth of our power itself. Be persuaded therefore, principally to dare to do this, or if not this, yet speedily to make yourselves otherwise ready for the war, and every man to remember that though to show contempt of the enemy be best in the heat of fight, yet those preparations are the surest that are made with fear and opinion of danger. As for the Athenians, they come; and I am sure are already in the way and want only that they are not now here.’
πολλῷ τῷ περιόντι τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς κατεκράτησε, καὶ οὐχ ὡς ἀδελφὸς νεώτερος ὢν ἠπόρησεν
55. ὅτι δὲ πρεσβύτατος ὢν Ἱππίας ἦρξεν, εἰδὼς μὲν καὶ ἀκοῇ ἀκριβέστερον ἄλλων ἰσχυρίζομαι, γνοίη δ᾽ ἄν τις καὶ αὐτῷ τούτῳ: παῖδες γὰρ αὐτῷ μόνῳ φαίνονται τῶν γνησίων ἀδελφῶν γενόμενοι, ὡς ὅ τε βωμὸς σημαίνει καὶ ἡ στήλη περὶ τῆς τῶν τυράννων ἀδικίας ἡ ἐν τῇ Ἀθηναίων ἀκροπόλει σταθεῖσα, ἐν ᾗ Θεσσαλοῦ μὲν οὐδ᾽ Ἱππάρχου οὐδεὶς παῖς γέγραπται, Ἱππίου δὲ πέντε, οἳ αὐτῷ ἐκ Μυρρίνης τῆς Καλλίου τοῦ Ὑπεροχίδου θυγατρὸς ἐγένοντο: εἰκὸς γὰρ ἦν τὸν πρεσβύτατον πρῶτον γῆμαι. [2] καὶ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ στήλῃ πρῶτος γέγραπται μετὰ τὸν πατέρα, οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀπεοικότως διὰ τὸ πρεσβεύειν τε ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τυραννεῦσαι. [3] οὐ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἂν κατασχεῖν μοι δοκεῖ ποτὲ Ἱππίας τὸ παραχρῆμα ῥᾳδίως τὴν τυραννίδα, εἰ Ἵππαρχος μὲν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ ὢν ἀπέθανεν, αὐτὸς δὲ αὐθημερὸν καθίστατο: ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τὸ πρότερον ξύνηθες τοῖς μὲν πολίταις φοβερόν, ἐς δὲ τοὺς ἐπικούρους ἀκριβές, πολλῷ τῷ περιόντι τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς κατεκράτησε, καὶ οὐχ ὡς ἀδελφὸς νεώτερος ὢν ἠπόρησεν, ἐν ᾧ οὐ πρότερον ξυνεχῶς ὡμιλήκει τῇ ἀρχῇ. [4] Ἱππάρχῳ δὲ ξυνέβη τοῦ πάθους τῇ δυστυχίᾳ ὀνομασθέντα καὶ τὴν δόξαν τῆς τυραννίδος ἐς τὰ ἔπειτα προσλαβεῖν.
55. And that Hippias, being the elder brother, had the government, I can affirm, as knowing it by a more exact relation than other men; and it may be known also by this: It appears that of all the legitimate brethren, this only had children, as is both signified by the altar and also by that pillar which for a testimony of the injustice of the tyrants was erected in the Athenian citadel. In which there is no mention of any son of Thessalus or of Hipparchus, but of five sons of Hippias, which he had by Myrrhine, the daughter of Callias, the son of Hyperechidas; [2] for it is probable that the eldest was first married. And in the forepart of the pillar, his name after his father's was the first, not without reason, as being both next him in age and having also enjoyed the tyranny. [3] Nor indeed could Hippias have easily taken on him the government on a sudden, if his brother had died seized of the tyranny, and he been the same day to settle it on himself. Whereas he retained the same with abundant security, both for the customary fear in the people and diligence in the guard, and was not to seek like a younger brother, to whom the government had not continually been familiar. [4] But Hipparchus came to be named for his misfortune, and thereby grew an opinion afterwards that he was also tyrant.
ἦσαν δὲ οὐ πολλοὶ οἱ ξυνομωμοκότες ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα·
56. τὸν δ᾽ οὖν Ἁρμόδιον ἀπαρνηθέντα τὴν πείρασιν, ὥσπερ διενοεῖτο, προυπηλάκισεν: ἀδελφὴν γὰρ αὐτοῦ κόρην ἐπαγγείλαντες ἥκειν κανοῦν οἴσουσαν ἐν πομπῇ τινί, ἀπήλασαν λέγοντες οὐδὲ ἐπαγγεῖλαι τὴν ἀρχὴν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀξίαν εἶναι. [2] χαλεπῶς δὲ ἐνεγκόντος τοῦ Ἁρμοδίου πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον δι᾽ ἐκεῖνον καὶ ὁ Ἀριστογείτων παρωξύνετο. καὶ αὐτοῖς τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πρὸς τοὺς ξυνεπιθησομένους τῷ ἔργῳ ἐπέπρακτο, περιέμενον δὲ Παναθήναια τὰ μεγάλα, ἐν ᾗ μόνον ἡμέρᾳ οὐχ ὕποπτον ἐγίγνετο ἐν ὅπλοις τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς τὴν πομπὴν πέμψοντας ἁθρόους γενέσθαι: καὶ ἔδει ἄρξαι μὲν αὐτούς, ξυνεπαμύνειν δὲ εὐθὺς τὰ πρὸς τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐκείνους. [3] ἦσαν δὲ οὐ πολλοὶ οἱ ξυνομωμοκότες ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα: ἤλπιζον γὰρ καὶ τοὺς μὴ προειδότας, εἰ καὶ ὁποσοιοῦν τολμήσειαν, ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἔχοντάς γε ὅπλα ἐθελήσειν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ξυνελευθεροῦν.
56. This Harmodius therefore that denied his suit, he disgraced as he before intended. For when some had warned a sister of his, a virgin, to be present to carry a little basket in a procession, they rejected her again when she came and said that they had never warned her at all, as holding her unworthy the honour. [2] This was taken heavily by Harmodius; but Aristogeiton, for his sake, was far more exasperated than he. Whereupon, with the rest of the conspirators, he made all things ready for the execution of the design. Only they were to stay the time of the holiday called the Great Panathenaea, upon which day only such citizens as lead the procession might, without suspicion, be armed in good number. And they were to begin the fact themselves; but the rest were to help them against the halberdiers. [3] Now the conspirators, for their better security, were not many; for they hoped that such also as were not privy to it, if they saw it once undertaken, being upon this occasion armed, would assist in the recovery of their own liberty.
πρὸς τὰ ἔξω ἅμα διεσκοπεῖτο, εἴ ποθεν ἀσφάλειάν τινα ὁρῴη μεταβολῆς γενομένης ὑπάρχουσάν οἱ
59. τοιούτῳ μὲν τρόπῳ δι᾽ ἐρωτικὴν λύπην ἥ τε ἀρχὴ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ ἡ ἀλόγιστος τόλμα ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα περιδεοῦς Ἁρμοδίῳ καὶ Ἀριστογείτονι ἐγένετο. [2] τοῖς δ᾽ Ἀθηναίοις χαλεπωτέρα μετὰ τοῦτο ἡ τυραννὶς κατέστη, καὶ ὁ Ἱππίας διὰ φόβου ἤδη μᾶλλον ὢν τῶν τε πολιτῶν πολλοὺς ἔκτεινε καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἔξω ἅμα διεσκοπεῖτο, εἴ ποθεν ἀσφάλειάν τινα ὁρῴη μεταβολῆς γενομένης ὑπάρχουσάν οἱ. [3] Ἱππόκλου γοῦν τοῦ Λαμψακηνοῦ τυράννου Αἰαντίδῃ τῷ παιδὶ θυγατέρα ἑαυτοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα Ἀρχεδίκην Ἀθηναῖος ὢν Λαμψακηνῷ ἔδωκεν, αἰσθανόμενος αὐτοὺς μέγα παρὰ βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ δύνασθαι. καὶ αὐτῆς σῆμα ἐν Λαμψάκῳ ἐστὶν ἐπίγραμμα ἔχον τόδε: “ἀνδρὸς ἀριστεύσαντος ἐν Ἑλλάδι τῶν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ
Ἱππίου Ἀρχεδίκην ἥδε κέκευθε κόνις,
ἣ πατρός τε καὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀδελφῶν τ᾽ οὖσα τυράννων
παίδων τ᾽ οὐκ ἤρθη νοῦν ἐς ἀτασθαλίην.”
[4] τυραννεύσας δὲ ἔτη τρία Ἱππίας ἔτι Ἀθηναίων καὶ παυθεὶς ἐν τῷ τετάρτῳ ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Ἀλκμεωνιδῶν τῶν φευγόντων, ἐχώρει ὑπόσπονδος ἔς τε Σίγειον καὶ παρ᾽ Αἰαντίδην ἐς Λάμψακον, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ὡς βασιλέα Δαρεῖον, ὅθεν καὶ ὁρμώμενος ἐς Μαραθῶνα ὕστερον ἔτει εἰκοστῷ ἤδη γέρων ὢν μετὰ Μήδων ἐστράτευσεν.
59. Thus was the enterprise first undertaken upon quarrel of love, and then upon a sudden fear followed this unadvised adventure of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. [2] And after this time the tyranny grew sorer to the Athenians than it had been before. And Hippias, standing more in fear, not only put many of the citizens to death, but also cast his eye on the states abroad to see if he might get any security from them in this alteration at home. [3] He therefore afterwards (though an Athenian and to a Lampsacen) gave his daughter Archedice unto Aeantidas, the son of Hippocles, tyrant of Lampsacus, knowing that the Lampsacens were in great favour with King Darius. And her sepulchre is yet to be seen with this inscription:
Archedice, the daughter of King Hippias,
Who in his time
Of all the potentates of Greece was prime,
This dust doth hide.
Daughter, wife, sister, mother unto kings she was,
Yet free from pride.
[4] And Hippias, after he had reigned three years more in Athens, and was in the fourth deposed by the Lacedaemonians and the exiled Alcmaeonides, went under truce to Sigeium, and to Aeantidas at Lampsacus, and thence to King Darius; from whence, twenty years after in his old age, he came to Marathon with the Medan army.
ἐπακολουθήσαντες δὲ ἁθρόοι ὅσον ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε πάλιν ἐπανεχώρουν καὶ τροπαῖον ἵστασαν.
70. γενομένης δ᾽ ἐν χερσὶ τῆς μάχης ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντεῖχον ἀλλήλοις, καὶ ξυνέβη βροντάς τε ἅμα τινὰς γενέσθαι καὶ ἀστραπὰς καὶ ὕδωρ πολύ, ὥστε τοῖς μὲν πρῶτον μαχομένοις καὶ ἐλάχιστα πολέμῳ ὡμιληκόσι καὶ τοῦτο ξυνεπιλαβέσθαι τοῦ φόβου, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐμπειροτέροις τὰ μὲν γιγνόμενα καὶ ὥρᾳ ἔτους περαίνεσθαι δοκεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθεστῶτας πολὺ μείζω ἔκπληξιν μὴ νικωμένους παρέχειν. [2] ὠσαμένων δὲ τῶν Ἀργείων πρῶτον τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὸ κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, παρερρήγνυτο ἤδη καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ ἐς φυγὴν κατέστη. [3] καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν οὐκ ἐδίωξαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι （οἱ γὰρ ἱππῆς τῶν Συρακοσίων πολλοὶ ὄντες καὶ ἀήσσητοι εἶργον, καὶ ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τοὺς ὁπλίτας αὐτῶν, εἴ τινας προδιώκοντας ἴδοιεν, ἀνέστελλον）, ἐπακολουθήσαντες δὲ ἁθρόοι ὅσον ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε πάλιν ἐπανεχώρουν καὶ τροπαῖον ἵστασαν. [4] οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι ἁθροισθέντες ἐς τὴν Ἑλωρίνην ὁδὸν καὶ ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ξυνταξάμενοι ἔς τε τὸ Ὀλυμπιεῖον ὅμως σφῶν αὐτῶν παρέπεμψαν φυλακήν, δείσαντες μὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τῶν χρημάτων ἃ ἦν αὐτόθι κινήσωσι, καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ἐπανεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν.
70. After they were come to hand-strokes, they fought long on both sides. But in the meantime there happened some claps of thunder and flashes of lightning together with a great shower of rain; insomuch as it added to the fear of the Syracusians, that were now fighting their first battle and not familiar with the wars; whereas to the other side that had more experience, the season of the year seemed to expound that accident; [2] and their greatest fear proceeded from the so long resistance of their enemies, in that they were not all this while overcome. When the Argives first had made the left wing of the Syracusians to give ground, and after them the Athenians had also done the like to those that were arranged against them, then the rest of the Syracusian army was presently broken and put to flight. [3] But the Athenians pursued them not far, because the Syracusian horsemen, being many and unvanquished, whensoever any men of arms advanced far from the body of the army, charged upon them and still drave them in again; [4] but having followed as far as safely they might in great troops, they retired again and erected a trophy. The Syracusians, having rallied themselves in the Helorine way and recovered their order as well as they could for that time, sent a guard into Olympieium, lest the Athenians should take the treasure there, and returned with the rest of the army into the city.
1, Z. 5) ἀσφαλέστερον ὅσῳ οὐ προδιεφθαρμένου ἐμοῦ / 2, Z. 4) περιγενέσθαι δὲ ἕνεκα τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀσφαλείας
78. καὶ εἴ τῳ ἄρα παρέστηκε τὸν μὲν Συρακόσιον, ἑαυτὸν δ᾽ οὒ πολέμιον εἶναι τῷ Ἀθηναίῳ, καὶ δεινὸν ἡγεῖται ὑπέρ γε τῆς ἐμῆς κινδυνεύειν, ἐνθυμηθήτω οὐ περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς μᾶλλον, ἐν ἴσῳ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἅμα ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ μαχούμενος, τοσούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον ὅσῳ οὐ προδιεφθαρμένου ἐμοῦ, ἔχων δὲ ξύμμαχον ἐμὲ καὶ οὐκ ἐρῆμος ἀγωνιεῖται: τόν τε Ἀθηναῖον μὴ τὴν τοῦ Συρακοσίου ἔχθραν κολάσασθαι, τῇ δ᾽ ἐμῇ προφάσει τὴν ἐκείνου φιλίαν οὐχ ἧσσον βεβαιώσασθαι βούλεσθαι. [2] εἴ τέ τις φθονεῖ μὲν ἢ καὶ φοβεῖται （ἀμφότερα γὰρ τάδε πάσχει τὰ μείζω）, διὰ δὲ αὐτὰ τὰς Συρακούσας κακωθῆναι μὲν ἵνα σωφρονισθῶμεν βούλεται, περιγενέσθαι δὲ ἕνεκα τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀσφαλείας, οὐκ ἀνθρωπίνης δυνάμεως βούλησιν ἐλπίζει: οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε ἅμα τῆς τε ἐπιθυμίας καὶ τῆς τύχης τὸν αὐτὸν ὁμοίως ταμίαν γενέσθαι. [3] καὶ εἰ γνώμῃ ἁμάρτοι, τοῖς αὑτοῦ κακοῖς ὀλοφυρθεὶς τάχ᾽ ἂν ἴσως καὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ποτὲ βουληθείη αὖθις φθονῆσαι. ἀδύνατον δὲ προεμένῳ καὶ μὴ τοὺς αὐτοὺς κινδύνους οὐ περὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ περὶ τῶν ἔργων, ἐθελήσαντι προσλαβεῖν: λόγῳ μὲν γὰρ τὴν ἡμετέραν δύναμιν σῴζοι ἄν τις, ἔργῳ δὲ τὴν αὑτοῦ σωτηρίαν. [4] καὶ μάλιστα εἰκὸς ἦν ὑμᾶς, ὦ Καμαριναῖοι, ὁμόρους ὄντας καὶ τὰ δεύτερα κινδυνεύσοντας προορᾶσθαι αὐτὰ καὶ μὴ μαλακῶς ὥσπερ νῦν ξυμμαχεῖν, αὐτοὺς δὲ πρὸς ἡμᾶς μᾶλλον ἰόντας, ἅπερ ἂν εἰ ἐς τὴν Καμαριναίαν πρῶτον ἀφίκοντο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι δεόμενοι ἂν ἐπεκαλεῖσθε, ταῦτα ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου καὶ νῦν παρακελευομένους ὅπως μηδὲν ἐνδώσομεν φαίνεσθαι. ἀλλ᾽ οὔθ᾽ ὑμεῖς νῦν γέ πω οὔθ᾽ οἱ ἄλλοι ἐπὶ ταῦτα ὥρμησθε.
78. "If any therefore be of this opinion, that it is not he but the Syracusian that is the Athenian's enemy, and thinketh it a hard matter that he should endanger himself for the territory that is mine, I would have him to consider that he is to fight not chiefly for mine, but equally for his own in mine, and with the more safety for that I am not destroyed before and he thereby destitute of my help, but stand with him in the battle. Let him also consider that the Athenians come not hither to punish the Syracusians for being enemies to you, but by pretence of me to make himself the stronger by your friendship. [2] If any man here envieth or also feareth us (for the strongest are still liable unto both), and would therefore wish that the Syracusians might be weakened to make them more modest, but not vanquished for their own safety's sake, that man hath conceived a hope beyond the power of man. For it is not reasonable that the same man should be the disposer both of his desires and of his fortune. [3] And if his aim should fail him, he might, deploring his own misery, peradventure wish to enjoy my prosperity again. But this will not be possible to him that shall abandon me and not undertake the same dangers, though not in title, yet in effect the same that I do. For though it be our power in title, yet in effect it is your own safety you defend. [4] And you men of Camarina, that are borderers and likely to have the second place of danger, you should most of all have foreseen this and not have aided us so dully. You should rather have come to us; and that which, if the Athenians had come first against Camarina, you should in your need have implored at our hands, the same you should now also have been seen equally to hearten us withal to keep us from yielding. But as yet, neither you nor any of the rest have been so forward.
δοκεῖν τῳ ἡμῖν μὲν ἴσην εἶναι, ὑμῖν δὲ ἀσφαλῆ
80. ὥστε οὐχ ἁθρόους γε ὄντας εἰκὸς ἀθυμεῖν, ἰέναι δὲ ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν προθυμότερον, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου παρεσομένης ὠφελίας, οἳ τῶνδε κρείσσους εἰσὶ τὸ παράπαν τὰ πολέμια: καὶ μὴ ἐκείνην τὴν προμηθίαν δοκεῖν τῳ ἡμῖν μὲν ἴσην εἶναι, ὑμῖν δὲ ἀσφαλῆ, τὸ μηδετέροις δὴ ὡς καὶ ἀμφοτέρων ὄντας ξυμμάχους βοηθεῖν. [2] οὐ γὰρ ἔργῳ ἴσον ὥσπερ τῷ δικαιώματί ἐστιν. εἰ γὰρ δι᾽ ὑμᾶς μὴ ξυμμαχήσαντας ὅ τε παθὼν σφαλήσεται καὶ ὁ κρατῶν περιέσται, τί ἄλλο ἢ τῇ αὐτῇ ἀπουσίᾳ τοῖς μὲν οὐκ ἠμύνατε σωθῆναι, τοὺς δὲ οὐκ ἐκωλύσατε κακοὺς γενέσθαι; καίτοι κάλλιον τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις καὶ ἅμα ξυγγενέσι προσθεμένους τήν τε κοινὴν ὠφελίαν τῇ Σικελίᾳ φυλάξαι καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους φίλους δὴ ὄντας μὴ ἐᾶσαι ἁμαρτεῖν. [3] ‘ξυνελόντες τε λέγομεν οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐκδιδάσκειν μὲν οὐδὲν ἔργον εἶναι σαφῶς οὔτε ὑμᾶς οὔτε τοὺς ἄλλους περὶ ὧν αὐτοὶ οὐδὲν χεῖρον γιγνώσκετε: δεόμεθα δὲ καὶ μαρτυρόμεθα ἅμα, εἰ μὴ πείσομεν, ὅτι ἐπιβουλευόμεθα μὲν ὑπὸ Ἰώνων αἰεὶ πολεμίων, προδιδόμεθα δὲ ὑπὸ ὑμῶν Δωριῆς Δωριῶν. [4] καὶ εἰ καταστρέψονται ἡμᾶς Ἀθηναῖοι, ταῖς μὲν ὑμετέραις γνώμαις κρατήσουσι, τῷ δ᾽ αὑτῶν ὀνόματι τιμηθήσονται, καὶ τῆς νίκης οὐκ ἄλλον τινὰ ἆθλον ἢ τὸν τὴν νίκην παρασχόντα λήψονται: καὶ εἰ αὖ ἡμεῖς περιεσόμεθα, τῆς αἰτίας τῶν κινδύνων οἱ αὐτοὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν ὑφέξετε. [5] σκοπεῖτε οὖν καὶ αἱρεῖσθε ἤδη ἢ τὴν αὐτίκα ἀκινδύνως δουλείαν ἢ κἂν περιγενόμενοι μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν τούσδε τε μὴ αἰσχρῶς δεσπότας λαβεῖν καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἔχθραν μὴ ἂν βραχεῖαν γενομένην διαφυγεῖν.’
80. ‘There is no reason therefore we should be afraid when we are all together, but that we should have the better will to unite ourselves in a league; and the rather because we are to have aid from Peloponnesus, who every way excel these men in military sufficiency. Nor should you think that your purpose to aid neither, as being in league with both, is either just in respect of us or safe for yourselves; [2] for it is not so just in substance as it is in the pretence. For if through want of your aid the assailed perish and the assailant become victor, what do you by your neutrality but leave the safety of the one undefended and suffer the other to do evil? Whereas it were more noble in you, by joining with the wronged and with your kindred, both to defend the common good of Sicily and keep the Athenians, as your friends, from an act of injustice. [3] To be short, we Syracusians say that to demonstrate plainly to you or to any other the thing you already know is no hard matter; but we pray you, and withal if you reject our words we protest, that whereas the Ionians, who have ever been our enemies, do take counsel against us, you, that are Dorians as well as we, betray us. [4] And if they subdue us, though it be by your counsels that they do it, yet they only shall have the honour of it; and for the prize of their victory, they will have none other but even the authors of their victory; but if the victory fall unto us, even you also, the cause of this our danger, shall undergo the penalty. [5] Consider therefore now and take your choice whether you will have the servitude without the present danger, or saving yourselves with us, both avoid the dishonour of having a master and escape our enmity, which is likely otherwise to be lasting.’
2, Z. 5) τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα καὶ ἐνθάδε παρόντες ὁρῶμεν / 4, Z. 3) μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἀσφαλῶς καταστησόμενοι
83. ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἄξιοί τε ὄντες ἅμα ἄρχομεν, ὅτι τε ναυτικὸν πλεῖστόν τε καὶ προθυμίαν ἀπροφάσιστον παρεσχόμεθα ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, καὶ διότι καὶ τῷ Μήδῳ ἑτοίμως τοῦτο δρῶντες οὗτοι ἡμᾶς ἔβλαπτον, ἅμα δὲ τῆς πρὸς Πελοποννησίους ἰσχύος ὀρεγόμενοι. [2] καὶ οὐ καλλιεπούμεθα ὡς ἢ τὸν βάρβαρον μόνοι καθελόντες εἰκότως ἄρχομεν ἢ ἐπ᾽ ἐλευθερίᾳ τῇ τῶνδε μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν ξυμπάντων τε καὶ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ αὐτῶν κινδυνεύσαντες. πᾶσι δὲ ἀνεπίφθονον τὴν προσήκουσαν σωτηρίαν ἐκπορίζεσθαι. καὶ νῦν τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα καὶ ἐνθάδε παρόντες ὁρῶμεν καὶ ὑμῖν ταὐτὰ ξυμφέροντα. [3] ἀποφαίνομεν δὲ ἐξ ὧν οἵδε τε διαβάλλουσι καὶ ὑμεῖς μάλιστα ἐπὶ τὸ φοβερώτερον ὑπονοεῖτε, εἰδότες τοὺς περιδεῶς ὑποπτεύοντάς τι λόγου μὲν ἡδονῇ τὸ παραυτίκα τερπομένους, τῇ δ᾽ ἐγχειρήσει ὕστερον τὰ ξυμφέροντα πράσσοντας. [4] τήν τε γὰρ ἐκεῖ ἀρχὴν εἰρήκαμεν διὰ δέος ἔχειν καὶ τὰ ἐνθάδε διὰ τὸ αὐτὸ ἥκειν μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἀσφαλῶς καταστησόμενοι, καὶ οὐ δουλωσόμενοι, μὴ παθεῖν δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦτο κωλύσοντες.
83. "For these causes we took upon us our dominion over them, both as worthy of the same, in that we brought the greatest fleet and promptest courage to the service of the Grecians, whereas they, with the like promptness in favour of the Medes, did us hurt; and also as being desirous to procure ourselves a strength against the Peloponnesians. [2] And follow any other we will not, seeing we alone have pulled down the barbarian and therefore have right to command, or at least have put ourselves into danger more for the liberty of the Peloponnesians than of all the rest of Greece, and our own besides. Now to seek means for one's own preservation is a thing unblameable. And as it is for our own safety's cause that we are now here, so also we find that the same will be profitable for you. [3] Which we will make plain from those very things which they accuse, and you, as most formidable, suspect us of, being assured that such as suspect with vehement fear, though they may be won for the present with the sweetness of an oration, yet when the matter comes to performance, will then do as shall be most for their turn. [4]
"We have told you that we hold our dominion yonder upon fear; and that upon the same cause we come hither now, by the help of our friends to assure the cities here, and not to bring you into subjection but rather to keep you from it.
ταύτην οὖν τὴν κοινὴν τῷ τε δεομένῳ καὶ ὑμῖν νῦν παροῦσαν ἀσφάλειαν μὴ ἀπώσησθε
87. ‘ἀλλὰ μήτε ὑμεῖς, ὦ Καμαριναῖοι, ταῖς τῶνδε διαβολαῖς ἀναπείθεσθε μήτε οἱ ἄλλοι: εἰρήκαμεν δ᾽ ὑμῖν πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν περὶ ὧν ὑποπτευόμεθα, καὶ ἔτι ἐν κεφαλαίοις ὑπομνήσαντες ἀξιώσομεν πείθειν. [2] φαμὲν γὰρ ἄρχειν μὲν τῶν ἐκεῖ, ἵνα μὴ ὑπακούωμεν ἄλλου, ἐλευθεροῦν δὲ τὰ ἐνθάδε, ὅπως μὴ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν βλαπτώμεθα, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἀναγκάζεσθαι πράσσειν, διότι καὶ πολλὰ φυλασσόμεθα, ξύμμαχοι δὲ καὶ νῦν καὶ πρότερον τοῖς ἐνθάδε ὑμῶν ἀδικουμένοις οὐκ ἄκλητοι, παρακληθέντες δὲ ἥκειν. [3] καὶ ὑμεῖς μήθ᾽ ὡς δικασταὶ γενόμενοι τῶν ἡμῖν ποιουμένων μήθ᾽ ὡς σωφρονισταί, ὃ χαλεπὸν ἤδη, ἀποτρέπειν πειρᾶσθε, καθ᾽ ὅσον δέ τι ὑμῖν τῆς ἡμετέρας πολυπραγμοσύνης καὶ τρόπου τὸ αὐτὸ ξυμφέρει, τούτῳ ἀπολαβόντες χρήσασθε, καὶ νομίσατε μὴ πάντας ἐν ἴσῳ βλάπτειν αὐτά, πολὺ δὲ πλείους τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ ὠφελεῖν: [4] ἐν παντὶ γὰρ πᾶς χωρίῳ, καὶ ᾧ μὴ ὑπάρχομεν, ὅ τε οἰόμενος ἀδικήσεσθαι καὶ ὁ ἐπιβουλεύων διὰ τὸ ἑτοίμην ὑπεῖναι ἐλπίδα τῷ μὲν ἀντιτυχεῖν ἐπικουρίας ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν, τῷ δὲ εἰ ἥξομεν, μὴ ἀδεεῖ εἶναι κινδυνεύειν, ἀμφότεροι ἀναγκάζονται ὁ μὲν ἄκων σωφρονεῖν, ὁ δ᾽ ἀπραγμόνως σῴζεσθαι. [5] ταύτην οὖν τὴν κοινὴν τῷ τε δεομένῳ καὶ ὑμῖν νῦν παροῦσαν ἀσφάλειαν μὴ ἀπώσησθε, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξισώσαντες τοῖς ἄλλοις μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις, ἀντὶ τοῦ αἰεὶ φυλάσσεσθαι αὐτούς, καὶ ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαί ποτε ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου μεταλάβετε.’
87. ‘But, Camarinaeans, be neither you nor others moved with their calumnies. We have told you the very truth why we are suspected; and summarily we will tell it you again, claiming to prevail with you thereby. [2] We say we command yonder lest else we should obey, and we assert into liberty the cities here lest else we should be harmed by them; many things we have to be doing, because many things we are forced to beware of; and both now and before, we came not uncalled, but called as confederates to such of you as suffer wrong. [3] Make not yourselves judges of what we do, nor go about as censors (which were now hard to do) to divert us; but as far as this busy humour and fashion of ours may be for your own service, so far take and use it; and think not the same hurtful alike to all, but that the greatest part of the Grecians have good by it. [4] For in all places, though we be not of any side, yet both he that looketh to be wronged and he that contriveth to do the wrong, by the obviousness of the hope that the one hath of our aid and of the fear that the other hath of their own danger if we should come, are brought by necessity, the one to moderation against his will, the other into safety without his trouble. [5] Refuse not therefore the security now present, common both to us that require it, and to yourselves. But do as others use to do: come with us, and instead of defending yourselves always against the Syracusians, take your turn once and put them to their guard as they have done you.’
τὸ μεθιστάναι αὐτὴν οὐκ ἐδόκει ἡμῖν ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι ὑμῶν πολεμίων προσκαθημένων.
89. ‘ἀναγκαῖον περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς διαβολῆς πρῶτον ἐς ὑμᾶς εἰπεῖν, ἵνα μὴ χεῖρον τὰ κοινὰ τῷ ὑπόπτῳ μου ἀκροάσησθε. [2] τῶν δ᾽ ἐμῶν προγόνων τὴν προξενίαν ὑμῶν κατά τι ἔγκλημα ἀπειπόντων αὐτὸς ἐγὼ πάλιν ἀναλαμβάνων ἐθεράπευον ὑμᾶς ἄλλα τε καὶ περὶ τὴν ἐκ Πύλου ξυμφοράν. καὶ διατελοῦντός μου προθύμου ὑμεῖς πρὸς Ἀθηναίους καταλλασσόμενοι τοῖς μὲν ἐμοῖς ἐχθροῖς δύναμιν δι᾽ ἐκείνων πράξαντες, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀτιμίαν περιέθετε. [3] καὶ διὰ ταῦτα δικαίως ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ πρός τε τὰ Μαντινέων καὶ Ἀργείων τραπομένου καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐνηντιούμην ὑμῖν ἐβλάπτεσθε: καὶ νῦν, εἴ τις καὶ τότε ἐν τῷ πάσχειν οὐκ εἰκότως ὠργίζετό μοι, μετὰ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς σκοπῶν ἀναπειθέσθω. ἢ εἴ τις, διότι καὶ τῷ δήμῳ προσεκείμην μᾶλλον, χείρω με ἐνόμιζε, μηδ᾽ οὕτως ἡγήσηται ὀρθῶς ἄχθεσθαι. [4] τοῖς γὰρ τυράννοις αἰεί ποτε διάφοροί ἐσμεν （πᾶν δὲ τὸ ἐναντιούμενον τῷ δυναστεύοντι δῆμος ὠνόμασται）, καὶ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου ξυμπαρέμεινεν ἡ προστασία ἡμῖν τοῦ πλήθους. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς πόλεως δημοκρατουμένης τὰ πολλὰ ἀνάγκη ἦν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἕπεσθαι. [5] τῆς δὲ ὑπαρχούσης ἀκολασίας ἐπειρώμεθα μετριώτεροι ἐς τὰ πολιτικὰ εἶναι.ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἦσαν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν πάλαι καὶ νῦν οἳ ἐπὶ τὰ πονηρότερα ἐξῆγον τὸν ὄχλον: οἵπερ καὶ ἐμὲ ἐξήλασαν. [6] ἡμεῖς δὲ τοῦ ξύμπαντος προέστημεν, δικαιοῦντες ἐν ᾧ σχήματι μεγίστη ἡ πόλις ἐτύγχανε καὶ ἐλευθερωτάτη οὖσα καὶ ὅπερ ἐδέξατό τις, τοῦτο ξυνδιασῴζειν, ἐπεὶ δημοκρατίαν γε καὶ ἐγιγνώσκομεν οἱ φρονοῦντές τι, καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδενὸς ἂν χεῖρον, ὅσῳ καὶ λοιδορήσαιμι. ἀλλὰ περὶ ὁμολογουμένης ἀνοίας οὐδὲν ἂν καινὸν λέγοιτο: καὶ τὸ μεθιστάναι αὐτὴν οὐκ ἐδόκει ἡμῖν ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι ὑμῶν πολεμίων προσκαθημένων.
89. "It will be necessary that I say something first concerning mine own accusation, lest through jealousy of me you bring a prejudicate ear to the common business. [2] My ancestors having on a certain quarrel renounced the office of receiving you, I was the man that restored the same again and showed you all possible respect, both otherwise and in the matter of your loss at Pylus. Whilst I persisted in my good will to you, being to make a peace at Athens, by treating the same with my adversaries, you invested them with authority and me with disgrace. [3] For which cause, if in applying myself afterwards to the Mantineans and Argives, or in anything else I did you hurt, I did it justly; and if any man here were causelessly angry with me then when he suffered, let him be now content again when he knows the true cause of the same. Or if any man think the worse of me for inclining to the people, let him acknowledge that therein also he is offended without a cause. [4] For we have been always enemies to tyrants; and what is contrary to a tyrant is called the people; and from thence hath continued our adherence to the multitude. Besides, in a city governed by democracy, it was necessary in most things to follow the present course; nevertheless we have endeavoured to be more moderate than suiteth with the now headstrong humour of the people. [5] But others there have been, both formerly and now, that have incited the common people to worse things than I; and they are those that have also driven out me. [6] But as for us, when we had the charge of the whole, we thought it reason, by what form it was grown most great and most free and in which we received it, in the same to preserve it. For though such of us as have judgment do know well enough what the democracy is, and I no less than another (insomuch as I could inveigh against it; but of confessed madness nothing can be said that is new), yet we thought it not safe to change it when you our enemies were so near us.
4, Z. 2) ἐν ᾧ ἀσφαλῶς ἐπολιτεύθην. / 5, Z. 11) μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτοί τε ἀσφαλῶς οἰκῆτε
92. γίγνεσθαι δέ τι αὐτῶν καὶ ἐν τάχει καὶ προθυμότερον ἐν ὑμῖν ἐστίν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἐπεὶ ὥς γε δυνατά （καὶ οὐχ ἁμαρτήσεσθαι οἶμαι γνώμης） πάνυ θαρσῶ. [2] ‘καὶ χείρων οὐδενὶ ἀξιῶ δοκεῖν ὑμῶν εἶναι, εἰ τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ μετὰ τῶν πολεμιωτάτων φιλόπολίς ποτε δοκῶν εἶναι νῦν ἐγκρατῶς ἐπέρχομαι, οὐδὲ ὑποπτεύεσθαί μου ἐς τὴν φυγαδικὴν προθυμίαν τὸν λόγον. [3] φυγάς τε γάρ εἰμι τῆς τῶν ἐξελασάντων πονηρίας, καὶ οὐ τῆς ὑμετέρας, ἢν πείθησθέ μοι, ὠφελίας: καὶ πολεμιώτεροι οὐχ οἱ τοὺς πολεμίους που βλάψαντες ὑμεῖς ἢ οἱ τοὺς φίλους ἀναγκάσαντες πολεμίους γενέσθαι. [4] τό τε φιλόπολι οὐκ ἐν ᾧ ἀδικοῦμαι ἔχω, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ᾧ ἀσφαλῶς ἐπολιτεύθην. οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ πατρίδα οὖσαν ἔτι ἡγοῦμαι νῦν ἰέναι, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον τὴν οὐκ οὖσαν ἀνακτᾶσθαι. καὶ φιλόπολις οὗτος ὀρθῶς, οὐχ ὃς ἂν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀδίκως ἀπολέσας μὴ ἐπίῃ, ἀλλ᾽ ὃς ἂν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου διὰ τὸ ἐπιθυμεῖν πειραθῇ αὐτὴν ἀναλαβεῖν. [5] οὕτως ἐμοί τε ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς καὶ ἐς κίνδυνον καὶ ἐς ταλαιπωρίαν πᾶσαν ἀδεῶς χρῆσθαι, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, γνόντας τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ὑφ᾽ ἁπάντων προβαλλόμενον λόγον, ὡς εἰ πολέμιός γε ὢν σφόδρα ἔβλαπτον, κἂν φίλος ὢν ἱκανῶς ὠφελοίην, ὅσῳ τὰ μὲν Ἀθηναίων οἶδα, τὰ δ᾽ ὑμέτερα ᾔκαζον: καὶ αὐτοὺς νῦν νομίσαντας περὶ μεγίστων δὴ τῶν διαφερόντων βουλεύεσθαι μὴ ἀποκνεῖν τὴν ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν τε καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν στρατείαν, ἵνα τά τε ἐκεῖ βραχεῖ μορίῳ ξυμπαραγενόμενοι μεγάλα σώσητε καὶ Ἀθηναίων τήν τε οὖσαν καὶ τὴν μέλλουσαν δύναμιν καθέλητε, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτοί τε ἀσφαλῶς οἰκῆτε καὶ τῆς ἁπάσης Ἑλλάδος ἑκούσης καὶ οὐ βίᾳ, κατ᾽ εὔνοιαν δὲ ἡγῆσθε.’
92. ‘Now I must crave this: that I be neither the worse esteemed for that, having once been thought a lover of my country, I go now amongst the greatest enemies of the same against it, nor yet mistrusted as one that speaketh with the zeal of a fugitive. [2] For though I fly from the malice of them that drave me out, I shall not, if you take my counsel, fly your profit. [3] Nor are you enemies so much, who have hurt but your enemies, as they are that have made enemies of friends. I love not my country as wronged by it, but as having lived in safety in it. [4] Nor do I think that I do herein go against any country of mine, but that I far rather seek to recover the country I have not. And he is truly a lover of his country not that refuseth to invade the country he hath wrongfully lost, but that desires so much to be in it as by any means he can he will attempt to recover it. [5] I desire you therefore, Lacedaemonians, to make use of my service in whatsoever danger or labour confidently, seeing you know, according to the common saying, if I did hurt you much when I was your enemy, I can help you much when I am your friend. And so much the more in that I know the state of Athens and but conjectured at yours. And considering you are now in deliberation upon a matter of so extreme importance, I pray you think not much to send an army both into Sicily and Attica, as well to preserve the great matters that are there with the presence of a small part of your force, as also to pull down the power of the Athenians both present and to come, and afterwards to dwell in safety yourselves, and to have the leading of all Greece, not forced, but voluntary and with their good affection.’
ἀσφαλέστερον ἡγησάμην τὸ ἀληθὲς δηλῶσαι.
14. ἐπισταμένοις δ᾽ ὑμῖν γράφω ὅτι βραχεῖα ἀκμὴ πληρώματος καὶ ὀλίγοι τῶν ναυτῶν οἱ ἐξορμῶντές τε ναῦν καὶ ξυνέχοντες τὴν εἰρεσίαν. [2] τούτων δὲ πάντων ἀπορώτατον τό τε μὴ οἷόν τε εἶναι ταῦτα ἐμοὶ κωλῦσαι τῷ στρατηγῷ （χαλεπαὶ γὰρ αἱ ὑμέτεραι φύσεις ἄρξαι） καὶ ὅτι οὐδ᾽ ὁπόθεν ἐπιπληρωσόμεθα τὰς ναῦς ἔχομεν, ὃ τοῖς πολεμίοις πολλαχόθεν ὑπάρχει, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνάγκη ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἔχοντες ἤλθομεν τά τε ὄντα καὶ ἀπαναλισκόμενα γίγνεσθαι: αἱ γὰρ νῦν οὖσαι πόλεις ξύμμαχοι ἀδύνατοι Νάξος καὶ Κατάνη. [3] εἰ δὲ προσγενήσεται ἓν ἔτι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ὥστε τὰ τρέφοντα ἡμᾶς χωρία τῆς Ἰταλίας, ὁρῶντα ἐν ᾧ τ᾽ ἐσμὲν καὶ ὑμῶν μὴ ἐπιβοηθούντων, πρὸς ἐκείνους χωρῆσαι, διαπεπολεμήσεται αὐτοῖς ἀμαχεὶ ἐκπολιορκηθέντων ἡμῶν [ὁ πόλεμος ]. [4]
‘τούτων ἐγὼ ἡδίω μὲν ἂν εἶχον ὑμῖν ἕτερα ἐπιστέλλειν, οὐ μέντοι χρησιμώτερά γε, εἰ δεῖ σαφῶς εἰδότας τὰ ἐνθάδε βουλεύσασθαι. καὶ ἅμα τὰς φύσεις ἐπιστάμενος ὑμῶν, βουλομένων μὲν τὰ ἥδιστα ἀκούειν, αἰτιωμένων δὲ ὕστερον, ἤν τι ὑμῖν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν μὴ ὁμοῖον ἐκβῇ, ἀσφαλέστερον ἡγησάμην τὸ ἀληθὲς δηλῶσαι.
15. καὶ νῦν ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἃ μὲν ἤλθομεν τὸ πρῶτον καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ὑμῖν μὴ μεμπτῶν γεγενημένων, οὕτω τὴν γνώμην ἔχετε: ἐπειδὴ δὲ Σικελία τε ἅπασα ξυνίσταται καὶ ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ἄλλη στρατιὰ προσδόκιμος αὐτοῖς, βουλεύεσθε ἤδη ὡς τῶν γ᾽ ἐνθάδε μηδὲ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀνταρκούντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τούτους μεταπέμπειν δέον ἢ ἄλλην στρατιὰν μὴ ἐλάσσω ἐπιπέμπειν καὶ πεζὴν καὶ ναυτικὴν καὶ χρήματα μὴ ὀλίγα, ἐμοὶ δὲ διάδοχόν τινα, ὡς ἀδύνατός εἰμι διὰ νόσον νεφρῖτιν παραμένειν. [2] ἀξιῶ δ᾽ ὑμῶν ξυγγνώμης τυγχάνειν: καὶ γὰρ ὅτ᾽ ἐρρώμην πολλὰ ἐν ἡγεμονίαις ὑμᾶς εὖ ἐποίησα. ὅτι δὲ μέλλετε, ἅμα τῷ ἦρι εὐθὺς καὶ μὴ ἐς ἀναβολὰς πράσσετε, ὡς τῶν πολεμίων τὰ μὲν ἐν Σικελίᾳ δι᾽ ὀλίγου ποριουμένων, τὰ δ᾽ ἐκ Πελοποννήσου σχολαίτερον μέν, ὅμως δ᾽, ἢν μὴ προσέχητε τὴν γνώμην, τὰ μὲν λήσουσιν ὑμᾶς, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον, τὰ δὲ φθήσονται.’
14. "To you I write, who know how small a time any fleet continueth in the height of vigour, and how few of the mariners are skilful both how to hasten the course of a galley and how to contain the oar. [2] But of all, my greatest trouble is this: that being general, I can neither make them do better (for your natures are hard to be governed) nor get mariners in any other place (which the enemy can do from many places), and must of necessity have them from whence we brought both those we have and those we have lost. For our now confederate cities, Naxos and Catana, are not able to supply us. [3] Had the enemy but that one thing more, that the towns of Italy that now send us provision, seeing what estate we are now in and you not helping us, would turn to them, the war were at an end and we expugned without another stroke. [4]
"I could have written to you other things more pleasing than these, but not more profitable, seeing it is necessary for you to know certainly the affairs here when you go to council upon them. Withal, because I know your natures to be such as though you love to hear the best, yet afterwards when things fall not out accordingly you will call in question them that write it, I thought best to write the truth for my own safety's sake.
15. ‘And now think thus: that though we have carried ourselves, both captains and soldiers, in that for which we came at first hither, unblameably, yet since all Sicily is united against us and another army expected out of Peloponnesus, you must resolve (for those we have here are not enough for the enemy's present forces) either to send for these away, or to send hither another army, both of land and sea soldiers, no less than the former, and money not a little; and also a general to succeed me, who am able no longer to stay here, being troubled with the stone [in the kidneys]. [2] I must crave your pardon. I have done you many good services in the conducts of your armies when I had my health. What you will do, do in the very beginning of spring, and delay it not. For the enemy will soon have furnished himself of his Sicilian aids; and though those from Peloponnesus will be later, yet if you look not to it, they will get hither partly unseen, as before, and partly by preventing you with speed.’
οὐ γὰρ ἔτι οὐδ’ οἱ ἔσπλοι ἀσφαλεῖς ἦσαν τῆς ἐπαγωγῆς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων
24. οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι κατὰ μὲν τὴν ναυμαχίαν οὕτως ἐπεπράγεσαν, τὰ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ Πλημμυρίῳ τείχη εἶχον, καὶ τροπαῖα ἔστησαν αὐτῶν τρία. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἕτερον τοῖν δυοῖν τειχοῖν τοῖν ὕστερον ληφθέντοιν κατέβαλον, τὰ δὲ δύο ἐπισκευάσαντες ἐφρούρουν. [2] ἄνθρωποι δ᾽ ἐν τῶν τειχῶν τῇ ἁλώσει ἀπέθανον καὶ ἐζωγρήθησαν πολλοί, καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ τὰ ξύμπαντα ἑάλω: ὥσπερ γὰρ ταμιείῳ χρωμένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων τοῖς τείχεσι πολλὰ μὲν ἐμπόρων χρήματα καὶ σῖτος ἐνῆν, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῶν τριηράρχων, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἱστία τεσσαράκοντα τριήρων καὶ τἆλλα σκεύη ἐγκατελήφθη καὶ τριήρεις ἀνειλκυσμέναι τρεῖς. [3] μέγιστόν τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς πρῶτον ἐκάκωσε τὸ στράτευμα τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἡ τοῦ Πλημμυρίου λῆψις: οὐ γὰρ ἔτι οὐδ᾽ οἱ ἔσπλοι ἀσφαλεῖς ἦσαν τῆς ἐπαγωγῆς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων （οἱ γὰρ Συρακόσιοι ναυσὶν αὐτόθι ἐφορμοῦντες ἐκώλυον, καὶ διὰ μάχης ἤδη ἐγίγνοντο αἱ ἐσκομιδαί）, ἔς τε τἆλλα κατάπληξιν παρέσχε καὶ ἀθυμίαν τῷ στρατεύματι.
24. The Syracusians, though such were their success in the battle by sea, yet they won the fortification in Plemmyrium, and set up three trophies, for every wall one. One of the two walls last taken they demolished; but two they repaired and kept with a garrison. [2] At the taking of these walls, many men were slain and many taken alive; and their goods, which altogether was a great matter, were all taken. For the Athenians using these works for their storehouse, there was in them much wealth and victual belonging unto merchants and much unto captains of galleys. For there were sails within it for forty galleys, besides other furniture, and three galleys drawn to land. [3] And this loss of Plemmyrium was it that most and principally impaired the Athenians' army. For the entrance of their provision was now no longer safe; for the Syracusians lying against them there with their galleys kept them out, and nothing could be brought in unto them but by fight; and the army besides was thereby otherwise terrified and dejected.
εἴ τις βιάζοιτο ναῦς, εἴη κατάφευξις ἀσφαλὴς καὶ πάλιν καθ’ ἡσυχίαν ἔκπλους
38. τῆς δὲ ἡμέρας ἐπὶ πολὺ προσπλέοντες καὶ ἀνακρουόμενοι καὶ πειράσαντες ἀλλήλων καὶ οὐδέτεροι δυνάμενοι ἄξιόν τι λόγου παραλαβεῖν, εἰ μὴ ναῦν μίαν ἢ δύο τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ Συρακόσιοι καταδύσαντες, διεκρίθησαν: καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἅμα ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἀπῆλθεν. [2]
τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι ἡσύχαζον, οὐδὲν δηλοῦντες ὁποῖόν τι τὸ μέλλον ποιήσουσιν: ὁ δὲ Νικίας ἰδὼν ἀντίπαλα τὰ τῆς ναυμαχίας γενόμενα καὶ ἐλπίζων αὐτοὺς αὖθις ἐπιχειρήσειν τούς τε τριηράρχους ἠνάγκαζεν ἐπισκευάζειν τὰς ναῦς, εἴ τίς τι ἐπεπονήκει, καὶ ὁλκάδας προώρμισε πρὸ τοῦ σφετέρου σταυρώματος, ὃ αὐτοῖς πρὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀντὶ λιμένος κλῃστοῦ ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἐπεπήγει. [3] διαλειπούσας δὲ τὰς ὁλκάδας ὅσον δύο πλέθρα ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων κατέστησεν, ὅπως, εἴ τις βιάζοιτο ναῦς, εἴη κατάφευξις ἀσφαλὴς καὶ πάλιν καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν ἔκπλους. παρασκευαζόμενοι δὲ ταῦτα ὅλην τὴν ἡμέραν διετέλεσαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι μέχρι νυκτός.
38. Having spent much of the day in charging and retiring and trying each other, and performed nothing worth the mentioning, save that the Syracusians sank a galley or two of the Athenians, they parted again; and the land soldiers retired at the same time from the wall of the Athenian camp. [2] The next day the Syracusians lay still without showing any sign of what they meant to do. Yet Nicias, seeing that the battle by sea was with equality and imagining that they would fight again, made the captains to repair their galleys, such as had been torn, and two great ships to be moored without those piles which he had driven into the sea before his galleys, to be instead of a haven enclosed. [3] These ships he placed about two acres' breadth asunder, to the end, if any galley chanced to be pressed, it might safely run in and again go safely out at leisure. In performing of this the Athenians spent a whole day from morning until night.
τὴν δὲ πορείαν ὥστ’ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ εὔτακτον εἶναι αὐτοὶ φυλάξατε
77. ‘καὶ ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ξύμμαχοι, ἐλπίδα χρὴ ἔχειν （ἤδη τινὲς καὶ ἐκ δεινοτέρων ἢ τοιῶνδε ἐσώθησαν）, μηδὲ καταμέμφεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἄγαν αὐτοὺς μήτε ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς μήτε ταῖς παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν νῦν κακοπαθίαις. [2] κἀγώ τοι οὐδενὸς ὑμῶν οὔτε ῥώμῃ προφέρων （ἀλλ᾽ ὁρᾶτε δὴ ὡς διάκειμαι ὑπὸ τῆς νόσου） οὔτ᾽ εὐτυχίᾳ δοκῶν που ὕστερός του εἶναι κατά τε τὸν ἴδιον βίον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα, νῦν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ κινδύνῳ τοῖς φαυλοτάτοις αἰωροῦμαι: καίτοι πολλὰ μὲν ἐς θεοὺς νόμιμα δεδιῄτημαι, πολλὰ δὲ ἐς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια καὶ ἀνεπίφθονα. [3] ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἡ μὲν ἐλπὶς ὅμως θρασεῖα τοῦ μέλλοντος, αἱ δὲ ξυμφοραὶ οὐ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν δὴ φοβοῦσιν. τάχα δὲ ἂν καὶ λωφήσειαν: ἱκανὰ γὰρ τοῖς τε πολεμίοις ηὐτύχηται, καὶ εἴ τῳ θεῶν ἐπίφθονοι ἐστρατεύσαμεν, ἀποχρώντως ἤδη τετιμωρήμεθα. [4] ἦλθον γάρ που καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς ἤδη ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρους, καὶ ἀνθρώπεια δράσαντες ἀνεκτὰ ἔπαθον. καὶ ἡμᾶς εἰκὸς νῦν τά τε ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐλπίζειν ἠπιώτερα ἕξειν （οἴκτου γὰρ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀξιώτεροι ἤδη ἐσμὲν ἢ φθόνου）, καὶ ὁρῶντες ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς οἷοι ὁπλῖται ἅμα καὶ ὅσοι ξυντεταγμένοι χωρεῖτε μὴ καταπέπληχθε ἄγαν, λογίζεσθε δὲ ὅτι αὐτοί τε πόλις εὐθύς ἐστε ὅποι ἂν καθέζησθε καὶ ἄλλη οὐδεμία ὑμᾶς τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐπιόντας δέξαιτο ῥᾳδίως οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἱδρυθέντας που ἐξαναστήσειεν. [5] τὴν δὲ πορείαν ὥστ᾽ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ εὔτακτον εἶναι αὐτοὶ φυλάξατε, μὴ ἄλλο τι ἡγησάμενος ἕκαστος ἢ ἐν ᾧ ἂν ἀναγκασθῇ χωρίῳ μάχεσθαι, τοῦτο καὶ πατρίδα καὶ τεῖχος κρατήσας ἕξειν. [6] σπουδὴ δὲ ὁμοίως καὶ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν ἔσται τῆς ὁδοῦ: τὰ γὰρ ἐπιτήδεια βραχέα ἔχομεν, καὶ ἢν ἀντιλαβώμεθά του φιλίου χωρίου τῶν Σικελῶν （οὗτοι γὰρ ἡμῖν διὰ τὸ Συρακοσίων δέος ἔτι βέβαιοι εἰσίν）, ἤδη νομίζετε ἐν τῷ ἐχυρῷ εἶναι. προπέπεμπται δ᾽ ὡς αὐτούς, καὶ ἀπαντᾶν εἰρημένον καὶ σιτία ἄλλα κομίζειν. [7] ‘τό τε ξύμπαν γνῶτε, ὦ ἄνδρες στρατιῶται, ἀναγκαῖόν τε ὂν ὑμῖν ἀνδράσιν ἀγαθοῖς γίγνεσθαι ὡς μὴ ὄντος χωρίου ἐγγὺς ὅποι ἂν μαλακισθέντες σωθείητε καί, ἢν νῦν διαφύγητε τοὺς πολεμίους, οἵ τε ἄλλοι τευξόμενοι ὧν ἐπιθυμεῖτέ που ἐπιδεῖν καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν μεγάλην δύναμιν τῆς πόλεως καίπερ πεπτωκυῖαν ἐπανορθώσοντες: ἄνδρες γὰρ πόλις, καὶ οὐ τείχη οὐδὲ νῆες ἀνδρῶν κεναί.’
77. ‘Athenians and confederates, we must hope still, even in our present estate. Men have been saved ere now from greater dangers than these are. Nor ought you too much to accuse yourselves, either for your losses past, or the undeserved miseries we are now in. [2] Even I myself, that have the advantage of none of you in strength of body (you see how I am in my sickness), nor am I thought inferior to any of you for prosperity past, either in respect of mine own private person or otherwise, am nevertheless now in as much danger as the meanest of you. And yet I have worshipped the gods frequently according to the law and lived justly and unblameably towards men. [3] For which cause my hope is still confident of the future, though these calamities, as being not according to the measure of our desert, do indeed make me fear. But they may perhaps cease. For both the enemies have already had sufficient fortune, and the gods, if any of them have been displeased with our voyage, have already sufficiently punished us. [4] Others have invaded their neighbours as well as we; and as their offence, which proceeded of human infirmity, so their punishment also hath been tolerable. And we have reason now both to hope for more favour from the gods (for our case deserveth their pity rather than their hatred) and also not to despair of ourselves, seeing how good and how many men of arms you are, marching together in order of battle. Make account of this, that wheresoever you please to sit down, there presently of yourselves you are a city, such as not any other in Sicily can either easily sustain if you assault or remove if you be once seated. [5] Now for your march, that it may be safe and orderly, look to it yourselves, making no other account, any of you, but what place soever he shall be forced to fight in, the same, if he win it, must be his country and his walls. [6] March you must with diligence, both night and day alike, for our victual is short; and if we can but reach some amicable territory of the Siculi (for these are still firm to us for fear of the Syracusians), then you may think yourselves secure. Let us therefore send before to them and bid them meet us and bring us forth some supplies of victual. [7] In sum, soldiers, let me tell you it is necessary that you be valiant; for there is no place near where, being cowards, you can possibly be saved; whereas if you escape through the enemies at this time, you may every one see again whatsoever anywhere he most desires; and the Athenians may re-erect the great power of their city, how low soever fallen. For the men, not the walls nor the empty galleys, are the city.’
ἔλαβον κατεβίβασαν ἐς τὰς λιθοτομίας, ἀσφαλεστάτην εἶναι νομίσαντες τήρησιν
86. ξυναθροισθέντες δὲ οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, τῶν τε αἰχμαλώτων ὅσους ἐδύναντο πλείστους καὶ τὰ σκῦλα ἀναλαβόντες, ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν. [2] καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ὁπόσους ἔλαβον κατεβίβασαν ἐς τὰς λιθοτομίας, ἀσφαλεστάτην εἶναι νομίσαντες τήρησιν, Νικίαν δὲ καὶ Δημοσθένη ἄκοντος τοῦ Γυλίππου ἀπέσφαξαν. ὁ γὰρ Γύλιππος καλὸν τὸ ἀγώνισμα ἐνόμιζέν οἱ εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τοὺς ἀντιστρατήγους κομίσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις. [3] ξυνέβαινε δὲ τὸν μὲν πολεμιώτατον αὐτοῖς εἶναι, Δημοσθένη, διὰ τὰ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ καὶ Πύλῳ, τὸν δὲ διὰ τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπιτηδειότατον: τοὺς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἄνδρας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὁ Νικίας προυθυμήθη, σπονδὰς πείσας τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ποιήσασθαι, ὥστε ἀφεθῆναι. [4] ἀνθ᾽ ὧν οἵ τε Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἦσαν αὐτῷ προσφιλεῖς κἀκεῖνος οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ τοῦτο πιστεύσας ἑαυτὸν τῷ Γυλίππῳ παρέδωκεν. ἀλλὰ τῶν Συρακοσίων τινές, ὡς ἐλέγετο, οἱ μὲν δείσαντες, ὅτι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκεκοινολόγηντο, μὴ βασανιζόμενος διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτο ταραχὴν σφίσιν ἐν εὐπραγίᾳ ποιήσῃ, ἄλλοι δέ, καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα οἱ Κορίνθιοι, μὴ χρήμασι δὴ πείσας τινάς, ὅτι πλούσιος ἦν, ἀποδρᾷ καὶ αὖθις σφίσι νεώτερόν τι ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γένηται, πείσαντες τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀπέκτειναν αὐτόν. [5] καὶ ὁ μὲν τοιαύτῃ ἢ ὅτι ἐγγύτατα τούτων αἰτίᾳ ἐτεθνήκει, ἥκιστα δὴ ἄξιος ὢν τῶν γε ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ Ἑλλήνων ἐς τοῦτο δυστυχίας ἀφικέσθαι διὰ τὴν πᾶσαν ἐς ἀρετὴν νενομισμένην ἐπιτήδευσιν.
87. τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς λιθοτομίαις οἱ Συρακόσιοι χαλεπῶς τοὺς πρώτους χρόνους μετεχείρισαν. ἐν γὰρ κοίλῳ χωρίῳ ὄντας καὶ ὀλίγῳ πολλοὺς οἵ τε ἥλιοι τὸ πρῶτον καὶ τὸ πνῖγος ἔτι ἐλύπει διὰ τὸ ἀστέγαστον καὶ αἱ νύκτες ἐπιγιγνόμεναι τοὐναντίον μετοπωριναὶ καὶ ψυχραὶ τῇ μεταβολῇ ἐς ἀσθένειαν ἐνεωτέριζον, [2] πάντα τε ποιούντων αὐτῶν διὰ στενοχωρίαν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ προσέτι τῶν νεκρῶν ὁμοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ξυννενημένων, οἳ ἔκ τε τῶν τραυμάτων καὶ διὰ τὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀπέθνῃσκον, καὶ ὀσμαὶ ἦσαν οὐκ ἀνεκτοί, καὶ λιμῷ ἅμα καὶ δίψῃ ἐπιέζοντο （ἐδίδοσαν γὰρ αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ ἐπὶ ὀκτὼ μῆνας κοτύλην ὕδατος καὶ δύο κοτύλας σίτου）, ἄλλα τε ὅσα εἰκὸς ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ χωρίῳ ἐμπεπτωκότας κακοπαθῆσαι, οὐδὲν ὅτι οὐκ ἐπεγένετο αὐτοῖς: [3] καὶ ἡμέρας μὲν ἑβδομήκοντά τινας οὕτω διῃτήθησαν ἁθρόοι: ἔπειτα πλὴν Ἀθηναίων καὶ εἴ τινες Σικελιωτῶν ἢ Ἰταλιωτῶν ξυνεστράτευσαν, τοὺς ἄλλους ἀπέδοντο. [4] ἐλήφθησαν δὲ οἱ ξύμπαντες, ἀκριβείᾳ μὲν χαλεπὸν ἐξειπεῖν, ὅμως δὲ οὐκ ἐλάσσους ἑπτακισχιλίων. [5] ξυνέβη τε ἔργον τοῦτο [Ἑλληνικὸν] τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε μέγιστον γενέσθαι, δοκεῖν δ᾽ ἔμοιγε καὶ ὧν ἀκοῇ Ἑλληνικῶν ἴσμεν, καὶ τοῖς τε κρατήσασι λαμπρότατον καὶ τοῖς διαφθαρεῖσι δυστυχέστατον: [6] κατὰ πάντα γὰρ πάντως νικηθέντες καὶ οὐδὲν ὀλίγον ἐς οὐδὲν κακοπαθήσαντες πανωλεθρίᾳ δὴ τὸ λεγόμενον καὶ πεζὸς καὶ νῆες καὶ οὐδὲν ὅτι οὐκ ἀπώλετο, καὶ ὀλίγοι ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ἀπενόστησαν. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ περὶ Σικελίαν γενόμενα.
86. The Syracusians and their confederates, being come together, returned with their prisoners, all they could get, and with the spoil into the city. [2] As for all the other prisoners of the Athenians and their confederates, they put them into the quarries as the safest custody. But Nicias and Demosthenes they killed, against Gylippus' will. For Gylippus thought the victory would be very honourable if, over and above all his other success, he could carry home both the generals of the enemy to Lacedaemon. [3] And it fell out that one of them, Demosthenes, was their greatest enemy for the things he had done in the island and at Pylus; and the other, upon the same occasion, their greatest friend. For Nicias had earnestly laboured to have those prisoners which were taken in the island to be set at liberty by persuading the Athenians to the peace. [4] For which cause the Lacedaemonians were inclined to love him; and it was principally in confidence of that that he rendered himself to Gylippus. But certain Syracusians, as it is reported, some of them for fear (because they had been tampering with him) lest being put to the torture he might bring them into trouble, whereas now they were well enough; and others, especially the Corinthians, fearing he might get away by corruption of one or other, being wealthy, and work them some mischief afresh, having persuaded their confederates to the same, killed him. [5] For these, or for causes near unto these, was he put to death; being the man that, of all the Grecians of my time, had least deserved to be brought to so great a degree of misery.
87. As for those in the quarries, the Syracusians handled them at first but ungently. For in this hollow place, first the sun and suffocating air (being without roof) annoyed them one way; and on the other side, the nights coming upon that heat, autumnal and cold, put them, by reason of the alteration, into strange diseases; [2] especially doing all things, for want of room, in one and the same place, and the carcasses of such as died of their wounds or change [of air] or other like accident lying together there on heaps. Also the smell was intolerable; besides that they were afflicted with hunger and thirst. For for eight months together, they allowed no more but to every man a cotyle of water by the day and two cotyles of corn. And whatsoever misery is probable that men in such a place may suffer, they suffered. [3] Some seventy days they lived thus thronged. Afterwards, retaining the Athenians, and such Sicilians and Italians as were of the army with them, they sold the rest. [4] How many were taken in all it is hard to say exactly; but they were seven thousand at the fewest. [5] And this was the greatest action that happened in all this war, or at all, that we have heard of amongst the Grecians, being to the victors most glorious and most calamitous to the vanquished. [6] For being wholly overcome in every kind and receiving small loss in nothing, their army and fleet and all [that ever they had] perished (as they use to say) with an universal destruction. Few of many returned home. And thus passed the business concerning Sicily.
ἂν δύνωνται ξύλα ξυμπορισαμένους, καὶ χρήματα, καὶ τὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐς ἀσφάλειαν ποιεῖσθαι, καὶ μάλιστα τὴν Εὔβοιαν
1. ἐς δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐπειδὴ ἠγγέλθη, ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν ἠπίστουν καὶ τοῖς πάνυ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἔργου διαπεφευγόσι καὶ σαφῶς ἀγγέλλουσι, μὴ οὕτω γε ἄγαν πανσυδὶ διεφθάρθαι: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἔγνωσαν, χαλεποὶ μὲν ἦσαν τοῖς ξυμπροθυμηθεῖσι τῶν ῥητόρων τὸν ἔκπλουν, ὥσπερ οὐκ αὐτοὶ ψηφισάμενοι, ὠργίζοντο δὲ καὶ τοῖς χρησμολόγοις τε καὶ μάντεσι καὶ ὁπόσοι τι τότε αὐτοὺς θειάσαντες ἐπήλπισαν ὡς λήψονται Σικελίαν. [2] πάντα δὲ πανταχόθεν αὐτοὺς ἐλύπει τε καὶ περιειστήκει ἐπὶ τῷ γεγενημένῳ φόβος τε καὶ κατάπληξις μεγίστη δή. ἅμα μὲν γὰρ στερόμενοι καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστος καὶ ἡ πόλις ὁπλιτῶν τε πολλῶν καὶ ἱππέων καὶ ἡλικίας οἵαν οὐχ ἑτέραν ἑώρων ὑπάρχουσαν ἐβαρύνοντο: ἅμα δὲ ναῦς οὐχ ὁρῶντες ἐν τοῖς νεωσοίκοις ἱκανὰς οὐδὲ χρήματα ἐν τῷ κοινῷ οὐδ᾽ ὑπηρεσίας ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀνέλπιστοι ἦσαν ἐν τῷ παρόντι σωθήσεσθαι, τούς τε ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας πολεμίους εὐθὺς σφίσιν ἐνόμιζον τῷ ναυτικῷ ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ πλευσεῖσθαι, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοσοῦτον κρατήσαντας, καὶ τοὺς αὐτόθεν πολεμίους τότε δὴ καὶ διπλασίως πάντα παρεσκευασμένους κατὰ κράτος ἤδη καὶ ἐκ γῆς καὶ ἐκ θαλάσσης ἐπικείσεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους σφῶν μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποστάντας. [3] ὅμως δὲ ὡς ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐδόκει χρῆναι μὴ ἐνδιδόναι, ἀλλὰ παρασκευάζεσθαι καὶ ναυτικόν, ὅθεν ἂν δύνωνται ξύλα ξυμπορισαμένους, καὶ χρήματα, καὶ τὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐς ἀσφάλειαν ποιεῖσθαι, καὶ μάλιστα τὴν Εὔβοιαν, τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν τι ἐς εὐτέλειαν σωφρονίσαι, καὶ ἀρχήν τινα πρεσβυτέρων ἀνδρῶν ἑλέσθαι, οἵτινες περὶ τῶν παρόντων ὡς ἂν καιρὸς ᾖ προβουλεύσουσιν. [4] πάντα τε πρὸς τὸ παραχρῆμα περιδεές, ὅπερ φιλεῖ δῆμος ποιεῖν, ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν εὐτακτεῖν. καὶ ὡς ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐποίουν ταῦτα, καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.
1. When the news was told at Athens, they believed not a long time, though it were plainly related and by those very soldiers that escaped from the defeat itself that all was so utterly lost as it was. When they knew it, they were mightily offended with the orators that furthered the voyage, as if they themselves had never decreed it. They were angry also with those that gave out prophecies and with the soothsayers and with whosoever else had at first by any divination put them into hope that Sicily should be subdued. [2] Every thing, from every place, grieved them; and fear and astonishment, the greatest that ever they were in, beset them round. For they were not only grieved for the loss which both every man in particular and the whole city sustained of so many men of arms, horsemen, and serviceable men, the like whereof they saw was not left, but seeing they had neither galleys in their haven nor money in their treasury nor furniture in their galleys, were even desperate at that present of their safety; and thought the enemy out of Sicily would come forthwith with their fleet into Peiraeus, especially after the vanquishing of so great a navy, and that the enemy here would surely now, with double preparation in every kind, press them to the utmost both by sea and land and be aided therein by their revolting confederates. [3] Nevertheless, as far as their means would stretch, it was thought best to stand it out and, getting materials and money where they could have it, to make ready a navy and to make sure of their confederates, especially those of Euboea; and to introduce a greater frugality in the city, and to erect a magistracy of the elder sort, as occasion should be offered to preconsult of the business that passed. [4] And they were ready, in respect of their present fear (as is the people's fashion), to order every thing aright. And as they resolved this, so they did it. And the summer ended.
εἰ τὸ Σικελικὸν προσέλαβον, καὶ καθελόντες ἐκείνους αὐτοὶ τῆς πάσης Ἑλλάδος ἤδη ἀσφαλῶς ἡγήσεσθαι.
2. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος πρὸς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων μεγάλην κακοπραγίαν εὐθὺς οἱ Ἕλληνες πάντες ἐπηρμένοι ἦσαν, οἱ μὲν μηδετέρων ὄντες ξύμμαχοι, ὡς, ἤν τις καὶ μὴ παρακαλῇ σφᾶς, οὐκ ἀποστατέον ἔτι τοῦ πολέμου εἴη, ἀλλ᾽ ἐθελοντὶ ἰτέον ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, νομίσαντες κἂν ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἕκαστοι ἐλθεῖν αὐτούς, εἰ τὰ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ κατώρθωσαν, καὶ ἅμα βραχὺν ἔσεσθαι τὸν λοιπὸν πόλεμον, οὗ μετασχεῖν καλὸν εἶναι, οἱ δ᾽ αὖ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξύμμαχοι ξυμπροθυμηθέντες ἐπὶ πλέον ἢ πρὶν ἀπαλλάξεσθαι διὰ τάχους πολλῆς ταλαιπωρίας. [2] μάλιστα δὲ οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπήκοοι ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν αὐτῶν ἀφίστασθαι διὰ τὸ ὀργῶντες κρίνειν τὰ πράγματα καὶ μηδ᾽ ὑπολείπειν λόγον αὐτοῖς ὡς τό γ᾽ ἐπιὸν θέρος οἷοί τ᾽ ἔσονται περιγενέσθαι. [3] ἡ δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλις πᾶσί τε τούτοις ἐθάρσει καὶ μάλιστα ὅτι οἱ ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας αὐτοῖς ξύμμαχοι πολλῇ δυνάμει, κατ᾽ ἀνάγκην ἤδη τοῦ ναυτικοῦ προσγεγενημένου, ἅμα τῷ ἦρι ὡς εἰκὸς παρέσεσθαι ἔμελλον. [4] πανταχόθεν τε εὐέλπιδες ὄντες ἀπροφασίστως ἅπτεσθαι διενοοῦντο τοῦ πολέμου, λογιζόμενοι καλῶς τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ κινδύνων τε τοιούτων ἀπηλλάχθαι ἂν τὸ λοιπὸν οἷος καὶ ὁ ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων περιέστη ἂν αὐτούς, εἰ τὸ Σικελικὸν προσέλαβον, καὶ καθελόντες ἐκείνους αὐτοὶ τῆς πάσης Ἑλλάδος ἤδη ἀσφαλῶς ἡγήσεσθαι.
3. εὐθὺς οὖν Ἆγις μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ ὁρμηθεὶς στρατῷ τινὶ ἐκ Δεκελείας τά τε τῶν ξυμμάχων ἠργυρολόγησεν ἐς τὸ ναυτικὸν καὶ τραπόμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ Μηλιῶς κόλπου Οἰταίων τε κατὰ τὴν παλαιὰν ἔχθραν τῆς λείας τὴν πολλὴν ἀπολαβὼν χρήματα ἐπράξατο, καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς Φθιώτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ταύτῃ Θεσσαλῶν ὑπηκόους μεμφομένων καὶ ἀκόντων τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ὁμήρους τέ τινας ἠνάγκασε δοῦναι καὶ χρήματα, καὶ κατέθετο τοὺς ὁμήρους ἐς Κόρινθον, ἔς τε τὴν ξυμμαχίαν ἐπειρᾶτο προσάγειν. [2] Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τὴν πρόσταξιν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἑκατὸν νεῶν τῆς ναυπηγίας ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ἑαυτοῖς μὲν καὶ Βοιωτοῖς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἑκατέροις ἔταξαν, Φωκεῦσι δὲ καὶ Λοκροῖς πέντε καὶ δέκα, καὶ Κορινθίοις πέντε καὶ δέκα, Ἀρκάσι δὲ καὶ Πελληνεῦσι καὶ Σικυωνίοις δέκα, Μεγαρεῦσι δὲ καὶ Τροιζηνίοις καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίοις καὶ Ἑρμιονεῦσι δέκα: τά τε ἄλλα παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸ ἔαρ ἑξόμενοι τοῦ πολέμου.
2. The winter following, upon the great overthrow of the Athenians in Sicily, all the Grecians were presently up against them. Those who before were confederates of neither side thought fit no longer, though uncalled, to abstain from the war, but to go against the Athenians of their own accord, as having not only every one severally this thought, that had the Athenians prospered in Sicily they would afterwards have come upon them also, but imagined withal that the rest of the war would be but short, whereof it would be an honour to participate. And such of them as were confederates of the Lacedaemonians longed now more than ever to be freed as soon as might be of their great toil. [2] But above all, the cities subject to the Athenians were ready, even beyond their ability, to revolt; as they that judged according to their passion, without admitting reason in the matter, that the next summer they were to remain with victory. [3] But the Lacedaemonians themselves took heart, not only from all this, but also principally from that, that their confederates in Sicily with great power, having another navy now necessarily added to their own, would in all likelihood be with them in the beginning of the spring. [4] And being every way full of hopes, they purposed without delay to fall close to the war, making account, if this were well ended, both to be free hereafter from any more such dangers as the Athenians, if they had gotten Sicily, would have put them into, and also, having pulled them down, to have the principality of all Greece now secure unto themselves.
3. Whereupon Agis, their king, went out with a part of his army the same winter from Deceleia and levied money amongst the confederates for the building of a navy; and turning into the Melian gulf, upon an old grudge took a great booty from the Oetaeans, which he made money of, and forced those of Pthiotis, being Achaians, and others in those parts subjects to the Thessalians (the Thessalians complaining and unwilling) to give them hostages and money. The hostages he put into Corinth, and endeavoured to draw them into the league. [2] And the Lacedaemonians imposed upon the states confederate, the charge of building one hundred galleys; that is to say, on their own state and on the Boeotians, each twenty-five; on the Phoceans and Locrians, fifteen; on the Corinthians, fifteen; on the Arcadians, Sicyonians, and Pellenians, ten; and on the Megareans, Troezenians, and Hermionians, ten. And put all things else in readiness presently with the spring to begin the war.
οὐδ’ αὐτὴν τὴν ἀπόστασιν, εἰ τοῦτο δοκοῦσι παρὰ τὸ ἀσφαλέστερον πρᾶξαι
24. τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ θέρους οἵ τ᾽ ἐπὶ Μιλήτῳ Ἀθηναῖοι ταῖς εἴκοσι ναυσὶν ἐν τῇ Λάδῃ ἐφορμοῦντες ἀπόβασιν ποιησάμενοι ἐς Πάνορμον τῆς Μιλησίας Χαλκιδέα τε τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄρχοντα μετ᾽ ὀλίγων παραβοηθήσαντα ἀποκτείνουσι καὶ τροπαῖον τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ὕστερον διαπλεύσαντες ἔστησαν, ὃ οἱ Μιλήσιοι ὡς οὐ μετὰ κράτους τῆς γῆς σταθὲν ἀνεῖλον: [2] καὶ Λέων καὶ Διομέδων ἔχοντες τὰς ἐκ Λέσβου Ἀθηναίων ναῦς, ἔκ τε Οἰνουσσῶν τῶν πρὸ Χίου νήσων καὶ ἐκ Σιδούσσης καὶ ἐκ Πτελεοῦ, ἃ ἐν τῇ Ἐρυθραίᾳ εἶχον τείχη, καὶ ἐκ τῆς Λέσβου ὁρμώμενοι τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Χίους πόλεμον ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἐποιοῦντο: εἶχον δ᾽ ἐπιβάτας τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐκ καταλόγου ἀναγκαστούς. [3] καὶ ἔν τε Καρδαμύλῃ ἀποβάντες καὶ ἐν Βολίσκῳ τοὺς προσβοηθήσαντας τῶν Χίων μάχῃ νικήσαντες καὶ πολλοὺς διαφθείραντες ἀνάστατα ἐποίησαν τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία, καὶ ἐν Φάναις αὖθις ἄλλῃ μάχῃ ἐνίκησαν καὶ τρίτῃ ἐν Λευκωνίῳ. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο οἱ μὲν Χῖοι ἤδη οὐκέτι ἐπεξῇσαν, οἱ δὲ τὴν χώραν καλῶς κατεσκευασμένην καὶ ἀπαθῆ οὖσαν ἀπὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν μέχρι τότε διεπόρθησαν. [4] Χῖοι γὰρ μόνοι μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίους ὧν ἐγὼ ᾐσθόμην ηὐδαιμόνησάν τε ἅμα καὶ ἐσωφρόνησαν, καὶ ὅσῳ ἐπεδίδου ἡ πόλις αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον, τόσῳ δὲ καὶ ἐκοσμοῦντο ἐχυρώτερον. [5] καὶ οὐδ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν ἀπόστασιν, εἰ τοῦτο δοκοῦσι παρὰ τὸ ἀσφαλέστερον πρᾶξαι, πρότερον ἐτόλμησαν ποιήσασθαι ἢ μετὰ πολλῶν τε καὶ ἀγαθῶν ξυμμάχων ἔμελλον ξυγκινδυνεύσειν καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ᾐσθάνοντο οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀντιλέγοντας ἔτι μετὰ τὴν Σικελικὴν ξυμφορὰν ὡς οὐ πάνυ πονηρά σφῶν [βεβαίως ] τὰ πράγματα εἴη: εἰ δέ τι ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρωπείοις τοῦ βίου παραλόγοις ἐσφάλησαν, μετὰ πολλῶν οἷς ταὐτὰ ἔδοξε, τὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ταχὺ ξυναναιρεθήσεσθαι, τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ξυνέγνωσαν. [6] εἰργομένοις οὖν αὐτοῖς τῆς θαλάσσης καὶ κατὰ γῆν πορθουμένοις ἐνεχείρησάν τινες πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ἀγαγεῖν τὴν πόλιν: οὓς αἰσθόμενοι οἱ ἄρχοντες αὐτοὶ μὲν ἡσύχασαν, Ἀστύοχον δὲ ἐξ Ἐρυθρῶν τὸν ναύαρχον μετὰ τεσσάρων νεῶν, αἳ παρῆσαν αὐτῷ, κομίσαντες ἐσκόπουν ὅπως μετριώτατα ἢ ὁμήρων λήψει ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ τρόπῳ καταπαύσουσι τὴν ἐπιβουλήν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἔπρασσον.
24. The same summer, those Athenians that with twenty galleys lay in the isle of Lada before Miletus, landing in the territory of Miletus at Panormus, slew Chalcideus, the Lacedaemonian commander, that came out against them but with a few, and set up a trophy, and the third day after departed. But the Milesians pulled down the trophy, as erected where the Athenians were not masters. [2] Leon and Diomedon, with the Athenian galleys that were at Lesbos, made war upon the Chians by sea from the isles called Oenussae, which lie before Chios, and from Sidussa and Pteleum (forts they held in Erythraea), and from Lesbos. They that were aboard were men of arms of the roll, compelled to serve in the fleet. With these they landed at Cardamyle; [3] and having overthrown the Chians that made head in a battle at Bolissus, and slain many of them, they recovered from the enemy all the places of that quarter. And again they overcame them in another battle at Phanae, and in a third at Leuconium. After this, the Chians went out no more to fight; by which means the Athenians made spoil of their territory, excellently well furnished. [4] For except it were the Lacedaemonians, the Chians were the only men that I have heard of that had joined advisedness to prosperity, and the more their city increased, had carried the more respect in the administration thereof to assure it. [5] Nor ventured they now to revolt (lest any man should think that, in this act at least, they regarded not what was the safest) till they had many and strong confederates with whose help to try their fortune, nor till such time as they perceived the people of Athens (as they themselves could not deny) to have their estate after the defeat in Sicily reduced to extreme weakness. And if through human misreckoning they miscarried in aught, they erred with many others, who in like manner had an opinion that the state of the Athenians would quickly have been overthrown. [6] Being therefore shut up by sea, and having their lands spoiled, some within undertook to make the city return unto the Athenians. Which though the magistrates perceived, yet they themselves stirred not; but having received Astyochus into the city with four galleys that were with him from Erythraea, they took advice together, how by taking hostages, or some other gentle way, to make them give over the conspiracy. Thus stood the business with the Chians.
ἐντεῦθεν δὴ ὡς ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ὄντες ἀγγελίαν ἔπεμπον ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ ναῦς τοῦ ξυμπαρακομισθῆναι.
39. ἐκ δὲ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι αἱ τῷ Φαρναβάζῳ [ὑπὸ] Καλλιγείτου τοῦ Μεγαρέως καὶ Τιμαγόρου τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ πρασσόντων παρασκευασθεῖσαι ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι νῆες ἄρασαι ἔπλεον ἐπὶ Ἰωνίας περὶ ἡλίου τροπάς, καὶ ἄρχων ἐπέπλει αὐτῶν Ἀντισθένης Σπαρτιάτης. [2] ξυνέπεμψαν δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ἕνδεκα ἄνδρας Σπαρτιατῶν ξυμβούλους Ἀστυόχῳ, ὧν εἷς ἦν Λίχας ὁ Ἀρκεσιλάου: καὶ εἴρητο αὐτοῖς ἐς Μίλητον ἀφικομένους τῶν τε ἄλλων ξυνεπιμέλεσθαι ᾗ μέλλει ἄριστα ἕξειν, καὶ τὰς ναῦς ταύτας ἢ αὐτὰς ἢ πλείους ἢ καὶ ἐλάσσους ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ὡς Φαρνάβαζον, ἢν δοκῇ, ἀποπέμπειν, Κλέαρχον τὸν Ῥαμφίου, ὃς ξυνέπλει, ἄρχοντα προστάξαντας, καὶ Ἀστύοχον, ἢν δοκῇ τοῖς ἕνδεκα ἀνδράσι, παύειν τῆς ναυαρχίας, Ἀντισθένη δὲ καθιστάναι: πρὸς γὰρ τὰς τοῦ Πεδαρίτου ἐπιστολὰς ὑπώπτευον αὐτόν. [3] πλέουσαι οὖν αἱ νῆες ἀπὸ Μαλέας πελάγιαι Μήλῳ προσέβαλον, καὶ περιτυχόντες ναυσὶ δέκα Ἀθηναίων τὰς τρεῖς λαμβάνουσι κενὰς καὶ κατακαίουσιν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο δεδιότες μὴ αἱ διαφυγοῦσαι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐκ τῆς Μήλου νῆες, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μηνύσωσι τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ τὸν ἐπίπλουν αὐτῶν, πρὸς τὴν Κρήτην πλεύσαντες καὶ πλείω τὸν πλοῦν διὰ φυλακῆς ποιησάμενοι ἐς τὴν Καῦνον τῆς Ἀσίας κατῆραν. [4] ἐντεῦθεν δὴ ὡς ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ὄντες ἀγγελίαν ἔπεμπον ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ ναῦς τοῦ ξυμπαρακομισθῆναι.
39. The same winter, about the solstice, went out from Peloponnesus towards Ionia those twenty-seven galleys which at the procurement of Calligeitus of Megara and Timagoras of Cyzicus were made ready by the Lacedaemonians for Pharnabazus. The commander of them was Antisthenes, a Spartan, with whom the Lacedaemonians sent eleven Spartans more to be of council with Astyochus, whereof Lichas, the son of Arcesilaus, was one. [2] These had commission that when they should be arrived at Miletus, besides their general care to order everything to the best, they should send away these galleys, either the same or more or fewer, into the Hellespont to Pharnabazus if they so thought fit, and to appoint Clearchus, the son of Rhamphias, that went along in them, for commander; and that the same eleven, if they thought it meet, should put Astyochus from his charge and ordain Antisthenes in his place; for they had him in suspicion for the letters of Pedaritus. [3] These galleys, holding their course from Malea through the main sea and arriving at Melos, lighted on ten galleys of the Athenians, whereof three they took, but without the men, and fired them. After this, because they feared lest those Athenian galleys that escaped from Melos should give notice of their coming to those in Samos (as also it fell out), they changed their course and went towards Crete; and having made their voyage the longer that it might be the safer, they put in at Caunus in Asia. [4] Now from thence, as being in a place of safety, they sent a messenger to the fleet at Miletus for a convoy.
Σούνιον τειχίσαντες, ὅπως αὐτοῖς ἀσφάλεια ταῖς σιταγωγοῖς ναυσὶν εἴη τοῦ περίπλου
4. παρεσκευάζοντο δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὥσπερ διενοήθησαν, ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι τούτῳ τήν τε ναυπηγίαν, ξύλα ξυμπορισάμενοι, καὶ Σούνιον τειχίσαντες, ὅπως αὐτοῖς ἀσφάλεια ταῖς σιταγωγοῖς ναυσὶν εἴη τοῦ περίπλου, καὶ τό τε ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ τείχισμα ἐκλιπόντες ὃ ἐνῳκοδόμησαν παραπλέοντες ἐς Σικελίαν, καὶ τἆλλα, εἴ πού τι ἐδόκει ἀχρεῖον ἀναλίσκεσθαι, ξυστελλόμενοι ἐς εὐτέλειαν, μάλιστα δὲ τὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων διασκοποῦντες ὅπως μὴ σφῶν ἀποστήσονται.
4. The Athenians also made their preparations as they had designed, having gotten timber and built their navy this same winter, and fortified the promontory of Sunium that their cornboats might come about in safety. Also they abandoned the fort in Laconia, which they had built as they went by for Sicily. And generally where there appeared expense upon anything unuseful, they contracted their charge.
τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, οἳ ἧκον κατάσκοποι αὐτοῦ, ἀσφαλῶς περαιωθῆναι
41. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἐκ τῆς Καύνου παραγίγνεται ἀγγελία ὅτι αἱ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι νῆες καὶ οἱ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξύμβουλοι πάρεισιν: καὶ νομίσας πάντα ὕστερα εἶναι τἆλλα πρὸς τὸ ναῦς τε, ὅπως θαλασσοκρατοῖεν μᾶλλον, τοσαύτας ξυμπαρακομίσαι, καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, οἳ ἧκον κατάσκοποι αὐτοῦ, ἀσφαλῶς περαιωθῆναι, εὐθὺς ἀφεὶς τὸ ἐς τὴν Χίον ἔπλει ἐς τὴν Καῦνον. [2] καὶ ἐς Κῶν τὴν Μεροπίδα ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ ἀποβὰς τήν τε πόλιν ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν καὶ ὑπὸ σεισμοῦ, ὃς αὐτοῖς ἔτυχε μέγιστός γε δὴ ὧν μεμνήμεθα γενόμενος, ξυμπεπτωκυῖαν ἐκπορθεῖ, τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐς τὰ ὄρη πεφευγότων, καὶ τὴν χώραν καταδρομαῖς λείαν ἐποιεῖτο, πλὴν τῶν ἐλευθέρων: τούτους δὲ ἀφίει. [3] ἐκ δὲ τῆς Κῶ ἀφικόμενος ἐς τὴν Κνίδον νυκτὸς ἀναγκάζεται ὑπὸ τῶν Κνιδίων παραινούντων μὴ ἐκβιβάσαι τοὺς ναύτας, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ εἶχε πλεῖν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναῦς εἴκοσιν, ἃς ἔχων Χαρμῖνος εἷς τῶν ἐκ Σάμου στρατηγῶν ἐφύλασσε ταύτας τὰς ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι ναῦς ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου προσπλεούσας, ἐφ᾽ ἅσπερ καὶ ὁ Ἀστύοχος παρέπλει. [4] ἐπύθοντο δὲ οἱ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ ἐκ τῆς Μήλου τὸν ἐπίπλουν αὐτῶν, καὶ ἡ φυλακὴ τῷ Χαρμίνῳ περὶ τὴν Σύμην καὶ Χάλκην καὶ Ῥόδον καὶ περὶ τὴν Λυκίαν ἦν: ἤδη γὰρ ᾐσθάνετο καὶ ἐν τῇ Καύνῳ οὔσας αὐτάς.
41. But in the meantime came the messenger from the twentyseven galleys and from the Lacedaemonian counsellors that were come to Caunus. Astyochus, therefore, esteeming the wafting in of these galleys, whereby they might the more freely command the sea, and the safe coming in of those Lacedaemonians, who were to look into his actions, a business that ought to be preferred above all other, presently gave over his journey for Chios and went towards Caunus. [2] As he went by the coast, he landed at Cos Meropidis, being unwalled and thrown down by an earthquake which had happened there, the greatest verily in man's memory, and rifled it, the inhabitants being fled into the mountains; and overrunning the country, made booty of all that came in his way, saving of freemen, and those he dismissed. [3] From Cos he went by night to Cnidus, but found it necessary, by the advice of the Cnidians, not to land his men there, but to follow as he was after those twenty galleys of Athens, wherewith Charminus, one of the Athenian generals gone out from Samos, stood watching for those twenty-seven galleys that were come from Peloponnesus, the same that Astyochus himself was going to convoy in. [4] For they at Samos had had intelligence from Miletus of their coming; and Charminus was lying for them about Syme, Chalce, Rhodes, and the coast of Lycia; for by this time he knew that they were at Caunus.
βραχεῖ μορίῳ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ ἅμα μετὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὺς περὶ ἑαυτοὺς τοὺς Ἕλληνας κατατρῖψαι
46. παρῄνει δὲ καὶ τῷ Τισσαφέρνει μὴ ἄγαν ἐπείγεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον διαλῦσαι, μηδὲ βουληθῆναι κομίσαντα ἢ ναῦς Φοινίσσας ἅσπερ παρεσκευάζετο ἢ Ἕλλησι πλέοσι μισθὸν πορίζοντα τοῖς αὐτοῖς τῆς τε γῆς καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης τὸ κράτος δοῦναι, ἔχειν δ᾽ ἀμφοτέρους ἐᾶν δίχα τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ βασιλεῖ ἐξεῖναι αἰεὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτῷ λυπηροὺς τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐπάγειν. [2] γενομένης δ᾽ ἂν καθ᾽ ἓν τῆς ἐς γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν ἀρχῆς ἀπορεῖν ἂν αὐτὸν οἷς τοὺς κρατοῦντας ξυγκαθαιρήσει, ἢν μὴ αὐτὸς βούληται μεγάλῃ δαπάνῃ καὶ κινδύνῳ ἀναστάς ποτε διαγωνίσασθαι. εὐτελέστερα δὲ τάδ᾽ εἶναι, βραχεῖ μορίῳ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ ἅμα μετὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὺς περὶ ἑαυτοὺς τοὺς Ἕλληνας κατατρῖψαι. [3] ἐπιτηδειοτέρους τε ἔφη τοὺς Ἀθηναίους εἶναι κοινωνοὺς αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς: ἧσσον γὰρ τῶν κατὰ γῆν ἐφίεσθαι, τὸν λόγον τε ξυμφορώτατον καὶ τὸ ἔργον ἔχοντας πολεμεῖν: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ξυγκαταδουλοῦν ἂν σφίσι τε αὐτοῖς τὸ τῆς θαλάσσης μέρος καὶ ἐκείνῳ ὅσοι ἐν τῇ βασιλέως Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσι, τοὺς δὲ τοὐναντίον ἐλευθερώσοντας ἥκειν, καὶ οὐκ εἰκὸς εἶναι Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπὸ μὲν σφῶν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθεροῦν νῦν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἀπὸ δ᾽ ἐκείνων [τῶν βαρβάρων], ἢν μή ποτε αὐτοὺς μὴ ἐξέλωσι, μὴ ἐλευθερῶσαι. [4] τρίβειν οὖν ἐκέλευε πρῶτον ἀμφοτέρους, καὶ ἀποτεμόμενον ὡς μέγιστα ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἔπειτ᾽ ἤδη τοὺς Πελοποννησίους ἀπαλλάξαι ἐκ τῆς χώρας. [5] καὶ διενοεῖτο τὸ πλέον οὕτως ὁ Τισσαφέρνης, ὅσα γε ἀπὸ τῶν ποιουμένων ἦν εἰκάσαι. τῷ γὰρ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ διὰ ταῦτα ὡς εὖ περὶ τούτων παραινοῦντι προσθεὶς ἑαυτὸν ἐς πίστιν τήν τε τροφὴν κακῶς ἐπόριζε τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις καὶ ναυμαχεῖν οὐκ εἴα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς Φοινίσσας φάσκων ναῦς ἥξειν καὶ ἐκ περιόντος ἀγωνιεῖσθαι ἔφθειρε τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ ναυτικοῦ αὐτῶν ἀφείλετο γενομένην καὶ πάνυ ἰσχυράν, τά τε ἄλλα καταφανέστερον ἢ ὥστε λανθάνειν οὐ προθύμως ξυνεπολέμει.
46. Moreover, he advised Tissaphernes not to be too hasty to make an end of the war, nor to fetch in the Phoenician fleet which was making ready, nor take more men into pay, whereby to put the whole power both by sea and land into the hands of one, but to let the dominion remain divided into two, that the king, when one side troubled him, might set upon it with the other; [2] whereas the dominion both by sea and land being in one, he will want by whom to pull down those that hold it unless with great danger and cost he should come and try it out himself; but thus the danger would be less chargeable, he being but at a small part of the cost; and he should wear out the Grecians one against another and himself in the meantime remain in safety. [3] He said further that the Athenians were fitter to partake dominion with him than the other for that they were less ambitious of power by land and that their speeches and actions tended more to the king's purpose; for that they would join with him to subdue the Grecians, that is to say, for themselves as touching the dominion by sea, and for the king as touching the Grecians in the king's territories; whereas the Lacedaemonians, on the contrary, were come to set them free; and it was not likely but that they that were come to deliver the Grecians from the Grecians will, if they overcome the Athenians, deliver them also from the barbarians. [4] He gave counsel therefore, first to wear them out both and then, when he had clipped, as near as he could, the wings of the Athenians, to dismiss the Peloponnesians out of his country. [5]
And Tissaphernes had a purpose to do accordingly, as far as by his actions can be conjectured. For hereupon he gave himself to believe Alcibiades as his best counsellor in these affairs, and neither paid the Peloponnesians their wages nor would suffer them to fight by sea; but pretending the coming of the Phoenician fleet, whereby they might afterwards fight with odds, he overthrew their proceedings and abated the vigour of their navy, before very puissant, and was in all things else more backward than he could possibly dissemble.
πλεῖστα ἐς τὴν τῶν ὀλίγων ἀσφάλειαν ὠφέλησαν, βέβαιον τὴν ἀπιστίαν τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν καταστήσαντες.
66. ἦν δὲ τοῦτο εὐπρεπὲς πρὸς τοὺς πλείους, ἐπεὶ ἕξειν γε τὴν πόλιν οἵπερ καὶ μεθίστασαν ἔμελλον. δῆμος μέντοι ὅμως ἔτι καὶ βουλὴ ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου ξυνελέγετο: ἐβούλευον δὲ οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τοῖς ξυνεστῶσι δοκοίη, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ λέγοντες ἐκ τούτων ἦσαν καὶ τὰ ῥηθησόμενα πρότερον αὐτοῖς προύσκεπτο. [2] ἀντέλεγέ τε οὐδεὶς ἔτι τῶν ἄλλων, δεδιὼς καὶ ὁρῶν πολὺ τὸ ξυνεστηκός: εἰ δέ τις καὶ ἀντείποι, εὐθὺς ἐκ τρόπου τινὸς ἐπιτηδείου ἐτεθνήκει, καὶ τῶν δρασάντων οὔτε ζήτησις οὔτ᾽ εἰ ὑποπτεύοιντο δικαίωσις ἐγίγνετο, ἀλλ᾽ ἡσυχίαν εἶχεν ὁ δῆμος καὶ κατάπληξιν τοιαύτην ὥστε κέρδος ὁ μὴ πάσχων τι βίαιον, εἰ καὶ σιγῴη, ἐνόμιζεν. [3] καὶ τὸ ξυνεστηκὸς πολὺ πλέον ἡγούμενοι εἶναι ἢ ὅσον ἐτύγχανεν ὂν ἡσσῶντο ταῖς γνώμαις, καὶ ἐξευρεῖν αὐτὸ ἀδύνατοι ὄντες διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως καὶ διὰ τὴν ἀλλήλων ἀγνωσίαν οὐκ εἶχον [αὐτοὶ ἐξευρεῖν]. [4] κατὰ δὲ ταὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ προσολοφύρασθαί τινι ἀγανακτήσαντα, ὥστε ἀμύνασθαι ἐπιβουλεύσαντα, ἀδύνατον ἦν: ἢ γὰρ ἀγνῶτα ἂν ηὗρεν ᾧ ἐρεῖ ἢ γνώριμον ἄπιστον. [5] ἀλλήλοις γὰρ ἅπαντες ὑπόπτως προσῇσαν οἱ τοῦ δήμου, ὡς μετέχοντά τινα τῶν γιγνομένων. ἐνῆσαν γὰρ καὶ οὓς οὐκ ἄν ποτέ τις ᾤετο ἐς ὀλιγαρχίαν τραπέσθαι: καὶ τὸ ἄπιστον οὗτοι μέγιστον πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐποίησαν καὶ πλεῖστα ἐς τὴν τῶν ὀλίγων ἀσφάλειαν ὠφέλησαν, βέβαιον τὴν ἀπιστίαν τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν καταστήσαντες.
67. ἐν τούτῳ οὖν τῷ καιρῷ οἱ περὶ τὸν Πείσανδρον ἐλθόντες εὐθὺς τῶν λοιπῶν εἴχοντο. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν δῆμον ξυλλέξαντες εἶπον γνώμην δέκα ἄνδρας ἑλέσθαι ξυγγραφέας αὐτοκράτορας, τούτους δὲ ξυγγράψαντας γνώμην ἐσενεγκεῖν ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐς ἡμέραν ῥητὴν καθ᾽ ὅτι ἄριστα ἡ πόλις οἰκήσεται: [2] ἔπειτα ἐπειδὴ ἡ ἡμέρα ἐφῆκε, ξυνέκλῃσαν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐς τὸν Κολωνόν （ἔστι δὲ ἱερὸν Ποσειδῶνος ἔξω πόλεως ἀπέχον σταδίους μάλιστα δέκα）, καὶ ἐσήνεγκαν οἱ ξυγγραφῆς ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, αὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο, ἐξεῖναι μὲν Ἀθηναίων ἀνατεὶ εἰπεῖν γνώμην ἣν ἄν τις βούληται: ἢν δέ τις τὸν εἰπόντα ἢ γράψηται παρανόμων ἢ ἄλλῳ τῳ τρόπῳ βλάψῃ, μεγάλας ζημίας ἐπέθεσαν. [3] ἐνταῦθα δὴ λαμπρῶς ἐλέγετο ἤδη μήτε ἀρχὴν ἄρχειν μηδεμίαν ἔτι ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ κόσμου μήτε μισθοφορεῖν προέδρους τε ἑλέσθαι πέντε ἄνδρας, τούτους δὲ ἑλέσθαι ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, καὶ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἕκαστον πρὸς ἑαυτὸν τρεῖς: ἐλθόντας δὲ αὐτοὺς τετρακοσίους ὄντας ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἄρχειν ὅπῃ ἂν ἄριστα γιγνώσκωσιν αὐτοκράτορας, καὶ τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους δὲ ξυλλέγειν ὁπόταν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ.
66. And this with the most carried a good shew, because they that would set forward the alteration of the state were to have the managing of the same. Yet the people and the Council of the Bean met still, but debated nothing, save what the conspirators thought fit; nay, all that spake were of that number, and had considered before what they were to say. [2] Nor would any of the rest speak against them, for fear, because they saw the combination was great; and if any man did, he was quickly made away by one convenient means or other, and no inquiry made after the deed-doers, nor justice prosecuted against any that was suspected. But the people were so quiet and so afraid that every man thought it gain to escape violence though he said never a word. [3] Their hearts failed them because they thought the conspirators more indeed than they were; and to learn their number, in respect of the greatness of the city and for that they knew not one another, they were unable. [4] For the same cause also was it impossible for any man that was angry at it to bemoan himself, whereby to be revenged on them that conspired; for he must have told his mind either to one he knew not or to one he knew and trusted not. [5] For the popular approached each other, every one with jealousy, as if they thought him of the plot. For indeed there were such amongst them as no man would have thought would ever have turned to the oligarchy; and those were they that caused in the many that diffidence, and by strengthening the jealousy of the popular one against another, conferred most to the security of the few.
67. During this opportunity, Pisander and they that were with him, coming in, fell in hand presently with the remainder of the business. And first they assembled the people and delivered their opinion for ten men to be chosen with power absolute to make a draught of laws, and having drawn them, to deliver their opinion at a day appointed before the people, touching the best form of government for the city. [2] Afterwards, when that day came, they summoned the assembly to Colonus, which is a place consecrated to Neptune without the city, about two furlongs off. And they that were appointed to write the laws, presented this, and only this: That it should be lawful for any Athenian to deliver whatsoever opinion he pleased; imposing of great punishments upon whosoever should either accuse any that so spake of violating the laws or otherwise do him hurt. [3] Now here indeed it was in plain terms propounded that not any magistracy of the form before used might any longer be in force, nor any fee belong unto it; but that five Prytanes might be elected, and these five choose a hundred, and every one of this hundred take unto him three others; and these four hundred, entering into the council-house, might have absolute authority to govern the state as they thought best and to summon the five thousand as oft as to them it should seem good.
ὑποσχόμενος τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ μεγάλην χάριν
88. Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ ἐπειδὴ καὶ τὸν Τισσαφέρνην ᾔσθετο παριόντα ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσπένδου, ἔπλει καὶ αὐτὸς λαβὼν τρεῖς καὶ δέκα ναῦς, ὑποσχόμενος τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ μεγάλην χάριν （ἢ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἄξειν Ἀθηναίοις τὰς Φοινίσσας ναῦς ἢ Πελοποννησίοις γε κωλύσειν ἐλθεῖν）, εἰδώς, ὡς εἰκός, ἐκ πλέονος τὴν Τισσαφέρνους γνώμην ὅτι οὐκ ἄξειν ἔμελλε, καὶ βουλόμενος αὐτὸν τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις ἐς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ Ἀθηναίων φιλίαν ὡς μάλιστα διαβάλλειν, ὅπως μᾶλλον δι᾽ αὐτὸ σφίσιν ἀναγκάζοιτο προσχωρεῖν.καὶ ὁ μὲν ἄρας εὐθὺ τῆς Φασήλιδος καὶ Καύνου ἄνω τὸν πλοῦν ἐποιεῖτο.
88. Alcibiades, when he heard that Tissaphernes was gone to Aspendus, goes after him with thirteen galleys, promising to those at Samos a safe and great benefit, which was that he would either bring those Phoenician galleys to the service of the Athenians, or at least hinder their coming to the Peloponnesians; knowing, as is likely, the mind of Tissaphernes by long acquaintance, that he meant not to bring them on, and desiring, as much as he could, to procure him the ill will of the Peloponnesians for the friendship shown to himself and to the Athenians that he might thereby the better engage him to take their part. So he presently put to sea, holding his course for Phaselis and Caunus upwards.
ἡδέως ἂν ἀπαλλαγέντας πῃ ἀσφαλῶς τοῦ πράγματος πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον ἐπέρρωσαν.
89. οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς Σάμου ἀπὸ τῶν τετρακοσίων πεμφθέντες πρέσβεις ἐπειδὴ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀπήγγειλαν τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου, ὡς κελεύει τε ἀντέχειν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδιδόναι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἐλπίδας τε ὅτι πολλὰς ἔχει κἀκείνοις τὸ στράτευμα διαλλάξειν καὶ Πελοποννησίων περιέσεσθαι, ἀχθομένους καὶ πρότερον τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν μετεχόντων τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ἡδέως ἂν ἀπαλλαγέντας πῃ ἀσφαλῶς τοῦ πράγματος πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον ἐπέρρωσαν. [2] καὶ ξυνίσταντό τε ἤδη καὶ τὰ πράγματα διεμέμφοντο, ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας τῶν πάνυ [στρατηγῶν] τῶν ἐν τῇ ὀλιγαρχίᾳ καὶ ἐν ἀρχαῖς ὄντων, οἷον Θηραμένη τε τὸν Ἅγνωνος καὶ Ἀριστοκράτη τὸν Σκελίου καὶ ἄλλους, οἳ μετέσχον μὲν ἐν τοῖς πρῶτοι τῶν πραγμάτων, φοβούμενοι δέ, ὡς ἔφασαν, τό τε ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ στράτευμα καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην σπουδῇ πάνυ, τούς τε ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πρεσβευομένους [ἔπεμπον], μή τι ἄνευ τῶν πλεόνων κακὸν δράσωσι τὴν πόλιν, οὐ τὸ † ἀπαλλαξείειν τοῦ ἄγαν ἐς ὀλίγους ἐλθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους ἔργῳ καὶ μὴ ὀνόματι χρῆναι ἀποδεικνύναι καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἰσαιτέραν καθιστάναι. [3] ἦν δὲ τοῦτο μὲν σχῆμα πολιτικὸν τοῦ λόγου αὐτοῖς, κατ᾽ ἰδίας δὲ φιλοτιμίας οἱ πολλοὶ αὐτῶν τῷ τοιούτῳ προσέκειντο, ἐν ᾧπερ καὶ μάλιστα ὀλιγαρχία ἐκ δημοκρατίας γενομένη ἀπόλλυται: πάντες γὰρ αὐθημερὸν ἀξιοῦσιν οὐχ ὅπως ἴσοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολὺ πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἕκαστος εἶναι: ἐκ δὲ δημοκρατίας αἱρέσεως γιγνομένης ῥᾷον τὰ ἀποβαίνοντα ὡς οὐκ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁμοίων ἐλασσούμενός τις φέρει. [4] σαφέστατα δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπῆρε τὰ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου ἰσχυρὰ ὄντα καὶ ὅτι αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἐδόκει μόνιμον τὸ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας ἔσεσθαι: ἠγωνίζετο οὖν εἷς ἕκαστος αὐτὸς πρῶτος προστάτης τοῦ δήμου γενέσθαι.
89. The ambassadors of The Four Hundred being returned from Samos to Athens and having related what they had in charge from Alcibiades, how that he exhorted them to hold out and not give ground to the enemy, and that he had great hopes to reconcile them to the army and to overcome the Peloponnesians, whereas many of the sharers in the oligarchy were formerly discontented and would gladly, if they could have done it safely, have quitted the business, they were now a great deal more confirmed in that mind. [2] And already they had their meetings apart and did cast aspersions on the government, and had for their ringleaders some of the heads of the oligarchicals and such as bare office amongst them, as Theramenes, the son of Agnon, and Aristocrates, the son of Scellius, and others, who though they were partakers with the foremost in the affairs of state, yet feared, as they said, Alcibiades and the army at Samos; and joined in the sending of ambassadors to Lacedaemon, because they were loth, by singling themselves from the greater number, to hurt the state, not that they dismissed the state into the hands of a very few, but said that The Five Thousand ought in fact to be assigned, and not in voice only, and the government to be reduced to a greater equality. [3] And this was indeed the form pretended in words by The Four Hundred. But the most of them, through private ambition, fell upon that by which an oligarchy made out of a democracy is chiefly overthrown. For at once they claimed every one not to be equal but to be far the chief. Whereas in a democracy, when election is made, because a man is not overcome by his equals, he can better brook it. [4] But the great power of Alcibiades at Samos and the opinion they had that the oligarchy was not like to last was it that most evidently encouraged them; and thereupon they every one contended who should most eminently become the patron of the people.
Ποσειδᾶνος
Ἀσφαλείου.
αἰεὶ δὲ τιθεὶς τὰ τῶν φίλων ἀσφαλῶς αἰεὶ ἀμαυροῦν τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἔργον εἶχεν
[12] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις βαρύτατος μὲν ἀνταγωνιστὴς ἦν, κουφότατος δὲ κρατήσας: ἐχθροῖς μὲν δυσεξαπάτητος, φίλοις δὲ εὐπαραπειστότατος. αἰεὶ δὲ τιθεὶς τὰ τῶν φίλων ἀσφαλῶς αἰεὶ ἀμαυροῦν τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἔργον εἶχεν.
[13] ἐκεῖνον οἱ μὲν συγγενεῖς φιλοκηδεμόνα ἐκάλουν, οἱ δὲ χρώμενοι ἀπροφάσιστον, οἱ δ᾽ ὑπουργήσαντές τι μνήμονα, οἱ δ᾽ ἀδικούμενοι ἐπίκουρον, οἵ γε μὴν συγκινδυνεύοντες μετὰ θεοὺς σωτῆρα.
[14] δοκεῖ δ᾽ ἔμοιγε καὶ τόδε μόνος ἀνθρώπων ἐπιδεῖξαι, ὅτι ἡ μὲν τοῦ σώματος ἰσχὺς γηράσκει, ἡ δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς ῥώμη τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀγήρατός ἐστιν. ἐκεῖνος γοῦν οὐκ ἀπεῖπε μεγάλην καὶ καλὴν ἐφιέμενος <δόξαν, ἔστε> τὸ σῶμα φέρειν ἐδύνατο τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτοῦ ῥώμην.
[12] Added to this, he was the bitterest of adversaries, but the mildest of conquerors; wary with enemies, but very compliant to friends.
While ever ensuring security to his own side, he ever made it his business to bring to nought the designs of his enemy.
[13] By his relatives he was described as “devoted to his family,” by his intimates as “an unfailing friend,” by those who served him as “unforgetful,” by the oppressed as “a champion,” by his comrades in danger as “a saviour second to the gods.”
In one respect, I think, he was unique.
[14] He proved that, though the bodily strength decays, the vigour of good men's souls is ageless. At any rate, he never wearied in the pursuit of great and noble glory so long as his body could support the vigour of his soul.
οὐ μέντοι εἵλετό γε τὰ ἀσφαλέστατα
[11] （ἦσαν δ᾽ οὗτοι τῶν τε ἐξ οἴκου αὐτῷ συστρατευσαμένων καὶ τῶν Κυρείων τινές）, καὶ Ἴωνες δὲ καὶ Αἰολεῖς καὶ Ἑλλησπόντιοι ἐχόμενοι. καὶ πάντες οὗτοι τῶν συνεκδραμόντων τε ἐγένοντο καὶ εἰς δόρυ ἀφικόμενοι ἐτρέψαντο τὸ καθ᾽ ἑαυτούς. Ἀργεῖοι μέντοι οὐκ ἐδέξαντο τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ Ἀγησίλαον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυγον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλικῶνα. κἀνταῦθα οἱ μέν τινες τῶν ξένων ἐστεφάνουν ἤδη τὸν Ἀγησίλαον, ἀγγέλλει δέ τις αὐτῷ ὅτι Θηβαῖοι τοὺς Ὀρχομενίους διακόψαντες ἐν τοῖς σκευοφόροις εἰσί. καὶ ὁ μὲν εὐθὺς ἐξελίξας τὴν φάλαγγα ἦγεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς: οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Θηβαῖοι ὡς εἶδον τοὺς συμμάχους πρὸς τῷ Ἑλικῶνι πεφευγότας, διαπεσεῖν βουλόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἐχώρουν ἐρρωμένως.
[12] ἐνταῦθα δὴ Ἀγησίλαον ἀνδρεῖον μὲν ἔξεστιν εἰπεῖν ἀναμφιλόγως, οὐ μέντοι εἵλετό γε τὰ ἀσφαλέστατα: ἐξὸν γὰρ αὐτῷ παρέντι τοὺς διαπίπτοντας ἑπομένῳ χειροῦσθαι τοὺς ὄπισθεν οὐκ ἐποίησε τοῦτο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιμέτωπος συνέρραξε τοῖς Θηβαίοις. καὶ συμβαλόντες τὰς ἀσπίδας ἐωθοῦντο, ἐμάχοντο, ἀπέκτεινον, ἀπέθνῃσκον. καὶ κραυγὴ μὲν οὐδεμία παρῆν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ σιγή, φωνὴ δέ τις ἦν τοιαύτη οἵαν ὀργή τε καὶ μάχη παράσχοιτ᾽ ἄν. τέλος δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων οἱ μὲν διαπίπτουσι πρὸς τὸν Ἑλικῶνα, πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἀποχωροῦντες ἀπέθανον.
[11] men who had gone with Agesilaus from home and some of the Cyreians, dashed out in turn from their main body, closely followed by Ionians, Aeolians and Hellespontines. All these took part in the dash, and coming within spear-thrust put to flight the force in front of them. As for the Argives, they fled towards Helicon without awaiting the attack of Agesilaus. And now some of the mercenaries were in the act of crowning Agesilaus with a wreath, when a man reported to him that the Thebans had cut their way through the Orchomenians and were among the baggage train. So he immediately wheeled his main body and advanced against them; and the Thebans in their turn, seeing that their allies had sought refuge at the foot of Mt. Helicon, and wanting to break through and join their friends, made a strong move forward.
[12] At this juncture one may say without fear of contradiction that Agesilaus showed courage; but the course that he adopted was not the safest. For he might have allowed the men who were trying to break through to pass, and then have followed them and annihilated those in the rear. Instead of doing that he made a furious frontal attack on the Thebans. Thrusting shield against shield, they shoved and fought and killed and fell. There was no shouting, nor was there silence, but the strange noise that wrath and battle together will produce. In the end some of the Thebans broke through and reached Helicon, but many fell during the retreat.
προπέμψαι ἐπέταξε τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς ἔστε ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐγένοντο
[13] ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἡ μὲν νίκη σὺν Ἀγησιλάῳ ἐγένετο, τετρωμένος δ᾽ αὐτὸς προσηνέχθη πρὸς τὴν φάλαγγα, προσελάσαντές τινες τῶν ἱππέων λέγουσιν αὐτῷ ὅτι τῶν πολεμίων ὀγδοήκοντα σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ὑπὸ τῷ ναῷ εἰσι, καὶ ἠρώτων τί χρὴ ποιεῖν. ὁ δὲ καίπερ πολλὰ τραύματα ἔχων πάντοσε καὶ παντοίοις ὅπλοις ὅμως οὐκ ἐπελάθετο τοῦ θείου, ἀλλ᾽ ἐᾶν τε ἀπιέναι ὅποι βούλοιντο ἐκέλευε καὶ ἀδικεῖν οὐκ εἴα, καὶ προπέμψαι ἐπέταξε τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς ἔστε ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐγένοντο.
[14] ἐπεί γε μὴν ἔληξεν ἡ μάχη, παρῆν δὴ θεάσασθαι ἔνθα συνέπεσον ἀλλήλοις τὴν μὲν γῆν αἵματι πεφυρμένην, νεκροὺς δὲ κειμένους φιλίους καὶ πολεμίους μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ἀσπίδας δὲ διατεθρυμμένας, δόρατα συντεθραυσμένα, ἐγχειρίδια γυμνὰ κολεῶν, τὰ μὲν χαμαί, τὰ δ᾽ ἐν σώματι, τὰ δ᾽ ἔτι μετὰ χεῖρας.
[13] The victory lay with Agesilaus; but he himself had been carried wounded to his battle-line, when some horsemen rode up, and told him that eighty of the enemy retaining their arms had taken cover in the temple, and they asked what they should do. Though wounded in every part of his body with every sort of weapon, he did not forget his duty towards the gods, but gave orders that these men should be suffered to go whithersoever they wished, and would not suffer them to be harmed, and charged his escort of cavalry to conduct them to a place of safety.
[14] Now that the fighting was at an end, a weird spectacle met the eye, as one surveyed the scene of the conflict — the earth stained with blood, friend and foe lying dead side by side, shields smashed to pieces, spears snapped in two, daggers bared of their sheaths, some on the ground, some embedded in the bodies, some yet gripped by the hand.
μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα μενοῦμεν (Z. 4) / ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα ἄπιμεν (Z. 5)
[11] ἐμοὶ οὖν δοκεῖ οὐχ ὥρα εἶναι ἡμῖν καθεύδειν οὐδ᾽ ἀμελεῖν ἡμῶν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ βουλεύεσθαι ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν ἐκ τούτων. καὶ ἕως γε μένομεν αὐτοῦ σκεπτέον μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα μενοῦμεν, εἴ τε ἤδη δοκεῖ ἀπιέναι, ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα ἄπιμεν, καὶ ὅπως τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἕξομεν: ἄνευ γὰρ τούτων οὔτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν.
[11] In my opinion, therefore, it is no time for us to be sleeping or unconcerned about ourselves; we should rather be considering what course we ought to follow under the present circumstances. And so long as we remain here we must consider, I think, how we can remain most safely; or, again, if we count it best to depart at once, how we are to depart most safely and how we shall secure provisions—for without provisions neither general nor private is of any use.
ἀπιόντες ἀσφαλῶς ἂν ἀπίοιμεν
[19] ἐὰν δὲ μείζων ἡ πρᾶξις τῆς πρόσθεν φαίνηται καὶ ἐπιπονωτέρα καὶ ἐπικινδυνοτέρα, ἀξιοῦν ἢ πείσαντα ἡμᾶς ἄγειν ἢ πεισθέντα πρὸς φιλίαν ἀφιέναι: οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἑπόμενοι ἂν φίλοι αὐτῷ καὶ πρόθυμοι ἑποίμεθα καὶ ἀπιόντες ἀσφαλῶς ἂν ἀπίοιμεν: ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν πρὸς ταῦτα λέγῃ ἀπαγγεῖλαι δεῦρο: ἡμᾶς δ᾽ ἀκούσαντας πρὸς ταῦτα βουλεύεσθαι.
[19] if, however, his enterprise is found to be greater and more laborious and more dangerous than the former one, we ought to demand that he should either offer sufficient persuasion (1) and lead us on with him, or yield to our persuasion and let us go home in friendship; for in this way, if we should follow him, we should follow as friends and zealous supporters, and if we should go back, we should go back in safety. I propose, further, that our representatives should report back to us whatever reply he may make, and that we after hearing it should deliberate about the matter.”
1 i.e. in the form of extra pay.
Vorschlag eines anonymen Redners, dass es keinen Sinn mache, Kyros zu verlassen (1 3 16 bis 1 3 19)
νομίζοντες οὕτω καὶ ἐν ἀσφαλεστάτῳ εἶναι
[22] καὶ πάντες δ᾽ οἱ τῶν βαρβάρων ἄρχοντες μέσον ἔχοντες τὸ αὑτῶν ἡγοῦνται, νομίζοντες οὕτω καὶ ἐν ἀσφαλεστάτῳ εἶναι, ἢν ᾖ ἡ ἰσχὺς αὐτῶν ἑκατέρωθεν, καὶ εἴ τι παραγγεῖλαι χρῄζοιεν, ἡμίσει ἂν χρόνῳ αἰσθάνεσθαι τὸ στράτευμα.
[23] καὶ βασιλεὺς δὴ τότε μέσον ἔχων τῆς αὑτοῦ στρατιᾶς ὅμως ἔξω ἐγένετο τοῦ Κύρου εὐωνύμου κέρατος. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὐδεὶς αὐτῷ ἐμάχετο ἐκ τοῦ ἀντίου οὐδὲ τοῖς αὐτοῦ τεταγμένοις ἔμπροσθεν, ἐπέκαμπτεν ὡς εἰς κύκλωσιν.
[22] in fact, all the generals of the barbarians hold their own centre when they are in command, for they think that this is the safest position, namely, with their forces on either side of them, and also that if they want to pass along an order, the army will get it in half the time;
[23] so in this instance the King held the centre of the army under his command, but still he found himself beyond the left wing of Cyrus. Since, then, there was no one in his front to give battle to him or to the troops drawn up before him, he proceeded to wheel round his line with the intention of encircling the enemy.
(durch einen Angriff auf dieses Zentrum wird Kyros in folgenden Absätzen getötet - vgl. die Alexandertaktik)
τῶν ἱππέων πολὺ ἡμεῖς ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλεστέρου ὀχήματός ἐσμεν (Z. 2) / φεύγειν αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλέστερόν ἐστιν ἢ ἡμῖν (Z. 6)
[18] εἰ δέ τις ὑμῶν ἀθυμεῖ ὅτι ἡμῖν μὲν οὐκ εἰσὶν ἱππεῖς, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις πολλοὶ πάρεισιν, ἐνθυμήθητε ὅτι οἱ μύριοι ἱππεῖς οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ μύριοί εἰσιν ἄνθρωποι: ὑπὸ μὲν γὰρ ἵππου ἐν μάχῃ οὐδεὶς πώποτε οὔτε δηχθεὶς οὔτε λακτισθεὶς ἀπέθανεν, οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες εἰσὶν οἱ ποιοῦντες ὅ τι ἂν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις γίγνηται.
[19] οὐκοῦν τῶν ἱππέων πολὺ ἡμεῖς ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλεστέρου ὀχήματός ἐσμεν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐφ᾽ ἵππων κρέμανται φοβούμενοι οὐχ ἡμᾶς μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ καταπεσεῖν: ἡμεῖς δ᾽ ἐπὶ γῆς βεβηκότες πολὺ μὲν ἰσχυρότερον παίσομεν, ἤν τις προσίῃ, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὅτου ἂν βουλώμεθα τευξόμεθα. ἑνὶ δὲ μόνῳ προέχουσιν οἱ ἱππεῖς [ἡμᾶς]: φεύγειν αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλέστερόν ἐστιν ἢ ἡμῖν.
[18] “But if anyone of you is despondent because we are without horsemen while the enemy have plenty at hand, let him reflect that your ten thousand horsemen are nothing more than ten thousand men; for nobody ever lost his life in battle from the bite or kick of a horse, but it is the men who do whatever is done in battles.
[19] Moreover, we are on a far surer foundation than your horsemen: they are hanging on their horses' backs, afraid not only of us, but also of falling off; while we, standing upon the ground, shall strike with far greater force if anyone comes upon us and shall be far more likely to hit whomsoever we aim at. In one point alone your horsemen have the advantage—flight is safer for them than it is for us.
ὅπως ἂν πορευοίμεθά τε ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ εἰ μάχεσθαι δέοι ὡς κράτιστα μαχοίμεθα
[27] τοῦτο δὴ δεῖ λέγειν, ὅπως ἂν πορευοίμεθά τε ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ εἰ μάχεσθαι δέοι ὡς κράτιστα μαχοίμεθα. πρῶτον μὲν τοίνυν, ἔφη, δοκεῖ μοι κατακαῦσαι τὰς ἁμάξας ἃς ἔχομεν, ἵνα μὴ τὰ ζεύγη ἡμῶν στρατηγῇ, ἀλλὰ πορευώμεθα ὅπῃ ἂν τῇ στρατιᾷ συμφέρῃ: ἔπειτα καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς συγκατακαῦσαι. αὗται γὰρ αὖ ὄχλον μὲν παρέχουσιν ἄγειν, συνωφελοῦσι δ᾽ οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰς τὸ μάχεσθαι οὔτ᾽ εἰς τὸ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἔχειν.
[27] but I must go on to another point, how we can march most safely and, if we have to fight, can fight to the best advantage. In the first place, then,” Xenophon proceeded, “I think we should burn up the wagons which we have, so that our cattle may not be our captains, but we can take whatever route may be best for the army. Secondly, we should burn up our tents also; for these, again, are a bother to carry, and no help at all either for fighting or for obtaining provisions.
ἀσφαλέστερον ἡμῖν πορεύεσθαι πλαίσιον ποιησαμένους (Z. 1) / ἵνα τὰ σκευοφόρα καὶ ὁ πολὺς ὄχλος ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ εἴη (Z. 3)
[35] οὐκ ἂν οὖν θαυμάζοιμεν εἰ οἱ πολέμιοι, ὥσπερ οἱ δειλοὶ κύνες τοὺς μὲν παριόντας διώκουσί τε καὶ δάκνουσιν, ἢν δύνωνται, τοὺς δὲ διώκοντας φεύγουσιν, εἰ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἡμῖν ἀπιοῦσιν ἐπακολουθοῖεν.
[36] ἴσως οὖν ἀσφαλέστερον ἡμῖν πορεύεσθαι πλαίσιον ποιησαμένους τῶν ὅπλων, ἵνα τὰ σκευοφόρα καὶ ὁ πολὺς ὄχλος ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ εἴη. εἰ οὖν νῦν ἀποδειχθείη τίνας χρὴ ἡγεῖσθαι τοῦ πλαισίου καὶ τὰ πρόσθεν κοσμεῖν καὶ τίνας ἐπὶ τῶν πλευρῶν ἑκατέρων εἶναι, τίνας δ᾽ ὀπισθοφυλακεῖν, οὐκ ἂν ὁπότε οἱ πολέμιοι ἔλθοιεν βουλεύεσθαι ἡμᾶς δέοι, ἀλλὰ χρῴμεθα ἂν εὐθὺς τοῖς τεταγμένοις.
[35] We should not be surprised, then, if the enemy—after the fashion of cowardly dogs that chase passers-by and bite them, if they can, but run away from anyone who chases them—if the enemy in the same way should follow at our heels as we retire.
[36] Hence it will be safer, perhaps, for us to march with the hoplites formed into a hollow square, so that the baggage train and the great crowd of camp followers may be in a safer place. If, then, it should be settled at once who are to lead the square and marshal the van, who are to be on either flank, and who to guard the rear, we should not need to be taking counsel at the time when the enemy comes upon us, but we should find our men at once in their places ready for action.
οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες ἀσφαλῶς πορευόμενοι τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ἡμέρας
[6] καὶ οἱ μὲν πολέμιοι οὕτω πράξαντες ἀπῆλθον, οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες ἀσφαλῶς πορευόμενοι τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ἡμέρας ἀφίκοντο ἐπὶ τὸν Τίγρητα ποταμόν.
[6] After faring thus badly the enemy departed, while the Greeks continued their march unmolested through the remainder of the day and arrived at the Tigris river.
δόξαι ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι διαβῆναι: οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἱππεῦσι προσβατὸν εἶναι κατὰ τοῦτο
[12] ἰδοῦσι δὲ σφίσι δόξαι ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι διαβῆναι: οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἱππεῦσι προσβατὸν εἶναι κατὰ τοῦτο. ἐκδύντες δ᾽ ἔφασαν ἔχοντες τὰ ἐγχειρίδια γυμνοὶ ὡς νευσόμενοι διαβαίνειν: πορευόμενοι δὲ πρόσθεν διαβῆναι πρὶν βρέξαι τὰ αἰδοῖα:
[13] καὶ διαβάντες, λαβόντες τὰ ἱμάτια πάλιν ἥκειν. εὐθὺς οὖν Ξενοφῶν αὐτός τε ἔσπενδε καὶ τοῖς νεανίσκοις ἐγχεῖν ἐκέλευε καὶ εὔχεσθαι τοῖς φήνασι θεοῖς τά τε ὀνείρατα καὶ τὸν πόρον καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἀγαθὰ ἐπιτελέσαι. σπείσας δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἦγε τοὺς νεανίσκους παρὰ τὸν Χειρίσοφον, καὶ διηγοῦνται ταὐτά.
[14] ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ ὁ Χειρίσοφος σπονδὰς ἐποίει. σπείσαντες δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις παρήγγελλον συσκευάζεσθαι, αὐτοὶ δὲ συγκαλέσαντες τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐβουλεύοντο ὅπως ἂν κάλλιστα διαβαῖεν καὶ τούς τε ἔμπροσθεν νικῷεν καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ὄπισθεν μηδὲν πάσχοιεν κακόν.
[12] When they saw this proceeding, they said, they made up their minds that it was safe for them to cross, for this was a place that was not accesible to the enemy's cavalry. They accordingly stripped, keeping only their daggers, and started across naked, supposing that they would have to swim; but they went on and got across without wetting themselves up to the middle; once on the other side, they took the clothes and came back again.
[13] Upon hearing this report Xenopohon immediately proceeded to pour a libation himself, and directed his attendants to fill a cup for the young men and to pray to the gods who had revealed the dream and the ford, to bring to fulfilment the other blessings also.(1) The libation accomplished, he at once led the young men to Cheirisophus, and they repeated their story to him.
[14] And upon hearing it Cheirisophus also made libation. Thereafter they gave orders to the troops to pack up their baggage, while they themselves called together the generals and took counsel as to how they might best effect a crossing so as to defeat the enemy in front without suffering any harm from those in their rear.
1 Especially a safe crossing and a safe return to Greece.
ἐπεὶ τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε
[27] οἱ δὲ Καρδοῦχοι ὡς ἑώρων τοὺς ὀπισθοφύλακας τοῦ ὄχλου ψιλουμένους καὶ ὀλίγους ἤδη φαινομένους, θᾶττον δὴ ἐπῇσαν ᾠδάς τινας ᾁδοντες. ὁ δὲ Χειρίσοφος, ἐπεὶ τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε, πέμπει παρὰ Ξενοφῶντα τοὺς πελταστὰς καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ τοξότας καὶ κελεύει ποιεῖν ὅ τι ἂν παραγγέλλῃ.
[27] But as soon as the Carduchians saw the rearguard stripped of the crowd of camp followers and looking now like a small body, they advanced to the attack all the more rapidly, singing a kind of songs. As for Cheirisophus, since everything was safe on his side, he sent back to Xenophon the peltasts, slingers, and bowmen, and directed them to do whatever Xenophon might order.
στρατηγοῖς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι διασκηνοῦν
[10] ἐδόκει δὴ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι διασκηνοῦν, ἀλλὰ συναγαγεῖν τὸ στράτευμα πάλιν. ἐντεῦθεν συνῆλθον: καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει διαιθριάζειν.
[10] The generals accordingly decided that it was unsafe to have their divisions in separate quarters, and that they must bring all the troops together again; so they came together, especially as the storm seemed to be clearing up.
ἀσφαλὲς ἐδόκει εἶναι διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς χιόνος
[8] στρατοπεδευομένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν γίγνεται τῆς νυκτὸς χιὼν πολλή: καὶ ἕωθεν ἔδοξε διασκηνῆσαι τὰς τάξεις καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς κατὰ τὰς κώμας: οὐ γὰρ ἑώρων πολέμιον οὐδένα καὶ ἀσφαλὲς ἐδόκει εἶναι διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς χιόνος.
[8] While they were in camp there, there was a heavy fall of snow (1) during the night, and in the morning they decided to quarter the several divisions of the army, with their commanders, in the different villages; for there was no enemy within sight, and the plan seemed to be a safe one by reason of the great quantity of snow.
[9] There they had all possible good things in the way of supplies—animals for sacrifice, grain, old wines with a fine bouquet, dried grapes, and beans of all sorts. But some men who straggled away from their quarters reported that they saw in the night the gleam of a great many fires.
1 It was now late in November.
ἔδοξε κατὰ τὰς κώμας ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι τὰς τάξεις σκηνοῦν
[23] ἐπεὶ δὲ συνεγένοντο ἀλλήλοις, ἔδοξε κατὰ τὰς κώμας ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι τὰς τάξεις σκηνοῦν. καὶ Χειρίσοφος μὲν αὐτοῦ ἔμενεν, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι διαλαχόντες ἃς ἑώρων κώμας ἐπορεύοντο ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἔχοντες.
[23] When all had come together, the generals decided that it was safe for the different divisions of the army to take up quarters in the several villages. Cheirisophus accordingly remained where he was, while the other generals distributed by lot the villages within sight, and all set off with their respective commands.
οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι λοχαγοὶ ἔμενον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ
[7] ἀλλὰ εὐθύς, ἔφη ὁ Χειρίσοφος, ἐπειδὰν ἀρξώμεθα εἰς τὸ δασὺ προσιέναι, φέρονται οἱ λίθοι πολλοί. αὐτὸ ἄν, ἔφη, τὸ δέον εἴη: θᾶττον γὰρ ἀναλώσουσι τοὺς λίθους. ἀλλὰ πορευώμεθα ἔνθεν ἡμῖν μικρόν τι παραδραμεῖν ἔσται, ἢν δυνώμεθα, καὶ ἀπελθεῖν ῥᾴδιον, ἢν βουλώμεθα.
[8] ἐντεῦθεν ἐπορεύοντο Χειρίσοφος καὶ Ξενοφῶν καὶ Καλλίμαχος Παρράσιος λοχαγός: τούτου γὰρ ἡ ἡγεμονία ἦν τῶν ὀπισθοφυλάκων λοχαγῶν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ: οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι λοχαγοὶ ἔμενον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ. μετὰ τοῦτο οὖν ἀπῆλθον ὑπὸ τὰ δένδρα ἄνθρωποι ὡς ἑβδομήκοντα, οὐχ ἁθρόοι ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ἕνα, ἕκαστος φυλαττόμενος ὡς ἐδύνατο.
[7] “But,” said Cheirisophus, “the very moment we begin to push out toward the trees, the stones fly in quantities.” “Precisely the thing we want,” said Xenophon, “for they will use up their stones the sooner. But let us make our way to a spot from which we shall have only a short distance to run across, in case we can do that, and an easy retreat, in case we choose to come back.”
[8] Thereupon Cheirisophus and Xenophon set forth, and with them Callimachus of Parrhasia, a captain; for he was the officer of the day in command of the captains of the rearguard; and the other captains remained in a place of safety. Following this lead about seventy men got out under shelter of the trees, not all together, but one by one, each protecting himself as best he could.
οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀσφαλῶς ἐν τοῖς δένδροις ἑστάναι πλέον ἢ τὸν ἕνα λόχον
[9] Ἀγασίας δὲ ὁ Στυμφάλιος καὶ Ἀριστώνυμος Μεθυδριεὺς καὶ οὗτοι τῶν ὀπισθοφυλάκων λοχαγοὶ ὄντες, καὶ ἄλλοι δέ, ἐφέστασαν ἔξω τῶν δένδρων: οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀσφαλῶς ἐν τοῖς δένδροις ἑστάναι πλέον ἢ τὸν ἕνα λόχον.
[10] ἔνθα δὴ Καλλίμαχος μηχανᾶταί τι: προύτρεχεν ἀπὸ τοῦ δένδρου ὑφ᾽ ᾧ ἦν αὐτὸς δύο ἢ τρία βήματα: ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἱ λίθοι φέροιντο, ἀνέχαζεν εὐπετῶς: ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης δὲ τῆς προδρομῆς πλέον ἢ δέκα ἅμαξαι πετρῶν ἀνηλίσκοντο.
[9] But Agasias of Stymphalus and Aristonymus of Methydrium, who were likewise captains of the rearguard, and others also, took places outside the cover of the trees, for not more than the one company (1) could stand among them with safety.
[10] At that moment Callimachus hit upon a scheme: he would run forward two or three steps from the particular tree he was under and, when the stones began to fly, would draw back without any trouble; and at every one of his dashes more than ten cart-loads of stones would be used up.
1 viz. Callimachus' company.
ἦν γὰρ οὕτως σωτηρία ἀσφαλής
[20] ὁ δὲ Ξενοφῶν καὶ οἱ λοχαγοὶ ἐσκόπουν εἰ οἷόν τε εἴη τὴν ἄκραν λαβεῖν: ἦν γὰρ οὕτως σωτηρία ἀσφαλής, ἄλλως δὲ πάνυ χαλεπὸν ἐδόκει εἶναι ἀπελθεῖν: σκοπουμένοις δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔδοξε παντάπασιν ἀνάλωτον εἶναι τὸ χωρίον.
[21] ἐνταῦθα παρεσκευάζοντο τὴν ἄφοδον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν σταυροὺς ἕκαστοι τοὺς καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς διῄρουν, καὶ τοὺς ἀχρείους καὶ φορτία ἔχοντάς τε ἐξεπέμποντο καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τὸ πλῆθος, καταλιπόντες οἱ λοχαγοὶ οἷς ἕκαστος ἐπίστευεν.
[22] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤρξαντο ἀποχωρεῖν, ἐπεξέθεον ἔνδοθεν πολλοὶ γέρρα καὶ λόγχας ἔχοντες καὶ κνημῖδας καὶ κράνη Παφλαγονικά, καὶ ἄλλοι ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἀνέβαινον τὰς ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν τῆς εἰς τὴν ἄκραν φερούσης ὁδοῦ:
[20] Meanwhile Xenophon and the captains were looking to see whether it was possible to capture the citadel, for in that case their safety was secured, while otherwise they thought it would be very difficult to effect their withdrawal; but the upshot of their consideration was, that the place was quite impregnable.
[21] Then they made preparations for the withdrawal: they tore down the palisades, each division taking those on its own front, and sent off the men who were unfit for service or were carrying burdens, and likewise the greater part of the hoplites, the captains keeping behind only those troops that they each relied upon.
[22] But the moment they began to retire, there rushed out upon them from within a great crowd of men armed with wicker shields, spears, greaves, and Paphlagonian helmets, while others set about climbing to the tops of the houses that were on either side of the road leading up to the citadel.
οὐδὲ διώκειν ἀσφαλὲς ἦν κατὰ τὰς πύλας τὰς εἰς τὴν ἄκραν φερούσας
[23] ὥστε οὐδὲ διώκειν ἀσφαλὲς ἦν κατὰ τὰς πύλας τὰς εἰς τὴν ἄκραν φερούσας. καὶ γὰρ ξύλα μεγάλα ἐπερρίπτουν ἄνωθεν, ὥστε χαλεπὸν ἦν καὶ μένειν καὶ ἀπιέναι: καὶ ἡ νὺξ φοβερὰ ἦν ἡ ἐπιοῦσα.
[24] μαχομένων δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ἀπορουμένων θεῶν τις αὐτοῖς μηχανὴν σωτηρίας δίδωσιν. ἐξαπίνης γὰρ ἀνέλαμψεν οἰκία τῶν ἐν δεξιᾷ ὅτου δὴ ἐνάψαντος. ὡς δ᾽ αὕτη ξυνέπιπτεν, ἔφευγον οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν δεξιᾷ οἰκιῶν.
[25] ὡς δὲ ἔμαθεν ὁ Ξενοφῶν τοῦτο παρὰ τῆς τύχης, ἐνάπτειν ἐκέλευε καὶ τὰς ἐν ἀριστερᾷ οἰκίας, αἳ ξύλιναι ἦσαν, ὥστε καὶ ταχὺ ἐκαίοντο.
[23] The result was that even a pursuit in the direction of the gates that led into the citadel was unsafe; for they would hurl down great logs from above, so that it was difficult either to remain or to retire. And the approach of night was also a cause for fear.
[24] In the midst of their fighting and perplexity some god gave to the Greeks a means of salvation. For of a sudden one of the houses on the right, set on fire by somebody or other, broke into a blaze; and as it began to fall in, there began a general flight from the other houses on the right side of the road.
[25] The moment Xenophon grasped this lesson which chance had given him, he gave orders to set fire to the houses on the left also, which were of wood and so fell to burning very quickly. The result was that the people in these houses likewise took to flight.
ἐάν τις μέντοι ἀπολιπὼν ληφθῇ πρὶν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ εἶναι πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα
[33] δοκεῖ οὖν μοι ἅπερ ὑμῖν, ἐκπορεύεσθαι εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, καὶ ἐάν τις μέντοι ἀπολιπὼν ληφθῇ πρὶν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ εἶναι πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα, κρίνεσθαι αὐτὸν ὡς ἀδικοῦντα. καὶ ὅτῳ δοκεῖ, ἔφη, ταῦτα, ἀράτω τὴν χεῖρα.
[33] I think, therefore, just as you do, that we should set out for Greece, and that if it does come to pass that any man is caught deserting before the entire army is in a place of safety, he should be brought to trial as a wrong-doer. And whoever is of this opinion,” he continued, “let him raise his hand.” Up went every hand.
ἢ ἐγρηγορέναι περὶ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀσφαλείας ἐπιμελούμενον;
[10] ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ λόγοι ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἠλιθίων κἀμοὶ φθονούντων, ὅτι ἐγὼ ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν τιμῶμαι. καίτοι οὐ δικαίως γ᾽ ἄν μοι φθονοῖεν: τίνα γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐγὼ κωλύω ἢ λέγειν εἴ τίς τι ἀγαθὸν δύναται ἐν ὑμῖν, ἢ μάχεσθαι εἴ τις ἐθέλει ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν τε καὶ ἑαυτοῦ, ἢ ἐγρηγορέναι περὶ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀσφαλείας ἐπιμελούμενον; τί γάρ, ἄρχοντας αἱρουμένων ὑμῶν ἐγώ τινι ἐμποδών εἰμι; παρίημι, ἀρχέτω: μόνον ἀγαθόν τι ποιῶν ὑμᾶς φαινέσθω.
[10] “Nay, these are the stories of foolish men, jealous of me because I enjoy honour at your hands. And yet they should not in fairness feel such jealousy; for whom among them do I hinder either from saying any good word he can before you, or from fighting if he will in your behalf and his own, or from being watchful in his care for your safety? Well, then, do I stand in any one's way when you are choosing commanders? I yield, let him be commander; only let it be shown that he renders you good service.
ὑμῖν μόνοις μὲν τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς Κερασοῦντα μὴ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι (Z. 3) / μηδὲ ξὺν κηρυκείῳ ἔτι ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι ἀνελέσθαι (Z. 5)
[30] οἱ δὲ καταλεύσαντες τοὺς πρέσβεις διεπράξαντο ὑμῖν μόνοις μὲν τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς Κερασοῦντα μὴ ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι, ἂν μὴ σὺν ἰσχύι ἀφικνῆσθε: τοὺς δὲ νεκροὺς οὓς πρόσθεν αὐτοὶ οἱ κατακανόντες ἐκέλευον θάπτειν, τούτους διεπράξαντο μηδὲ ξὺν κηρυκείῳ ἔτι ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι ἀνελέσθαι. τίς γὰρ ἐθελήσει κῆρυξ ἰέναι κήρυκας ἀπεκτονώς; ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς Κερασουντίων θάψαι αὐτοὺς ἐδεήθημεν.
[30] Take those who stoned to death the ambassadors: they have accomplished this result, that you alone of all the Greeks cannot go to Cerasus safely unless you arrive there with a strong force; and as for the dead whom previously the very men who killed them proposed burying, the result accomplished is, that now it is not safe to pick up their bodies even for one who carries a herald's staff. For who will care to go as herald when he has the blood of heralds upon his hands? So we requested the Cerasuntians to bury them.
(Xenophons weitere Verteidigungsrede gegen den Vorwurf, die Soldaten ins Verderben zu führen - hier beschuldigt er andere Generäle viel schlimmererer Taten als er sie je begehen würde... (sehr lange Rede über Zwischenfälle mit den Kerasiten))
ἐμοί τε αὖ οὐ πάνυ τι νομίζω ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι τοῦτο
[26] ἐγώ, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἥδομαι μὲν ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν τιμώμενος, εἴπερ ἄνθρωπός εἰμι, καὶ χάριν ἔχω καὶ εὔχομαι δοῦναί μοι τοὺς θεοὺς αἴτιόν τινος ὑμῖν ἀγαθοῦ γενέσθαι: τὸ μέντοι ἐμὲ προκριθῆναι ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἄρχοντα Λακεδαιμονίου ἀνδρὸς παρόντος οὔτε ὑμῖν μοι δοκεῖ συμφέρον εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἧττον ἂν διὰ τοῦτο τυγχάνειν, εἴ τι δέοισθε παρ᾽ αὐτῶν: ἐμοί τε αὖ οὐ πάνυ τι νομίζω ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι τοῦτο.
[27] ὁρῶ γὰρ ὅτι καὶ τῇ πατρίδι μου οὐ πρόσθεν ἐπαύσαντο πολεμοῦντες πρὶν ἐποίησαν πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν ὁμολογεῖν Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνας εἶναι.
[26] “I am happy, soldiers, since I am a human being, to be honoured by you, and I am grateful also, and I pray that the gods may grant me opportunity to be the means of bringing you some benefit; still, I think that for me to be preferred by you as commander when a Lacedaemonian is at hand, is not expedient for you,—for you would be less likely on this account to obtain any favour you might desire from the Lacedaemonians—and for myself, on the other hand, I believe it is not altogether safe.
[27] For I see that the Lacedaemonians did not cease waging war upon my native state until they had made all her citizens acknowledge that the Lacedaemonians were their leaders also.
[28] But just as soon as this acknowledgment had been made, they straightway ceased waging war and no longer continued to besiege the city. Now if I, being aware of these things, should seem to be trying to make their authority null and void wherever I could, I suspect that I might very speedily be brought back to reason on that point.
νομίζων οὕτως ἀσφαλεστέραν εἶναι ἢ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστον στέλλεσθαι
[13] Ξενοφῶν μέντοι ἐβούλετο κοινῇ †μετ᾽ αὐτῶν† τὴν πορείαν ποιεῖσθαι, νομίζων οὕτως ἀσφαλεστέραν εἶναι ἢ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστον στέλλεσθαι: ἀλλὰ Νέων ἔπειθεν αὐτὸν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν πορεύεσθαι, ἀκούσας τοῦ Χειρισόφου ὅτι Κλέανδρος ὁ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἁρμοστὴς φαίη τριήρεις ἔχων ἥξειν εἰς Κάλπης λιμένα:
[14] ὅπως οὖν μηδεὶς μετάσχοι, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ αὐτῶν στρατιῶται ἐκπλεύσειαν ἐπὶ τῶν τριήρων, διὰ ταῦτα συνεβούλευε. καὶ Χειρίσοφος, ἅμα μὲν ἀθυμῶν τοῖς γεγενημένοις, ἅμα δὲ μισῶν ἐκ τούτου τὸ στράτευμα, ἐπιτρέπει αὐτῷ ποιεῖν ὅ τι βούλεται.
[13] Xenophon, however, was desirous of making the journey in company with Cheirisophus, believing that this was a safer plan than for each of them to proceed independently; but Neon (1) urged him to go by himself, for he had heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the Lacedaemonian governor at Byzantium, had said he was coming to Calpe Harbour with triremes;
[14] it was Neon's purpose, then, that no one else should get a share in this opportunity, but that he himself and Cheirisophus and their soldiers should sail away upon the triremes, and this was the reason for his advice to Xenophon. As for Cheirisophus, he was so despondent over what had happened and, besides, felt such hatred toward the army for its action, that he allowed Neon to do whatever he chose.
1 Cheirisophus' lieutenant (cp. Xen. Anab. 5.6.36).
Χειρίσοφος δὲ ἀσφαλῶς πορευόμενος παρὰ θάλατταν
[10] Χειρίσοφος δὲ ἀσφαλῶς πορευόμενος παρὰ θάλατταν ἀφικνεῖται εἰς Κάλπης λιμένα. Ξενοφῶντι δὲ διὰ τῆς μεσογείας πορευομένῳ οἱ ἱππεῖς καταθέοντες ἐντυγχάνουσι πρεσβύταις πορευομένοις ποι. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἤχθησαν παρὰ Ξενοφῶντα, ἐρωτᾷ αὐτοὺς εἴ που ᾔσθηνται ἄλλου στρατεύματος ὄντος Ἑλληνικοῦ.
[10] As to Cheirisophus, he pursued his march in safety along the coast and arrived at Calpe Harbour.
Xenophon, lastly, was proceeding through the back country when his horsemen, riding on in advance, chanced upon some old men who were journeying somewhere or other. When they were brought to Xenophon, he asked them whether they had heard of another army anywhere, a Greek army.
προσέβαλλον πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἀσφαλῶς
[6] καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι δὲ λόχοι συνῆλθον οἱ μὲν σὺν πράγμασιν οἱ δὲ ἄνευ πραγμάτων: οἱ δὲ Θρᾷκες ἐπεὶ ηὐτύχησαν τοῦτο τὸ εὐτύχημα, συνεβόων τε ἀλλήλους καὶ συνελέγοντο ἐρρωμένως τῆς νυκτός. καὶ ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ κύκλῳ περὶ τὸν λόφον ἔνθα οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο ἐτάττοντο καὶ ἱππεῖς πολλοὶ καὶ πελτασταί, καὶ ἀεὶ πλέονες συνέρρεον: καὶ προσέβαλλον πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἀσφαλῶς:
[7] οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνες οὔτε τοξότην εἶχον οὔτε ἀκοντιστὴν οὔτε ἱππέα: οἱ δὲ προσθέοντες καὶ προσελαύνοντες ἠκόντιζον: ὁπότε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπίοιεν, ῥᾳδίως ἀπέφευγον: ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλῃ ἐπετίθεντο.
[6] The other companies succeeded in getting together, some of them with difficulty, other without any difficulty; but the Thracians, having gained this success, kept shouting to one another and collecting their forces energetically during the night. At daybreak they proceeded to form their lines all round the hill where the Greeks were encamping, their troops consisting of horsemen in large numbers and peltasts, while still more were continually streaming together; and they made attacks upon the hoplites without danger to themselves,
[7] inasmuch as the Greeks had neither bowman nor javelin-thrower nor horseman; so they would come running or riding up and throw their javelins, and when the Greeks charged upon them, they would easily get away;
τὸ στρατόπεδον νυκτὸς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἐδόκει εἶναι
[26] καὶ ἀναλαβόντες τοὺς λοιποὺς ἄνδρας εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀφικνοῦνται. καὶ ἤδη μὲν ἀμφὶ ἡλίου δυσμὰς ἦν καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες μάλ᾽ ἀθύμως ἔχοντες ἐδειπνοποιοῦντο, καὶ ἐξαπίνης διὰ τῶν λασίων τῶν Βιθυνῶν τινες ἐπιγενόμενοι τοῖς προφύλαξι τοὺς μὲν κατέκαινον τοὺς δὲ ἐδίωξαν μέχρι εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.
[27] καὶ κραυγῆς γενομένης εἰς τὰ ὅπλα πάντες ἔδραμον οἱ Ἕλληνες: καὶ διώκειν μὲν καὶ κινεῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον νυκτὸς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἐδόκει εἶναι: δασέα γὰρ ἦν τὰ χωρία: ἐν δὲ τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐνυκτέρευον φυλαττόμενοι ἱκανοῖς φύλαξι.
[26] And they picked up the survivors and returned to the camp. By this time it was about sunset, and the Greeks were making preparations for dinner in a state of great despondency when suddenly through the thickets some of the Bithynians burst upon the outposts, killing some of them and pursuing the rest up to the camp.
[27] An outcry was raised, and all the Greeks ran to their arms; still, it did not seem safe to undertake a pursuit or to move the camp during the night, seeing that the region was thickly overgrown; so they spent the night under arms, keeping plenty of sentinels on watch.
μήτε πολεμεῖτε Λακεδαιμονίοις σῴζεσθέ τε ἀσφαλῶς ὅποι θέλει ἕκαστος
[17] μετὰ ταῦτα ἀναστὰς εἶπεν Ἀγασίας: ἐγώ, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὄμνυμι θεοὺς καὶ θεὰς ἦ μὴν μήτε με Ξενοφῶντα κελεῦσαι ἀφελέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα μήτε ἄλλον ὑμῶν μηδένα: ἰδόντι δέ μοι ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν ἀγόμενον τῶν ἐμῶν λοχιτῶν ὑπὸ Δεξίππου, ὃν ὑμεῖς ἐπίστασθε ὑμᾶς προδόντα, δεινὸν ἔδοξεν εἶναι:
[18] καὶ ἀφειλόμην, ὁμολογῶ. καὶ ὑμεῖς μὲν μὴ ἐκδῶτέ με: ἐγὼ δὲ ἐμαυτόν, ὥσπερ Ξενοφῶν λέγει, παρασχήσω κρίναντι Κλεάνδρῳ ὅ τι ἂν βούληται ποιῆσαι: τούτου ἕνεκα μήτε πολεμεῖτε Λακεδαιμονίοις σῴζεσθέ τε ἀσφαλῶς ὅποι θέλει ἕκαστος. συμπέμψατε μέντοι μοι ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἑλόμενοι πρὸς Κλέανδρον οἵτινες, ἄν τι ἐγὼ παραλίπω, καὶ λέξουσιν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ καὶ πράξουσιν.
[17] After this Agasias rose and said: “Soldiers, I swear by the gods and goddesses that in very truth neither Xenophon nor any one else among you directed me to rescue the man; but when I saw a good man of my own company being led off by Dexippus, the one who betrayed you, as you know for yourselves, it seemed to me an outrage; and I rescued him, I admit it.
[18] Now do not you deliver me up; but I will myself, as Xenophon proposes, put myself in Cleander's hands, so that he may try me and do with me whatever he may choose; do not for this cause make war upon the Lacedaemonians, but rather accomplish a safe return, each of you to the place where he wishes to go. I beg you, however, to choose some of your own number and send them with me to Cleander, so that if I pass over anything, they may speak, and act too, on my behalf.”
ἐπικαιρίους ὄντας προσφερέσθω ὡς ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ ἀσφαλές
[5] Σεύθης δὲ ὁ Θρᾷξ πέμπει Μηδοσάδην καὶ κελεύει Ξενοφῶντα συμπροθυμεῖσθαι ὅπως διαβῇ τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ ἔφη αὐτῷ ταῦτα συμπροθυμηθέντι ὅτι οὐ μεταμελήσει.
[6] ὁ δ᾽ εἶπεν: ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν στράτευμα διαβήσεται: τούτου ἕνεκα μηδὲν τελείτω μήτε ἐμοὶ μήτε ἄλλῳ μηδενί: ἐπειδὰν δὲ διαβῇ, ἐγὼ μὲν ἀπαλλάξομαι, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς διαμένοντας καὶ ἐπικαιρίους ὄντας προσφερέσθω ὡς ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ ἀσφαλές.
[7] ἐκ τούτου διαβαίνουσι πάντες εἰς τὸ Βυζάντιον οἱ στρατιῶται. καὶ μισθὸν μὲν οὐκ ἐδίδου ὁ Ἀναξίβιος, ἐκήρυξε δὲ λαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὰ σκεύη τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐξιέναι, ὡς ἀποπέμψων τε ἅμα καὶ ἀριθμὸν ποιήσων. ἐνταῦθα οἱ στρατιῶται ἤχθοντο, ὅτι οὐκ εἶχον ἀργύριον ἐπισιτίζεσθαι εἰς τὴν πορείαν, καὶ ὀκνηρῶς συνεσκευάζοντο.
[5] And now Seuthes the Thracian sent Medosades to Xenophon and urged him to help him to bring the army across, adding that if he did render such assistance, he would not be sorry for it.
[6] Xenophon replied: “Why, the army is going to cross over; so far as that is concerned, let not Seuthes pay anything either to me or to any one else; but as soon as it has crossed, when I myself am to leave the army, let him deal with those who stay on and are in authority, in any way that may seem to him safe.”
[7] After this all the soldiers crossed over to Byzantium. And Anaxibius would not give them pay, but made proclamation that the troops were to take their arms and their baggage and go forth from the city, saying that he was going to send them back home and at the same time to make an enumeration of them. At that the soldiers were angry, for they had no money with which to procure provisions for the journey, and they set about packing up with reluctance.
οὔτε διαβαίνειν ἀσφαλὲς ὂν τριήρεις ἔχοντος τοῦ κωλύσοντος
[15] καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἐθύετο εἰ παρεῖεν αὐτῷ οἱ θεοὶ πειρᾶσθαι πρὸς Σεύθην ἄγειν τὸ στράτευμα. ἑώρα γὰρ οὔτε διαβαίνειν ἀσφαλὲς ὂν τριήρεις ἔχοντος τοῦ κωλύσοντος, οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ Χερρόνησον ἐλθὼν κατακλεισθῆναι ἐβούλετο καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐν πολλῇ σπάνει πάντων γενέσθαι ἔνθα πείθεσθαι μὲν ἀνάγκη τῷ ἐκεῖ ἁρμοστῇ, τῶν δὲ ἐπιτηδείων οὐδὲν ἔμελλεν ἕξειν τὸ στράτευμα.
[15] Then he went back and sacrificed to learn whether the gods permitted of his endeavouring to take the army to Seuthes. For he saw that it was not safe for them to try to cross over to Asia when the man who intended to prevent their passage possessed triremes; on the other hand, it was not his desire that the army should go to the Chersonese and find itself shut up and in sore need of everything in a place where it would be necessary to obey the resident governor and where the army would not obtain anything in the way of provisions.
τῷ στρατεύματι ἀσφαλῶς πρὸς Σεύθην ἰέναι
[16] καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀμφὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἶχεν: οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ καὶ οἱ λοχαγοὶ ἥκοντες παρὰ τοῦ Ἀριστάρχου ἀπήγγελλον ὅτι νῦν μὲν ἀπιέναι σφᾶς κελεύει, τῆς δείλης δὲ ἥκειν: ἔνθα καὶ δήλη μᾶλλον ἐδόκει ἡ ἐπιβουλή.
[17] ὁ οὖν Ξενοφῶν, ἐπεὶ ἐδόκει τὰ ἱερὰ καλὰ εἶναι αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ στρατεύματι ἀσφαλῶς πρὸς Σεύθην ἰέναι, παραλαβὼν Πολυκράτην τὸν Ἀθηναῖον λοχαγὸν καὶ παρὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἑκάστου ἄνδρα πλὴν παρὰ Νέωνος ᾧ ἕκαστος ἐπίστευεν ᾤχετο τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ Σεύθου στράτευμα ἑξήκοντα στάδια.
[18] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, ἐπιτυγχάνει πυροῖς ἐρήμοις. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ᾤετο μετακεχωρηκέναι ποι τὸν Σεύθην: ἐπεὶ δὲ θορύβου τε ᾔσθετο καὶ σημαινόντων ἀλλήλοις τῶν περὶ Σεύθην, κατέμαθεν ὅτι τούτου ἕνεκα τὰ πυρὰ κεκαυμένα εἴη τῷ Σεύθῃ πρὸ τῶν νυκτοφυλάκων, ὅπως οἱ μὲν φύλακες μὴ ὁρῷντο ἐν τῷ σκότει ὄντες μήτε ὁπόσοι μήτε ὅπου εἶεν, οἱ δὲ προσιόντες μὴ λανθάνοιεν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ φῶς καταφανεῖς εἶεν:
[16] While Xenophon was occupied with his sacrificing, the generals and captains returned from their visit to Aristarchus with word that he directed them to go away for the present, but to come back during the afternoon; at that report the design against Xenophon seemed to be even more manifest.
[17] Since, therefore, the sacrifices appeared to be favourable, portending that he and the army might go to Seuthes in safety, Xenophon took Polycrates, the Athenian captain, and from each of the generals except Neon a man in whom each had confidence, and set off by night to visit Seuthes' army, sixty stadia away.
[18] When they had got near it, he came upon watch-fires with no one about them. And at first he supposed that Seuthes had shifted his camp to some other place; but when he became aware of a general uproar and heard Seuthes' followers signalling to one another, he comprehended that the reason Seuthes had his watch-fires kindled in front of the pickets was in order that the pickets might remain unseen, in the darkness as they were, so that no one could tell either how many they were or where they were, while on the other hand people who were approaching could not escape notice, but would be visible in the light of the fires.
τρέφεσθαι ἀσφαλέστερον μετὰ Σεύθου ἢ μόνους, ὄντων ἀγαθῶν τοσούτων
[13] μετὰ ταῦτα ἐδίδοτο λέγειν τῷ βουλομένῳ: καὶ ἔλεγον πολλοὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ὅτι παντὸς ἄξια λέγει Σεύθης: χειμὼν γὰρ εἴη καὶ οὔτε οἴκαδε ἀποπλεῖν τῷ τοῦτο βουλομένῳ δυνατὸν εἴη, διαγενέσθαι τε ἐν φιλίᾳ οὐχ οἷόν τε, εἰ δέοι ὠνουμένους ζῆν, ἐν δὲ τῇ πολεμίᾳ διατρίβειν καὶ τρέφεσθαι ἀσφαλέστερον μετὰ Σεύθου ἢ μόνους, ὄντων ἀγαθῶν τοσούτων. εἰ δὲ μισθὸν προσλήψοιντο, εὕρημα ἐδόκει εἶναι.
[13] After this the opportunity to speak was offered to any one who desired it; and many spoke to the same effect, saying that Seuthes' proposals were most valuable; for the season was winter, and it was impossible to sail back home, if that was what one wished, and impossible also to get along in a friendly country if they had to maintain themselves by purchasing; on the other hand, to spend their time and get their maintenance in a hostile country was a safer proceeding in Seuthes' company than if they were alone. And if, above and beyond such important advantages, they were also to receive pay, they counted it a godsend.
ὥστε εἰς πλοῖα οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἐμβαίνειν
[3] ἐπεὶ δὲ συνῆλθον, ἀναστὰς Ξενοφῶν εἶπε τάδε. ἄνδρες, διαπλεῖν μὲν ἔνθα βουλόμεθα Ἀρίσταρχος τριήρεις ἔχων κωλύει: ὥστε εἰς πλοῖα οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἐμβαίνειν: οὗτος δὲ αὑτὸς κελεύει εἰς Χερρόνησον βίᾳ διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ὄρους πορεύεσθαι: ἢν δὲ κρατήσαντες τούτου ἐκεῖσε ἔλθωμεν, οὔτε πωλήσειν ἔτι ὑμᾶς φησιν ὥσπερ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, οὔτε ἐξαπατήσεσθαι ἔτι ὑμᾶς, ἀλλὰ λήψεσθαι μισθόν, οὔτε περιόψεσθαι ἔτι ὥσπερ νυνὶ δεομένους τῶν ἐπιτηδείων.
[4] οὗτος μὲν ταῦτα λέγει: Σεύθης δέ φησιν, ἂν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἴητε, εὖ ποιήσειν ὑμᾶς. νῦν οὖν σκέψασθε πότερον ἐνθάδε μένοντες τοῦτο βουλεύσεσθε ἢ εἰς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐπανελθόντες.
[5] ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν δοκεῖ, ἐπεὶ ἐνθάδε οὔτε ἀργύριον ἔχομεν ὥστε ἀγοράζειν οὔτε ἄνευ ἀργυρίου ἐῶσι λαμβάνειν, ἐπανελθόντας εἰς τὰς κώμας ὅθεν οἱ ἥττους ἐῶσι λαμβάνειν, ἐκεῖ ἔχοντας τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἀκούοντας ὅ τι τις ἡμῶν δεῖται, αἱρεῖσθαι ὅ τι ἂν ἡμῖν δοκῇ κράτιστον εἶναι.
[3] When they had gathered, Xenophon arose and spoke as follows: “Soldiers, as for sailing across to the place where we wish to go, Aristarchus with his triremes prevents our doing that; the result is, that it is not safe for us to embark upon boats; but this same Aristarchus directs us to force our way to the Chersonese, through the Sacred Mountain (1); and if we make ourselves masters of the mountain and get to the Chersonese, he says that he will not sell you any more, as he did at Byzantium, that you will not be cheated any more but will receive pay, and that he will not shut his eyes any more, as he does now, to your being in want of provisions.
[4] So much for what Aristarchus says; but Seuthes says that if you come to him, he will treat you well. Now, therefore, make up your minds whether you will consider this question here and now or after you have set forth in quest of provisions.
[5] My own opinion is, seeing that here we neither have money with which to buy nor are permitted to take anything without money, that we ought to set forth to the villages from which we are permitted to take, since their inhabitants are weaker than ourselves, and that there, possessed of provisions and hearing what the service is that one wants us for, we should choose whatever course may seem best to us.
διεβεβλήκει ὡς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς εἴη τείχη παραδιδόναι ἀνδρὶ δύναμιν ἔχοντι
[8] καὶ τέως μὲν αἰεὶ ἐμέμνητο ὡς, ἐπειδὰν ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἀπέλθῃ, παραδώσει αὐτῷ Βισάνθην καὶ Γάνον καὶ Νέον τεῖχος: ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου οὐδενὸς ἔτι τούτων ἐμέμνητο. ὁ γὰρ Ἡρακλείδης καὶ τοῦτο διεβεβλήκει ὡς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς εἴη τείχη παραδιδόναι ἀνδρὶ δύναμιν ἔχοντι.
[8] Hitherto, he had continually been mentioning the fact that upon his return to the coast he was going to give Xenophon Bisanthe and Ganos and Neonteichos, but from this time he did not allude to a single one of these places again. For Heracleides had put in this slanderous suggestion with the rest, that it was not safe to be giving over fortresses to a man who had a force of troops.
τὴν ἀσφάλειαν μὴ πάνυ πολὺν μισθὸν προσετέλει τῆς ἀσφαλείας
[29] καὶ πολέμιον οὐκέτι οὐδένα ἑωρῶμεν ἐπειδὴ τὸ ἱππικὸν ἡμῖν προσεγένετο: τέως δὲ θαρραλέως ἡμῖν ἐφείποντο οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ ἱππικῷ καὶ πελταστικῷ κωλύοντες μηδαμῇ κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ἀποσκεδαννυμένους τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἀφθονώτερα ἡμᾶς πορίζεσθαι.
[30] εἰ δὲ δὴ ὁ συμπαρέχων ὑμῖν ταύτην τὴν ἀσφάλειαν μὴ πάνυ πολὺν μισθὸν προσετέλει τῆς ἀσφαλείας, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ σχέτλιον πάθημα καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὐδαμῇ οἴεσθε χρῆναι ζῶντα ἐμὲ ἀνεῖναι;
[31] νῦν δὲ δὴ πῶς ἀπέρχεσθε; οὐ διαχειμάσαντες μὲν ἐν ἀφθόνοις τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις, περιττὸν δ᾽ ἔχοντες τοῦτο εἴ τι ἐλάβετε παρὰ Σεύθου; τὰ γὰρ τῶν πολεμίων ἐδαπανᾶτε. καὶ ταῦτα πράττοντες οὔτε ἄνδρας ἐπείδετε ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἀποθανόντας οὔτε ζῶντας ἀπεβάλετε.
[29] In fact, we never saw the face of an enemy again after the cavalry had joined us, whereas up to that time the enemy had been following boldly at our heels with horsemen and peltasts and had prevented us from scattering in any direction in small parties and thus securing a greater abundance of provisions.
[30] And if, then, the man who aided in providing you this security did not give you, besides, very generous pay for your security, is that such a dreadful misfortune? and do you think that on that account you cannot possibly let me go alive?
[31] “As matters stand now, what is your situation in departing from here? Have you not passed the winter amid an abundance of provisions, and, whatever you have received from Seuthes, is it not really so much clear gain? For it was the enemy's possessions that you have been consuming. And while enjoying such fortune, you have not had to see any of your number slain nor have you lost any men alive.
ἀσφαλέστερόν γέ σοι οἶδα ὂν παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ μένειν ἢ ἀπιέναι
[49] ἐντεῦθεν πάλιν εἶπεν ὁ Ξενοφῶν: ἐπεὶ τοίνυν διανοῇ ἀποδιδόναι, νῦν ἐγώ σου δέομαι δι᾽ ἐμοῦ ἀποδοῦναι, καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν με διὰ σὲ ἀνομοίως ἔχοντα ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ νῦν τε καὶ ὅτε πρὸς σὲ ἀφικόμεθα.
[50] ὁ δ᾽ εἶπεν: ἀλλ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς στρατιώταις ἔσει δι᾽ ἐμὲ ἀτιμότερος ἄν τε μένῃς παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ χιλίους μόνους ὁπλίτας ἔχων, ἐγώ σοι τά τε χωρία ἀποδώσω καὶ τἆλλα ἃ ὑπεσχόμην.
[51] ὁ δὲ πάλιν εἶπε: ταῦτα μὲν ἔχειν οὕτως οὐχ οἷόν τε: ἀπόπεμπε δὲ ἡμᾶς. καὶ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Σεύθης, καὶ ἀσφαλέστερόν γέ σοι οἶδα ὂν παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ μένειν ἢ ἀπιέναι.
[52] ὁ δὲ πάλιν εἶπεν: ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν σὴν πρόνοιαν ἐπαινῶ: ἐμοὶ δὲ μένειν οὐχ οἷόν τε: ὅπου δ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἐντιμότερος ὦ, νόμιζε καὶ σοὶ τοῦτο ἀγαθὸν ἔσεσθαι.
53] ἐντεῦθεν λέγει Σεύθης: ἀργύριον μὲν οὐκ ἔχω ἀλλ᾽ ἢ μικρόν τι, καὶ τοῦτό σοι δίδωμι, τάλαντον: βοῦς δὲ ἑξακοσίους καὶ πρόβατα εἰς τετρακισχίλια καὶ ἀνδράποδα εἰς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν. ταῦτα λαβὼν καὶ τοὺς τῶν ἀδικησάντων σε ὁμήρους προσλαβὼν ἄπιθι.
[49] Thereupon Xenophon said again: “Then since you intend to make payment, I now request you to do it through me, and not to allow me to have, on your account, a different standing with the army now from what I had at the time when we came to you.”
[50] And Seuthes replied: “But you will not be less honoured among the soldiers on my account if you will stay with me, keeping only a thousand hoplites, and, besides, I will give over the fortresses to you and the other things that I promised.”
[51] And Xenophon answered: “This plan is not a possible one; so dismiss us.” “Yet really,” said Seuthes, “I know that it is also safer for you to stay with me than to go away.”
[52] And Xenophon replied: “Well, I thank you for your solicitude; it is not possible, however, for me to stay; but wherever I may enjoy greater honour, be sure that it will be a good thing for you as well as myself.”
[53] Thereupon Seuthes said: “As for ready money, I have only a little, and that I give you, a talent;(1) but I have six hundred cattle, and sheep to the number of four thousand, and nearly a hundred and twenty slaves. Take these, and likewise the hostages of the people who wronged you,(2) and go your way.”
1 See note on Xen. Anab. 1.7.18.
2 cp. Xen. Anab. 7.4.12-24.
τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἐκτοξεύοντες ἐποίουν μηδὲ παριέναι ἔτι ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι
[12] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀφίκοντο περὶ μέσας νύκτας, τὰ μὲν πέριξ ὄντα ἀνδράποδα τῆς τύρσιος καὶ χρήματα τὰ πλεῖστα ἀπέδρα αὐτοὺς παραμελοῦντας, ὡς τὸν Ἀσιδάτην αὐτὸν λάβοιεν καὶ τὰ ἐκείνου.
[13] πυργομαχοῦντες δὲ ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἐδύναντο λαβεῖν τὴν τύρσιν ὑψηλὴ γὰρ ἦν καὶ μεγάλη καὶ προμαχεῶνας καὶ ἄνδρας πολλοὺς καὶ μαχίμους ἔχουσα, διορύττειν ἐπεχείρησαν τὸν πύργον.
[14] ὁ δὲ τοῖχος ἦν ἐπ᾽ ὀκτὼ πλίνθων γηίνων τὸ εὖρος. ἅμα δὲ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ διωρώρυκτο: καὶ ὡς τὸ πρῶτον διεφάνη, ἐπάταξεν ἔνδοθεν βουπόρῳ τις ὀβελίσκῳ διαμπερὲς τὸν μηρὸν τοῦ ἐγγυτάτω: τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἐκτοξεύοντες ἐποίουν μηδὲ παριέναι ἔτι ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι.
[15] κεκραγότων δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ πυρσευόντων ἐκβοηθοῦσιν Ἰταμένης μὲν ἔχων τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν, ἐκ Κομανίας δὲ ὁπλῖται Ἀσσύριοι καὶ Ὑρκάνιοι ἱππεῖς καὶ οὗτοι βασιλέως μισθοφόροι ὡς ὀγδοήκοντα, καὶ ἄλλοι πελτασταὶ εἰς ὀκτακοσίους, ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐκ Παρθενίου, ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐξ Ἀπολλωνίας καὶ ἐκ τῶν πλησίον χωρίων καὶ ἱππεῖς.
[12] When they reached the place, about midnight, the slaves that were round about the tower and most of the animals ran away, the Greeks leaving them unheeded in order to capture Asidates himself and his belongings.
[13] And when they found themselves unable to take the tower by storm (for it was high and large, and furnished with battlements and a considerable force of warlike defenders), they attempted to dig through the tower-wall.
[14] Now the wall had a thickness of eight earthen bricks. At daybreak, however, a breach had been made; and just as soon as the light showed through, some one from within struck with an ox-spit clean through the thigh of the man who was nearest the hole; and from that time on they kept shooting out arrows and so made it unsafe even to pass by the place any more.
[15] Then, as the result of their shouting and lighting of beacon fires, there came to their assistance Itamenes with his own force, and from Comania Assyrian hoplites and Hyrcanian horsemen—these also being mercenaries in the service of the King—to the number of eighty, as well as about eight hundred peltasts, and more from Parthenium, and more from Apollonia and from the near-by places, including horsemen.
ὑψηλὴ ἀκρωμία τῷ τε ἀναβάτῃ ἀσφαλεστέραν τὴν ἕδραν καὶ τοῖς ὤμοις [καὶ τῷ σώματι] ἰσχυροτέραν τὴν πρόσφυσιν παρέχεται
[11] καὶ μὴν κορυφὴ μὲν μείζων, ὦτα δὲ μικρότερα ἱππωδεστέραν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποφαίνει. ἡ δ᾽ αὖ ὑψηλὴ ἀκρωμία τῷ τε ἀναβάτῃ ἀσφαλεστέραν τὴν ἕδραν καὶ τοῖς ὤμοις [καὶ τῷ σώματι] ἰσχυροτέραν τὴν πρόσφυσιν παρέχεται. <ῥάχις γε μὴν> ἡ διπλῆ τῆς ἁπλῆς καὶ ἐγκαθῆσθαι μαλακωτέρα καὶ ἰδεῖν ἡδίων.
[11] A fairly large crest and fairly small ears give the more characteristic shape to a horse's head.
High withers offer the rider a safer seat and a stronger grip on the shoulders.
The double back is both softer to sit on than the single and more pleasing to the eye.
ἀσφαλέστερόν τε τὸν ἱππέα καθῆσθαι καὶ τὴν ἕδραν τοῦ ἵππου μὴ σίνεσθαι
[8] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἤνπερ τι πάσχῃ ὁ ἵππος, ἐν παντὶ κινδύνου καὶ ὁ ἀναβάτης γίγνεται, ὁπλίζειν δεῖ καὶ τὸν ἵππον προμετωπιδίῳ καὶ προστερνιδίῳ καὶ παραμηριδίοις: ταῦτα γὰρ ἅμα καὶ τῷ ἀναβάτῃ παραμηρίδια γίγνεται. πάντων δὲ μάλιστα τοῦ ἵππου τὸν κενεῶνα δεῖ σκεπάζειν: καιριώτατον γὰρ ὂν καὶ ἀφαυρότατόν ἐστι: δυνατὸν δὲ σὺν τῷ ἐφιππίῳ καὶ αὐτὸν σκεπάσαι.
[9] χρὴ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἔποχον τοιοῦτον ἐρράφθαι ὡς ἀσφαλέστερόν τε τὸν ἱππέα καθῆσθαι καὶ τὴν ἕδραν τοῦ ἵππου μὴ σίνεσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν δὴ ἄλλα οὕτω καὶ ὁ ἵππος καὶ ὁ ἱππεὺς ὡπλισμένοι ἂν εἶεν.
[8] Since the rider is seriously imperilled in the event of his horse being wounded, the horse also should be armed, having head, chest, and thigh pieces: the last also serve to cover the rider's thighs. But above all the horse's belly must be protected; for this, which is the most vital part, is also the weakest. It is possible to make the cloth serve partly as a protection to it.
[9] The quilting of the cloth should be such as to give the rider a safer seat and not to gall the horse's back.
Thus horse and man alike will be armed in most parts.
οὐ γὰρ ῥᾴδιον τῷ ἵππῳ οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς ἐν τῷ τάχει ὄντα κάμπτειν ἐν μικρῷ
[15] δεῖ δὲ καὶ ὑπολαμβάνειν ἐν ταῖς στροφαῖς: οὐ γὰρ ῥᾴδιον τῷ ἵππῳ οὐδ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς ἐν τῷ τάχει ὄντα κάμπτειν ἐν μικρῷ, ἄλλως τε κἂν ἀπόκροτον ἢ ὀλισθηρὸν ᾖ τὸ χωρίον.
[15] It is necessary to collect him at the turns; for it is neither easy for the horse nor safe to turn short when going fast, especially if the ground is uneven or slippery.
καλὸν καὶ ἀσφαλὲς τὸ ἐν πρώτοις ἀναστρέψαντα ἀνὰ κράτος ἐπικεῖσθαι
[12] ἢν δέ ποτε καὶ στρατοπέδου ἀντικαθημένου ἀνθιππεύωσιν ἀλλήλοις, καὶ διώκωσι μὲν μέχρι τῆς πολεμίας φάλαγγος τοὺς ἀντίους, φεύγωσι δὲ μέχρι τῆς φιλίας, ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἐπίστασθαι ὅτι ἕως μὲν ἂν παρὰ τοὺς φίλους τις ᾖ, καλὸν καὶ ἀσφαλὲς τὸ ἐν πρώτοις ἀναστρέψαντα ἀνὰ κράτος ἐπικεῖσθαι, ὅταν δ᾽ ἐγγὺς τῶν ἐναντίων γίγνηται, ὑποχείριον τὸν ἵππον ἔχειν. οὕτω γὰρ ἂν ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς μάλιστα δύναιτο βλάπτων τοὺς ἐναντίους μὴ βλάπτεσθαι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν.
[12] If at any time when an enemy's camp lies in front there is a cavalry skirmish, and one side presses the pursuit right up to the enemy's line of battle, but then retreats hastily to its own main body, it is well to know in that case that so long as you are by your friends, it is proper and safe to be among the first to wheel and make for the enemy at full speed; but when you come near the enemy to keep your horse well in hand. For in this way you have the best chance of injuring the enemy without coming to harm yourself.
ἑαυτῷ ὁ ἵππος καὶ τῷ ἀναβάτῃ ἀσφαλέστερον ποιήσει μᾶλλον
[5] ἐπειδὰν δὲ οὕτω διαπηδᾶν ἐθισθῇ, καὶ ἀναβεβηκὼς ἐπαγέτω τὸ μὲν πρῶτον μικράς, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ μείζους. ὅταν δὲ μέλλῃ πηδᾶν, παισάτω αὐτὸν τῷ μύωπι. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀναπηδᾶν καὶ τὸ καταπηδᾶν διδάσκειν παίσαντα τῷ μύωπι. ἁθρόῳ γὰρ τῷ σώματι ταῦτα πάντα ποιῶν καὶ ἑαυτῷ ὁ ἵππος καὶ τῷ ἀναβάτῃ ἀσφαλέστερον ποιήσει μᾶλλον ἢ ἂν ἐκλείπῃ τὰ ὄπισθεν ἢ διαπηδῶν ἢ ἀνορούων ἢ καθαλλόμενος.
[5] As soon as he has grown accustomed to leap in this way, let him be mounted and tried first at narrow, and then at wider ditches. Just as he is on the point of springing touch him with the spur. Similarly he should be taught to leap up and to leap down by a touch of the spur. For if he does all these things with his body compactly gathered, it will be safer for the horse as well as the rider than if his hind-quarters lag in taking a leap over, or in springing upwards or jumping downwards.
ἢ οἷς τοῦ καθῆσθαι ἀσφαλῶς ἕνεκα ἁπτόμεθα
[9] καὶ χαλινοὶ δὲ οἱ λεῖοι ἐπιτηδειότεροι τῶν τραχέων. ἐὰν δὲ καὶ τραχὺς ἐμβληθῇ, τῇ χαλαρότητι λείῳ δεῖ αὐτὸν ἀφομοιοῦν. ἀγαθὸν δὲ ἐθίζειν αὑτὸν καὶ τὸ ἠρεμεῖν, μάλιστα ἐπὶ θυμοειδοῦς ἵππου, καὶ τὸ ὡς ἥκιστα ἄλλῳ τινὶ ἅπτεσθαι ἢ οἷς τοῦ καθῆσθαι ἀσφαλῶς ἕνεκα ἁπτόμεθα.
[10] εἰδέναι δὲ χρὴ ὅτι δίδαγμά τί ἐστι καὶ τὸ ποππυσμῷ μὲν πραΰνεσθαι, κλωσμῷ δὲ ἐγείρεσθαι, καὶ εἴ τις ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ μὲν κλωσμῷ τὰ πραέα, ἐπὶ δὲ ποππυσμῷ τὰ χαλεπὰ προσφέροι, μάθοι ἂν ὁ ἵππος ποππυσμῷ μὲν ἐγείρεσθαι, κλωσμῷ δὲ πραΰνεσθαι.
[9] As for bits, the smooth are more suitable than the rough; but if a rough one is used, it should be made to resemble a smooth one by lightness of hand. It is also well to accustom oneself to sit still, especially on a spirited horse, and to touch him as little as possible with anything other than the parts that give us a safe seat by contact.
[10] It should also be known that a horse can be taught to be calm by a chirp with the lips and to be roused by a cluck with the tongue. And if from the first you use with the cluck aids to calm him, and with the chirp aids to rouse him, the horse will learn to rouse himself at the chirp and to calm down at the cluck.
διδοὺς ἐκεῖσε μόνον πλέουσιν ἀσφάλειαν
[2] Λύσανδρος δὲ τούς τε φρουροὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ εἴ τινά που ἄλλον ἴδοι Ἀθηναῖον, ἀπέπεμπεν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας, διδοὺς ἐκεῖσε μόνον πλέουσιν ἀσφάλειαν, ἄλλοθι δ᾽ οὔ, εἰδὼς ὅτι ὅσῳ ἂν πλείους συλλεγῶσιν εἰς τὸ ἄστυ καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ, θᾶττον τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἔνδειαν ἔσεσθαι. καταλιπὼν δὲ Βυζαντίου καὶ Καλχηδόνος Σθενέλαον ἁρμοστὴν Λάκωνα, αὐτὸς ἀποπλεύσας εἰς Λάμψακον τὰς ναῦς ἐπεσκεύαζεν.
[2] Now the Athenian garrisons, and in fact every other Athenian whom he saw anywhere, Lysander sent home to Athens, giving them safe conduct if they sailed to that one place and not if they went to any other; for he knew that the more people were collected in the city and Piraeus, the more quickly there would be a scarcity of provisions. Then, after leaving Sthenelaus, a Laconian, as governor of Byzantium and Calchedon, he sailed back to Lampsacus and occupied himself with refitting his ships.
ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν αὖ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ καταστῇ
[28] νῦν δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν ἄρξας τῆς πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους πίστεως καὶ φιλίας, αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς τοῦ δήμου καταλύσεως, μάλιστα δὲ ἐξορμήσας ὑμᾶς τοῖς πρώτοις ὑπαγομένοις εἰς ὑμᾶς δίκην ἐπιτιθέναι, νῦν ἐπεὶ καὶ ὑμεῖς καὶ ἡμεῖς φανερῶς ἐχθροὶ τῷ δήμῳ γεγενήμεθα, οὐκέτ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰ γιγνόμενα ἀρέσκει, ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν αὖ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ καταστῇ, ἡμεῖς δὲ δίκην δῶμεν τῶν πεπραγμένων.
[27] “Now in fact we find this man Theramenes trying, by what means he can, to destroy both ourselves and you. As proof that this is true you will discover, if you consider the matter, that no one finds more fault with the present proceedings than Theramenes here, or offers more opposition when we wish to put some demagogue out of the way. Now if he had held these views from the beginning, he was, to be sure, an enemy, but nevertheless he would not justly be deemed a scoundrel.
[28] In fact, however, he was the very man who took the initiative in the policy of establishing a cordial understanding with the Lacedaemonians; he was the very man who began the overthrow of the democracy, and who urged you most to inflict punishment upon those who were first brought before you for trial; but now, when you and we have manifestly become hateful to the democrats, he no longer approves of what is going on,—just so that he may get on the safe side again, and that we may be punished for what has been done.
[29] Therefore he ought to be punished, not merely as an enemy, but also as a traitor both to you and to ourselves. And treason is a far more dreadful thing than war, inasmuch as it is harder to take precaution against the hidden than against the open danger, and a far more hateful thing, inasmuch as men make peace with enemies and become their trustful friends again, but if they catch a man playing the traitor, they never in any case make peace with that man or trust him thereafter.
οὐκέτι νομίζοντες ἀσφαλῆ σφίσι τὰ πράγματα
[8] ἐκ δὲ τούτου οἱ τριάκοντα, οὐκέτι νομίζοντες ἀσφαλῆ σφίσι τὰ πράγματα, ἐβουλήθησαν Ἐλευσῖνα ἐξιδιώσασθαι, ὥστε εἶναι σφίσι καταφυγήν, εἰ δεήσειε. καὶ παραγγείλαντες τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἦλθον εἰς Ἐλευσῖνα Κριτίας τε καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι τῶν τριάκοντα: ἐξέτασίν τε ποιήσαντες ἐν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι, φάσκοντες εἰδέναι βούλεσθαι πόσοι εἶεν καὶ πόσης φυλακῆς προσδεήσοιντο, ἐκέλευον ἀπογράφεσθαι πάντας: τὸν δὲ ἀπογραψάμενον ἀεὶ διὰ τῆς πυλίδος ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν ἐξιέναι. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ αἰγιαλῷ τοὺς μὲν ἱππέας ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν κατέστησαν, τὸν δ᾽ ἐξιόντα ἀεὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται συνέδουν. ἐπεὶ δὲ πάντες συνειλημμένοι ἦσαν, Λυσίμαχον τὸν ἵππαρχον ἐκέλευον ἀναγαγόντα παραδοῦναι αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἕνδεκα.
[8] After this the Thirty, deeming their government no longer secure, formed a plan to appropriate Eleusis, so as to have a place of refuge if it should prove necessary. Accordingly Critias and the rest of the Thirty, having issued orders to the cavalry to accompany them, went to Eleusis. There they held a review of the townspeople under guard of the cavalry, pretending that they wanted to know how numerous they were and how large an additional garrison they would require, and then ordered them all to register; and each man when he had registered had to pass out by the gate in the town wall in the direction of the sea. Meanwhile they had stationed the cavalry on the shore on either side of the gate, and as each man passed out their servants bound him fast. And when all had thus been seized, they ordered Lysimachus, the cavalry commander, to take them to Athens and turn them over to the Eleven.
ὁ Δερκυλίδας ἀσφαλῶς φέρων καὶ ἄγων τὴν Βιθυνίδα
[2] ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἐγένετο, ἐλθὼν ὁ Δερκυλίδας εἰς τὴν Βιθυνίδα Θρᾴκην ἐκεῖ διεχείμαζεν, οὐδὲ τοῦ Φαρναβάζου πάνυ τι ἀχθομένου: πολλάκις γὰρ οἱ Βιθυνοὶ αὐτῷ ἐπολέμουν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὁ Δερκυλίδας ἀσφαλῶς φέρων καὶ ἄγων τὴν Βιθυνίδα καὶ ἄφθονα ἔχων τὰ ἐπιτήδεια διετέλει: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἦλθον αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Σεύθου πέραθεν σύμμαχοι τῶν Ὀδρυσῶν ἱππεῖς τε ὡς διακόσιοι καὶ πελτασταὶ ὡς τριακόσιοι, οὗτοι στρατοπεδευσάμενοι καὶ περισταυρωσάμενοι ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ ὡς εἴκοσι στάδια, αἰτοῦντες φύλακας τοῦ στρατοπέδου τὸν Δερκυλίδαν τῶν ὁπλιτῶν, ἐξῇσαν ἐπὶ λείαν, καὶ πολλὰ ἐλάμβανον ἀνδράποδά τε καὶ χρήματα.
[2] When these things had taken place, Dercylidas went to Bithynian Thrace and there passed the winter, by no means to the displeasure of Pharnabazus, for the Bithynians were often at war with him. And during most of the time Dercylidas was plundering Bithynia in safety and had provisions in abundance; when, however, a force of Odrysians, about two hundred horsemen and about three hundred peltasts, came to him as allies from Seuthes (1) across the strait, these troops, after making a camp about twenty stadia from the Greek army and enclosing it with a palisade, asked Dercylidas for some of his hoplites as a guard for their camp and then sallied forth for booty, and seized many slaves and much property.
1 King of the Odrysians, who dwelt “across the strait” (i.e., the Bosporus) in Thrace.
ἄλλον χρόνον ἀσφαλῶς διεπορεύετο
12] ὁ δὲ Τισσαφέρνης, καὶ ὅτι ἱππικὸν οὐκ εἶχεν ὁ Ἀγησίλαος, ἡ δὲ Καρία ἄφιππος ἦν, καὶ ὅτι ἡγεῖτο αὐτὸν ὀργίζεσθαι αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν ἀπάτην, τῷ ὄντι νομίσας ἐπὶ τὸν αὑτοῦ οἶκον εἰς Καρίαν αὐτὸν ὁρμήσειν, τὸ μὲν πεζὸν ἅπαν διεβίβασεν ἐκεῖσε, τὸ δ᾽ ἱππικὸν εἰς τὸ Μαιάνδρου πεδίον περιῆγε, νομίζων ἱκανὸς εἶναι καταπατῆσαι τῇ ἵππῳ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, πρὶν εἰς τὰ δύσιππα ἀφικέσθαι. ὁ δ᾽ Ἀγησίλαος ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐπὶ Καρίαν ἰέναι εὐθὺς τἀναντία ἀποστρέψας ἐπὶ Φρυγίας ἐπορεύετο, καὶ τάς τ᾽ ἐν τῇ πορείᾳ πόλεις κατεστρέφετο καὶ ἐμβαλὼν ἀπροσδοκήτοις παμπλήθη χρήματα ἐλάμβανε.
[13] καὶ τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ἀσφαλῶς διεπορεύετο: οὐ πόρρω δ᾽ ὄντος Δασκυλείου, προϊόντος αὐτοῦ οἱ ἱππεῖς ἤλαυνον ἐπὶ λόφον τινά, ὡς προΐδοιεν τί τἄμπροσθεν εἴη. κατὰ τύχην δέ τινα καὶ οἱ τοῦ Φαρναβάζου ἱππεῖς οἱ περὶ Ῥαθίνην καὶ Βαγαῖον τὸν νόθον ἀδελφόν, ὄντες παρόμοιοι τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὸν ἀριθμόν, πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ Φαρναβάζου ἤλαυνον καὶ οὗτοι ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον λόφον. ἰδόντες δὲ ἀλλήλους οὐδὲ τέτταρα πλέθρα ἀπέχοντας, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἔστησαν ἀμφότεροι, οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες ἱππεῖς ὥσπερ φάλαγξ ἐπὶ τεττάρων παρατεταγμένοι, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι τοὺς πρώτους οὐ πλέον ἢ εἰς δώδεκα ποιήσαντες, τὸ βάθος δ᾽ ἐπὶ πολλῶν. ἔπειτα μέντοι πρόσθεν ὥρμησαν οἱ βάρβαροι.
[12] Now Tissaphernes, both because Agesilaus had no cavalry (and Caria was unsuited for cavalry), and because he believed that he was angry with him on account of his treachery, made up his mind that he was really going to march against his own residence in Caria, and accordingly sent all his infantry across into that province, and as for his cavalry, he led it round into the plain of the Maeander, thinking that he was strong enough to trample the Greeks under (1) foot with his horsemen before they should reach the regions which were unfit for cavalry. Agesilaus, however, instead of proceeding against Caria, straightway turned in the opposite direction and marched towards Phrygia, and he picked up and led along with him the contingents which met him on the march, subdued the cities, and, since he fell upon them unexpectedly, obtained great quantities of booty.
[13] Most of the time he pursued his march through the country in safety; but when he was not far from Dascyleium, his horsemen, who were going on ahead of him, rode to the top of a hill so as to see what was in front. And by chance the horsemen of Pharnabazus, under the command of Rhathines and Bagaeus, his bastard brother, just about equal to the Greek cavalry in number, had been sent out by Pharnabazus and likewise rode to the top of this same hill. And when the two squadrons saw one another, not so much as four plethra (2) apart, at first both halted, the Greek horsemen being drawn up four deep like a phalanx,(3) and the barbarians with a front of not more than twelve, but many men deep. Then, however, the barbarians charged.
1 396 B.C.
2 The plethrum=c. 100 feet.
3 The “phalanx” of this period was sometimes four, seldom more than eight, deep. The tendency of later tactics was to increase its depth greatly (cp. IV. ii. 18, VI. iv. 12), a tendency which culminated in the famous Macedonian phalanx.
οὐ μέντοι εἵλετό γε τὰ ἀσφαλέστατα
[19] ἐνταῦθα δὴ Ἀγησίλαον ἀνδρεῖον μὲν ἔξεστιν εἰπεῖν ἀναμφισβητήτως: οὐ μέντοι εἵλετό γε τὰ ἀσφαλέστατα. ἐξὸν γὰρ αὐτῷ παρέντι τοὺς διαπίπτοντας ἀκολουθοῦντι χειροῦσθαι τοὺς ὄπισθεν, οὐκ ἐποίησε τοῦτο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιμέτωπος συνέρραξε τοῖς Θηβαίοις: καὶ συμβαλόντες τὰς ἀσπίδας ἐωθοῦντο, ἐμάχοντο, ἀπέκτεινον, ἀπέθνῃσκον. τέλος δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων οἱ μὲν διαπίπτουσι πρὸς τὸν Ἑλικῶνα, πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἀποχωροῦντες ἀπέθανον.
[19] At this point one may unquestionably call Agesilaus courageous; at least he certainly did not choose the safest course. For while he might have let the men pass by who were trying to break through and then have followed them and overcome those in the rear, he did not do this, but crashed against the Thebans front to front; and setting shields against shields they shoved, fought, killed, and were killed. Finally, some of the Thebans broke through and reached Mount Helicon, but many were killed while making their way thither.
[20] Now when the victory had fallen to Agesilaus and he himself had been carried, wounded, to the phalanx, some of the horsemen rode up and told him that about eighty of the enemy, still armed, had taken shelter in the temple of Athena, and asked him what they should do. And he, although he had received many wounds, nevertheless did not forget the deity, but ordered them to allow these men to go away whithersoever they wished, and would permit them to commit no wrong. Then—it was already late—they took dinner and lay down to rest.
ἐνόμισαν ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι ἐπιθέσθαι αὐτοῖς τῷ πελταστικῷ
[13] οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν Κορινθίων ἄστεως, Καλλίας τε ὁ Ἱππονίκου, τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὁπλιτῶν στρατηγῶν, καὶ Ἰφικράτης, τῶν πελταστῶν ἄρχων, καθορῶντες αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐ πολλοὺς ὄντας καὶ ἐρήμους καὶ πελταστῶν καὶ ἱππέων, ἐνόμισαν ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι ἐπιθέσθαι αὐτοῖς τῷ πελταστικῷ. εἰ μὲν γὰρ πορεύοιντο τῇ ὁδῷ, ἀκοντιζομένους ἂν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὰ γυμνὰ ἀπόλλυσθαι: εἰ δ᾽ ἐπιχειροῖεν διώκειν, ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἀποφυγεῖν πελτασταῖς τοῖς ἐλαφροτάτοις τοὺς ὁπλίτας.
[13] But those in the city of the Corinthians, both Callias, the son of Hipponicus, commander of the Athenian hoplites, and Iphicrates, leader of the peltasts, when they descried the Lacedaemonians and saw that they were not only few in number, but also unaccompanied by either peltasts or cavalry, thought that it was safe to attack them with their force of peltasts. For if they should proceed along the road, they could be attacked with javelins on their unprotected side and destroyed; and if they should undertake to pursue, they with their peltasts, the nimblest of all troops, could easily escape the hoplites.
[14] Having come to this conclusion, they led forth their troops. And Callias formed his hoplites in line of battle not far from the city, while Iphicrates with his peltasts attacked the Lacedaemonian regiment. Now when the Lacedaemonians (1) were being attacked with javelins, and several men had been wounded and several others slain, they directed the shield-bearers (2) to take up these wounded men and carry them back to Lechaeum; and these were the only men in the regiment who were really saved.(3) Then the polemarch ordered the first ten year-classes to drive off their assailants.
1 390 B.C.
2 Slaves who carried the shields of the hoplites.
3 i.e., saved both in life and in honour.
ἡγησάμενοι ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι διὰ τὴν βραδυτῆτα τοῦ στρατεύματος
[5] ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐκ ἐπείθοντο, οὕτως ἐποίει, καὶ κόπτων συνεχῶς τὴν χώραν οὐ προῄει πλέον τῆς ἡμέρας ἢ δέκα ἢ δώδεκα σταδίων. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀκαρνᾶνες, ἡγησάμενοι ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι διὰ τὴν βραδυτῆτα τοῦ στρατεύματος, τά τε βοσκήματα κατεβίβαζον ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν καὶ τῆς χώρας τὰ πλεῖστα εἰργάζοντο.
[5] Then, upon their refusing to obey him, he proceeded to do so, continually devastating the land as he went and hence advancing not more than ten or twelve stadia a day. The Acarnanians, therefore, deeming it safe on account of the slow progress of the army, brought down their cattle from the mountains and continued to till the greater part of their land.
[6] But when it seemed to Agesilaus that they were now very bold, on the fifteenth or sixteenth day from the time when he entered the country, he offered sacrifice in the morning and accomplished before evening a march of one hundred and sixty stadia to the lake on whose banks were almost all the cattle of the Acarnanians, and he captured herds of cattle and droves of horses in large numbers besides all sorts of other stock and great numbers of slaves. And after effecting this capture and remaining there through the ensuing day, he made public sale of the booty.
στρατεύειν οὐκ ἐδόκει ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι
[1] παρελθόντος δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος, ὥσπερ ὑπέσχετο τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, εὐθὺς ἀρχομένου τοῦ ἦρος πάλιν φρουρὰν ἔφαινεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας. οἱ δὲ αἰσθόμενοι, καὶ νομίσαντες διὰ τὸ ἐν μεσογείᾳ σφίσι τὰς πόλεις εἶναι ὁμοίως ἂν πολιορκεῖσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν τὸν σῖτον φθειρόντων ὥσπερ εἰ περιεστρατοπεδευμένοι πολιορκοῖντο, ἔπεμψαν πρέσβεις εἰς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα, καὶ εἰρήνην μὲν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, συμμαχίαν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐποιήσαντο. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνας οὕτω διεπέπρακτο.
[2] ἐκ δὲ τούτου τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸ μὲν ἐπ᾽ Ἀθηναίους ἢ ἐπὶ Βοιωτοὺς στρατεύειν οὐκ ἐδόκει ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι ὄπισθεν καταλιπόντας ὅμορον τῇ Λακεδαίμονι πολεμίαν καὶ οὕτω μεγάλην τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν, εἰς δὲ τὸ Ἄργος φρουρὰν φαίνουσιν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίπολις ἐπεὶ ἔγνω ὅτι εἴη αὐτῷ ἡγητέον τῆς φρουρᾶς καὶ τὰ διαβατήρια θυομένῳ ἐγένετο, ἐλθὼν εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν καὶ χρηστηριαζόμενος ἐπηρώτα τὸν θεὸν εἰ ὁσίως ἂν ἔχοι αὐτῷ μὴ δεχομένῳ τὰς σπονδὰς τῶν Ἀργείων, ὅτι οὐχ ὁπότε καθήκοι ὁ χρόνος, ἀλλ᾽ ὁπότε ἐμβάλλειν μέλλοιεν Λακεδαιμόνιοι, τότε ὑπέφερον τοὺς μῆνας. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἐπεσήμαινεν αὐτῷ ὅσιον εἶναι μὴ δεχομένῳ σπονδὰς ἀδίκως ὑποφερομένας. ἐκεῖθεν δ᾽ εὐθὺς πορευθεὶς εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπήρετο αὖ τὸν Ἀπόλλω εἰ κἀκείνῳ δοκοίη περὶ τῶν σπονδῶν καθάπερ τῷ πατρί. ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο καὶ μάλα κατὰ ταὐτά.
[1] When the winter had passed, at the very (1) beginning of spring Agesilaus again called out the ban against the Acarnanians, in accordance with his promise to the Achaeans. But the Acarnanians, learning of this and thinking that inasmuch as their cities were in the interior they would be just as truly besieged by the people who destroyed their corn as if they were besieged by an army encamped around them, sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon and concluded peace with the Achaeans and an alliance with the Lacedaemonians. Thus ended the affair of the Acarnanians.
[2] After this it seemed to the Lacedaemonians that it was not safe for them to undertake a campaign against the Athenians or against the Boeotians while leaving in their rear a hostile state bordering upon Lacedaemon and one so large as that of the Argives; they accordingly called out the ban against Argos. Now when Agesipolis learned that he was to lead the ban, and when the sacrifices which he offered at the frontier proved favourable, he went to Olympia and consulted the oracle of the god, asking whether it would be consistent with piety if he did not acknowledge the holy truce claimed by the Argives; for, he urged, it was not when the appointed time came, but when the Lacedaemonians were about to invade their territory, that they pleaded the sacred months.(2) And the god signified to him that it was consistent with piety for him not to acknowledge a holy truce which was pleaded unjustly. Then Agesipolis proceeded straight from there to Delphi and asked Apollo in his turn whether he also held the same opinion as his father Zeus in regard to the truce. And Apollo answered that he did hold quite the same opinion.
1 388 B.C.
2 The calendars of different Greek states varied so much that sharp practice of the sort here alleged, i.e., shifting the times of religious festivals to meet an emergency, was not difficult or unusual. Cp. ii. 16 and Thuc. v. 54.
ἄνευ βασιλέως μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων γενέσθαι οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς αὑτῷ ἡγεῖτο εἶναι
[16] ὁ μέντοι Τιρίβαζος τὸ μὲν ἄνευ βασιλέως μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων γενέσθαι οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς αὑτῷ ἡγεῖτο εἶναι: λάθρᾳ γε μέντοι ἔδωκε χρήματα Ἀνταλκίδᾳ, ὅπως ἂν πληρωθέντος ναυτικοῦ ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ σύμμαχοι αὐτῶν μᾶλλον τῆς εἰρήνης προσδέοιντο, καὶ τὸν Κόνωνα ὡς ἀδικοῦντά τε βασιλέα καὶ ἀληθῆ λεγόντων Λακεδαιμονίων εἶρξε. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας ἀνέβαινε πρὸς βασιλέα, φράσων ἅ τε λέγοιεν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ὅτι Κόνωνα συνειληφὼς εἴη ὡς ἀδικοῦντα, καὶ ἐρωτήσων τί χρὴ ποιεῖν περὶ τούτων ἁπάντων.
[16] As for Tiribazus, he thought that it was not safe for him to take the side of the Lacedaemonians without the King's approval; in secret, however, he gave money to Antalcidas, to the end that a fleet might be manned by the Lacedaemonians and thus the Athenians and their allies be made more desirous of peace, and he also imprisoned Conon, on the ground that he was wronging the King and that the charges made by the Lacedaemonians were true. After doing these things he proceeded to go up to the King for the purpose of telling him not only the proposals of the Lacedaemonians, but also that he had arrested Conon as a wrong-doer, and likewise to ask the King what he should do about all these matters.
ἀσφαλέστερον ἡγήσατο ἐπ᾽ εἴκοσι ναῦς Ἀθήνησιν
[20] ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἐνόμισεν ἀμελέστερον μὲν ἔχειν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους περὶ τὸ ἐν τῷ λιμένι ναυτικὸν Γοργώπα ἀπολωλότος: εἰ δὲ καὶ εἶεν τριήρεις ὁρμοῦσαι, ἀσφαλέστερον ἡγήσατο ἐπ᾽ εἴκοσι ναῦς Ἀθήνησιν οὔσας πλεῦσαι ἢ ἄλλοθι δέκα. τῶν μὲν γὰρ ἔξω ᾔδει ὅτι κατὰ ναῦν ἔμελλον οἱ ναῦται σκηνήσειν, τῶν δὲ Ἀθήνησιν ἐγίγνωσκεν ὅτι οἱ μὲν τριήραρχοι οἴκοι καθευδήσοιεν, οἱ δὲ ναῦται ἄλλος ἄλλῃ σκηνήσοιεν.
[20] He conceived that the Athenians were more careless about their fleet in the harbour now that Gorgopas was dead; and even if there were triremes at anchor there, he believed that it was safer to sail against twenty (1) ships which were at Athens than against ten elsewhere. For in the case of ships that were abroad he knew that the sailors would be quartered on board their several ships, while with ships at Athens he was aware that the captains would be sleeping at home and the sailors quartered here and there.
ἀσφαλῶς ἤδη κύκλῳ τεῖχος περὶ τὴν πόλιν ᾠκοδόμησεν
[4] ὡς δὲ ἐνέβαλε, πρῶτον μὲν τὴν γῆν ἐδῄου. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδ᾽ οὕτω καθῄρουν τὰ τείχη, τάφρον ὤρυττε κύκλῳ περὶ τὴν πόλιν, τοῖς μὲν ἡμίσεσι τῶν στρατιωτῶν προκαθημένοις σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις τῶν ταφρευόντων, τοῖς δ᾽ ἡμίσεσιν ἐργαζομένοις. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐξείργαστο ἡ τάφρος, ἀσφαλῶς ἤδη κύκλῳ τεῖχος περὶ τὴν πόλιν ᾠκοδόμησεν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὅτι ὁ σῖτος ἐν τῇ πόλει πολὺς ἐνείη, εὐετηρίας γενομένης τῷ πρόσθεν ἔτει, καὶ νομίσας χαλεπὸν ἔσεσθαι, εἰ δεήσει πολὺν χρόνον τρύχειν στρατείαις τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους, ἀπέχωσε τὸν ῥέοντα ποταμὸν διὰ τῆς πόλεως μάλ᾽ ὄντα εὐμεγέθη.
[4] And when he had entered Mantinean territory, he first laid waste the land; but since even then they would not tear down the walls, he proceeded to dig a trench round about the city, with one half of the soldiers sitting under arms in front of the diggers to protect them, and the other half working. And after the trench had been completed,(1) he then without risk built a wall round about the city. Learning, however, that the corn supply in the city was abundant, since there had been a good harvest the previous year, and thinking that it would be a grievous thing if it should prove necessary to burden both his state and its allies for a long period with campaigns, he dammed up the river which flowed through the city; and it was a very large one.
ἀσφάλειαν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι ἀπαλλαττομένοις ἐκ τῆς πόλεως
[6] οἰομένων δὲ ἀποθανεῖσθαι τῶν ἀργολιζόντων καὶ τῶν τοῦ δήμου προστατῶν, διεπράξατο ὁ πατὴρ παρὰ τοῦ Ἀγησιπόλιδος ἀσφάλειαν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι ἀπαλλαττομένοις ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἑξήκοντα οὖσι. καὶ ἀμφοτέρωθεν μὲν τῆς ὁδοῦ ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἔχοντες τὰ δόρατα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἕστασαν, θεώμενοι τοὺς ἐξιόντας. καὶ μισοῦντες αὐτοὺς ὅμως ἀπείχοντο αὐτῶν ῥᾷον ἢ οἱ βέλτιστοι τῶν Μαντινέων. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν εἰρήσθω μέγα τεκμήριον πειθαρχίας.
[6] Now the partisans of Argos and the leaders of the popular party expected that they would be put to death, but the father of Agesipolis obtained from him the promise that safety should be granted them as they departed from the city, being sixty in number. So on both sides of the road, beginning at the city gates, stood the Lacedaemonians with their spears, watching those who were coming out. And although they hated them, nevertheless they kept their hands off them more easily than did the Mantineans belonging to the aristocratic party. Let this, then, stand recorded as a striking example of good discipline.
παντάπασιν ἤδη καλῶς καὶ ἀσφαλῶς ἡ ἀρχὴ ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς κατεσκευάσθαι
[27] προκεχωρηκότων δὲ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ὥστε Θηβαίους μὲν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Βοιωτοὺς παντάπασιν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις εἶναι, Κορινθίους δὲ πιστοτάτους γεγενῆσθαι, Ἀργείους δὲ τεταπεινῶσθαι διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἔτι ὠφελεῖν αὐτοὺς τῶν μηνῶν τὴν ὑποφοράν, Ἀθηναίους δὲ ἠρημῶσθαι, τῶν δ᾽ αὖ συμμάχων κεκολασμένων οἳ δυσμενῶς εἶχον αὐτοῖς, παντάπασιν ἤδη καλῶς καὶ ἀσφαλῶς ἡ ἀρχὴ ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς κατεσκευάσθαι.
[5.4.1] πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἄν τις ἔχοι καὶ ἄλλα λέγειν καὶ Ἑλληνικὰ καὶ βαρβαρικά, ὡς θεοὶ οὔτε τῶν ἀσεβούντων οὔτε τῶν ἀνόσια ποιούντων ἀμελοῦσι: νῦν γε μὴν λέξω τὰ προκείμενα. Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε γὰρ οἱ ὀμόσαντες αὐτονόμους ἐάσειν τὰς πόλεις τὴν ἐν Θήβαις ἀκρόπολιν κατασχόντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν μόνων τῶν ἀδικηθέντων ἐκολάσθησαν πρῶτον οὐδ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς τῶν πώποτε ἀνθρώπων κρατηθέντες, τούς τε τῶν πολιτῶν εἰσαγαγόντας εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν αὐτοὺς καὶ βουληθέντας Λακεδαιμονίοις δουλεύειν τὴν πόλιν, ὥστε αὐτοὶ τυραννεῖν, τὴν τούτων ἀρχὴν ἑπτὰ μόνον τῶν φυγόντων ἤρκεσαν καταλῦσαι. ὡς δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἐγένετο διηγήσομαι.
[27] And now that success had to such an extent attended the efforts of the Lacedaemonians that the Thebans and the rest of the Boeotians were completely in their power, the Corinthians had become absolutely faithful, the Argives had been humbled for the reason that their plea of the sacred months was no longer of any help to them, and the Athenians were left destitute of allies, while on the other hand those among the allies of the Lacedaemonians who had been unfriendly to them had been chastised, it seemed that they had at length established their empire most excellently and securely.
[5.4.1] Now one could mention many other incidents, both among Greeks and barbarians, to prove that the gods do not fail to take heed of the wicked or of those who do unrighteous things; but at present I will speak of the case which is before me. The Lacedaemonians, namely, who had sworn that they would leave the states independent, after seizing possession of the Acropolis of Thebes were punished by the very men, unaided, who had been thus wronged, although before that time they had not been conquered by any single one of all the peoples that ever existed; while as for those among the Theban citizens who had led them into the Acropolis and had wanted the state to be in subjection to the Lacedaemonians in order that they might rule despotically themselves, just seven of the exiles were enough to destroy the government of these men. How all this came to pass I will proceed to relate.
εἰ σφίσιν ἀσφάλειαν μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀπιοῦσι διδοῖεν
[11] ὡς δὲ ἔγνωσαν οἱ ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει ὀλίγοι ὄντες, τήν τε προθυμίαν τῶν προσιόντων ἁπάντων ἑώρων, καὶ τῶν κηρυγμάτων μεγάλων γιγνομένων τοῖς πρώτοις ἀναβᾶσιν, ἐκ τούτων φοβηθέντες εἶπον ὅτι ἀπίοιεν ἄν, εἰ σφίσιν ἀσφάλειαν μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀπιοῦσι διδοῖεν. οἱ δὲ ἄσμενοί τε ἔδοσαν ἃ ᾔτουν, καὶ σπεισάμενοι καὶ ὅρκους ὀμόσαντες ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐξέπεμπον.
[11] Now when those in the Acropolis realized that they were few in number, and saw the spirit of all who were coming against them, — for there were also offers of large prizes to those who should first ascend the Acropolis — being frightened in consequence of these things, they said that they would withdraw if the Thebans would allow them to do so in safety, keeping their arms. And the Thebans gladly granted what they asked, and after making a truce and giving their oaths let them go forth on these terms.
τὴν ἐπὶ Ποτνιὰς ὁδόν: ἦν γὰρ αὕτη ἀσφαλεστέρα
[51] οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Θηβαῖοι δείσαντες περὶ τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι ἐρήμη ἦν, ἀπολιπόντες ἔνθα παρατεταγμένοι ἦσαν δρόμῳ ἔθεον εἰς τὴν πόλιν τὴν ἐπὶ Ποτνιὰς ὁδόν: ἦν γὰρ αὕτη ἀσφαλεστέρα. καὶ μέντοι ἐδόκει καλὸν γενέσθαι τὸ ἐνθύμημα τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, ὅτι πόρρω ἀπαγαγὼν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀποχωρεῖν δρόμῳ αὐτοὺς ἐποίησεν: ὅμως μέντοι ἐπὶ παραθέοντας αὐτοὺς τῶν πολεμάρχων τινὲς ἐπέδραμον σὺν ταῖς μόραις.
[51] The Thebans, on the other hand, being seized with fear for their city, because it was empty of defenders, abandoned the place where they were drawn up and hurried toward the city on the run, by the road which leads to Potniae; for this was the safer route. And it really seemed that Agesilaus' expedient proved a clever one, for though he led his army directly away from the enemy, he caused the latter to retire on the run, and while the enemy ran past, some of his polemarchs with their regiments nevertheless succeeded in charging upon them.
[52] The Thebans, however, hurled their spears from the hill-tops, so that Alypetus, one of the polemarchs, was struck and killed; but in spite of that the Thebans were put to flight from this hill also. Consequently the Sciritans and some of the horsemen climbed the hill and showered blows upon the hind-most of the Thebans as they rushed past them toward the city.
(377)
τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐξῆν ἀσφαλῶς ἐκ Κεγχρειῶν κομίζεσθαι
[17] ὡς δὲ οἱ σωθέντες ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἀπέφυγον ἐπὶ τὸν ἐγγύτατα λόφον, ἐξὸν τῷ Λακεδαιμονίων πολεμάρχῳ λαβόντι ὁπόσους μὲν ἐβούλετο τῶν συμμάχων ὁπλίτας, ὁπόσους δὲ πελταστάς, κατέχειν τὸ χωρίον, καὶ γὰρ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐξῆν ἀσφαλῶς ἐκ Κεγχρειῶν κομίζεσθαι, οὐκ ἐποίησε ταῦτα, ἀλλὰ μάλα ἀπορούντων τῶν Θηβαίων πῶς χρὴ ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς Σικυῶνα βλέποντος καταβῆναι ἢ πάλιν ἀπελθεῖν, σπονδὰς ποιησάμενος, ὡς τοῖς πλείστοις ἐδόκει, πρὸς Θηβαίων μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς ἑαυτῶν, οὕτως ἀπῆλθε καὶ τοὺς μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ ἀπήγαγεν.
[17] And when such as came out of the affair with their lives had made their escape to the nearest hill, although the polemarch of the Lacedaemonians might have got as many hoplites and as many peltasts as he pleased from the forces of the allies and might have held his position — for supplies might have been brought in safety from Cenchreae — he did not do this, but while the Thebans were in great perplexity as to how they were to descend on the side looking toward Sicyon, failing which they would have to go back again, he concluded a truce which, as most people thought, was more to the advantage of the Thebans than to that of his own side, and under these circumstances departed and led away the troops under his command.
(369)
οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἀσφαλῶς καταβάντες καὶ συμμείξαντες τοῖς ἑαυτῶν συμμάχοις
[18] οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἀσφαλῶς καταβάντες καὶ συμμείξαντες τοῖς ἑαυτῶν συμμάχοις, Ἀρκάσι τε καὶ Ἀργείοις καὶ Ἠλείοις, εὐθὺς μὲν προσέβαλον πρὸς Σικυῶνα καὶ Πελλήνην: στρατευσάμενοι δὲ εἰς Ἐπίδαυρον ἐδῄωσαν αὐτῶν πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν. ἀναχωροῦντες δὲ ἐκεῖθεν μάλα πάντων ὑπεροπτικῶς τῶν ἐναντίων, ὡς ἐγένοντο ἐγγὺς τοῦ Κορινθίων ἄστεως, δρόμῳ ἐφέροντο πρὸς τὰς πύλας τὰς ἐπὶ Φλειοῦντα ἰόντι, ὡς εἰ ἀνεῳγμέναι τύχοιεν, εἰσπεσούμενοι.
[18] The Thebans, then, after descending in safety and effecting a junction with their allies, the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleans, immediately attacked Sicyon and Pellene; they also made an expedition to Epidaurus, and laid waste the whole territory of the Epidaurians. Returning from there in a manner which showed great disdain for all their adversaries, as soon as they came near the city of the Corinthians they rushed at the double toward the gates through which one passes in going to Phlius, with the intention of bursting in if they chanced to be open.
ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ὄντες ἐπολιόρκουν τοὺς ἐν τῷ Κρώμνῳ
[21] οἱ μέντοι Ἀρκάδες, ὥσπερ ἔτυχον ἐκ τῆς εἰς Ἦλιν στρατείας συνειλεγμένοι, βοηθήσαντες περιεσταύρωσαν τὸν Κρῶμνον διπλῷ σταυρώματι, καὶ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ὄντες ἐπολιόρκουν τοὺς ἐν τῷ Κρώμνῳ. χαλεπῶς δὲ ἡ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλις φέρουσα ἐπὶ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν πολιτῶν, ἐκπέμπει στρατιάν: ἡγεῖτο δὲ καὶ τότε Ἀρχίδαμος. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐδῄου καὶ τῆς Ἀρκαδίας ὅσα ἐδύνατο καὶ τῆς Σκιρίτιδος, καὶ πάντα ἐποίει ὅπως, εἰ δύναιτο, ἀπαγάγοι τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας. οἱ δὲ Ἀρκάδες οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἐκινοῦντο, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πάντα παρεώρων.
[21] But the Arcadians, gathered together as they were in consequence of their expedition into Elis, came to the rescue and surrounded Cromnus with a double stockade, and, being thus in a safe position, besieged the people in Cromnus. Then the city of Lacedaemon, distressed at the besieging of its citizens, sent out an army. And on this occasion also Archidamus was in command. When he had come, he laid waste as much as he could both of Arcadia and of Sciritis, and did everything in order, if possible, to draw off the besiegers. The Arcadians, however, were not any more disposed to stir than before, but disregarded all these doings.
[22] Then Archidamus, espying a hill over which the Arcadians had carried their outer stockade, came to the conclusion that he could capture it, and that if he became master of this hill, the besiegers at its foot would not be able to hold their position. Now while he was leading the way to this place by a roundabout route, as soon as the peltasts who were running on ahead of Archidamus caught sight of the Epariti (1) outside the stockade, they attacked them, and the cavalry endeavoured to join in the attack. The enemy, however, did not give way, but forming themselves into a compact body, remained quiet. Then the Lacedaemonians attacked again. The enemy did not give way even then, but on the contrary proceeded to advance, and by this time there was a deal of shouting; Archidamus himself thereupon came to the rescue, turning off along the wagon road which runs to Cromnus and leading his men in double file, just as he chanced to have them formed.
1 The name given to the regular troops of the Arcadian League.
(365)
ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ τε ἦν ἢ εἰ ἔξω ἐστρατοπεδεύετο καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν ἀδηλοτέρῳ ὅ τι πράττοιτο
[8] εὐτυχῆ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἂν ἔγωγε φήσαιμι τὴν στρατηγίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι: ὅσα μέντοι προνοίας ἔργα καὶ τόλμης ἐστίν, οὐδέν μοι δοκεῖ ἁνὴρ ἐλλιπεῖν. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἔγωγε ἐπαινῶ αὐτοῦ ὅτι τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐν τῷ τείχει τῶν Τεγεατῶν ἐποιήσατο, ἔνθ᾽ ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ τε ἦν ἢ εἰ ἔξω ἐστρατοπεδεύετο καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν ἀδηλοτέρῳ ὅ τι πράττοιτο. καὶ παρασκευάζεσθαι δέ, εἴ του ἐδεῖτο, ἐν τῇ πόλει ὄντι εὐπορώτερον ἦν. τῶν δ᾽ ἑτέρων ἔξω στρατευομένων ἐξῆν ὁρᾶν, εἴτε τι ὀρθῶς ἐπράττετο εἴτε τι ἡμάρτανον. καὶ μὴν οἰόμενος κρείττων τῶν ἀντιπάλων εἶναι, ὁπότε ὁρῴη χωρίοις πλεονεκτοῦντας αὐτούς, οὐκ ἐξήγετο ἐπιτίθεσθαι.
[8] Now I for my part could not say that his campaign proved fortunate; yet of all possible deeds of forethought and daring the man seems to me to have left not one undone. For, in the first place, I commend his pitching his camp within the wall of Tegea, where he was in greater safety than if he had been encamped outside, and where whatever was being done was more entirely concealed from the enemy. Furthermore, it was easier for him, being in the city, to provide himself with whatever he needed. Since the enemy, on the other hand, was encamped outside, it was possible to see whether they were doing things rightly or were making mistakes. Again, while he believed that he was stronger than his adversaries, he could never be induced to attack them when he saw that they held the advantage in position.
(362)
οὔτε γὰρ ἰέναι αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλὲς ὅπου μὴ κρείττονες τῶν παρόντων μέλλουσιν ἔσεσθαι
[11] πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς διὰ τῆς ὄψεως θεάμασι λογιζόμενος εὑρίσκω μειονεκτοῦντας τοὺς τυράννους. ἄλλα μέν γε ἐν ἄλλῃ χώρᾳ ἐστὶν ἀξιοθέατα: ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων ἕκαστα οἱ μὲν ἰδιῶται ἔρχονται καὶ εἰς πόλεις ἃς ἂν βούλωνται θεαμάτων ἕνεκα, καὶ εἰς τὰς κοινὰς πανηγύρεις, ἔνθα γ᾽ ἃ ἀξιοθεατότατα δοκεῖ εἶναι ἀνθρώποις συναγείρεται.
[12] οἱ δὲ τύραννοι οὐ μάλα ἀμφὶ θεωρίας ἔχουσιν. οὔτε γὰρ ἰέναι αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλὲς ὅπου μὴ κρείττονες τῶν παρόντων μέλλουσιν ἔσεσθαι, οὔτε τὰ οἴκοι κέκτηνται ἐχυρά, ὥστε ἄλλοις παρακαταθεμένους ἀποδημεῖν. φοβερὸν γὰρ μὴ ἅμα τε στερηθῶσι τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἀδύνατοι γένωνται τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς ἀδικήσαντας.
[11] “In the first place, then, taking the objects that we perceive by means of vision, I find by calculation that in regard to sight-seeing, despots are worse off. In every land there are things worth seeing: and in search of these private citizens visit any city they choose, and attend the national festivals, where all things reputed to be most worth seeing are assembled.
[12] But despots are not at all concerned with missions to shows. For it is risky for them to go where they will be no stronger than the crowd, and their property at home is too insecure to be left in charge of others while they are abroad. For they fear to lose their throne, and at the same time to be unable to take vengeance on the authors of the wrong. Perhaps you may say:
κτήνεσιν οὗτοι ἂν εἰκότως καὶ θάρρος καὶ ἀσφάλειαν δύναιντο μάλιστα παρέχειν
[4] τρέφεις μὲν γὰρ δήπου καὶ σὺ αὐτοὺς σαυτῷ φύλακας: ἤδη δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ δεσπόται βίᾳ ὑπὸ τῶν δούλων ἀπέθανον. ἓν οὖν ἂν πρῶτον τοῦτ᾽ εἴη τῶν προστεταγμένων τοῖς μισθοφόροις, ὡς πάντων ὄντας δορυφόρους τῶν πολιτῶν βοηθεῖν πᾶσιν, ἄν τι τοιοῦτον αἰσθάνωνται. γίγνονται δέ που, ὡς πάντες ἐπιστάμεθα, κακοῦργοι ἐν πόλεσιν: εἰ οὖν καὶ τούτους φυλάττειν εἶεν τεταγμένοι, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἂν εἰδεῖεν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὠφελούμενοι.
[5] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ἐργάταις καὶ κτήνεσιν οὗτοι ἂν εἰκότως καὶ θάρρος καὶ ἀσφάλειαν δύναιντο μάλιστα παρέχειν, ὁμοίως μὲν τοῖς σοῖς ἰδίοις, ὁμοίως δὲ τοῖς ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν. ἱκανοί γε μήν εἰσι καὶ σχολὴν παρέχειν τοῖς πολίταις τῶν ἰδίων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, τὰ ἐπίκαιρα φυλάττοντες.
[6] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ πολεμίων ἐφόδους κρυφαίας καὶ ἐξαπιναίας τίνες ἑτοιμότεροι ἢ προαισθέσθαι ἢ κωλῦσαι τῶν ἀεὶ ἐν ὅπλοις τε ὄντων καὶ συντεταγμένων; ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ τί ἐστιν ὠφελιμώτερον πολίταις μισθοφόρων; τούτους γὰρ προπονεῖν καὶ προκινδυνεύειν καὶ προφυλάττειν εἰκὸς ἑτοιμοτάτους εἶναι.
[4] For I presume that you maintain the force primarily to protect yourself. But masters have often been murdered by their slaves. If therefore the first duty enjoined on the mercenaries were to act as the bodyguard of the whole community and render help to all, in case they got wind of any such intention—there are black sheep in every fold, as we all know—I say, if they were under orders to guard the citizens as well as the depot, the citizens would know that this is one service rendered to them by the mercenaries.
[5] Nor is this all: for naturally the mercenaries would also be able to give fearlessness and security in the fullest measure to the labourers and cattle in the country, and the benefit would not be confined to your own estates, but would be felt up and down the countryside.
[6] Again, they are competent to afford the citizens leisure for attending to their private affairs by guarding the vital positions. Besides, should an enemy plan a secret and sudden attack, what handier agents can be found for detecting or preventing their design than a standing force, armed and organized? Or once more, when the citizens go campaigning, what is more useful to them than mercenaries? For these are, as a matter of course, the readiest to bear the brunt of toil and danger and watching.
καὶ ἐξείη μὲν ἄν σοι ἕνεκεν ἀσφαλείας
[9] περίβλεπτος δὲ ὢν οὐχ ὑπὸ ἰδιωτῶν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπὸ πολλῶν πόλεων ἀγαπῷο ἄν, καὶ θαυμαστὸς οὐκ ἰδίᾳ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ δημοσίᾳ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἂν εἴης,
[10] καὶ ἐξείη μὲν ἄν σοι ἕνεκεν ἀσφαλείας, εἴ ποι βούλοιο, θεωρήσοντι πορεύεσθαι, ἐξείη δ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῦ μένοντι τοῦτο πράττειν. ἀεὶ γὰρ ἂν παρὰ σοὶ πανήγυρις εἴη τῶν βουλομένων ἐπιδεικνύναι εἴ τίς τι σοφὸν ἢ καλὸν ἢ ἀγαθὸν ἔχοι, τῶν δὲ καὶ ἐπιθυμούντων ὑπηρετεῖν.
[11] πᾶς δὲ ὁ μὲν παρὼν σύμμαχος ἂν εἴη σοι, ὁ δὲ ἀπὼν ἐπιθυμοίη ἂν ἰδεῖν σε. ὥστε οὐ μόνον φιλοῖο ἄν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐρῷο ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων, καὶ τοὺς καλοὺς οὐ πειρᾶν, ἀλλὰ πειρώμενον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀνέχεσθαι ἄν σε δέοι, φόβον δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἔχοις ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλοις παρέχοις μή τι πάθῃς,
[9] The observed of all observers' eyes, you will be a hero, not only to private citizens, but to many states: you will be admired not only in your home, but in public among all men.
[10] And you will be free to go wherever you choose, so far as safety is concerned, to see the sights, and equally free to enjoy them in your home; for you will have a throng of aspirants before you, some eager to display something wise or beautiful or good, others longing to serve you.
[11] Everyone present will be an ally, everyone absent will long to see you.
“Thus you will be not only the loved, but the adored of mankind. You will need not to court the fair, but to listen patiently to their suit. Anxiety for your welfare will fall not on yourself, but on others.
ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ πάντες νομίζουσι καθεστάναι
[10] ἐὰν δὲ δὴ καὶ ἄλλοι στρατεύωσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν κρείττονες, ἐὰν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ὄντες οἱ ἥττονες ἐν κινδύνῳ δοκῶσιν εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδάν γε εἴσω τοῦ ἐρύματος ἔλθωσιν, ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ πάντες νομίζουσι καθεστάναι, ὁ δὲ τύραννος οὐδ᾽ ἐπειδὰν εἴσω τῆς οἰκίας παρέλθῃ ἐν ἀκινδύνῳ ἐστίν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνταῦθα δὴ καὶ μάλιστα φυλακτέον οἴεται εἶναι.
[11] ἔπειτα τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις καὶ διὰ σπονδῶν καὶ δι᾽ εἰρήνης γίγνεται πολέμου ἀνάπαυσις, τοῖς δὲ τυράννοις οὔτε εἰρήνη ποτὲ πρὸς τοὺς τυραννευομένους γίγνεται οὔτε σπονδαῖς ἄν ποτε πιστεύσας ὁ τύραννος θαρρήσειε.
[10] Again, suppose that strangers invade their city in superior force; true, the weaker are conscious of danger while they are outside the walls; yet once they are inside the fortress, all feel themselves bestowed in safety. But the despot is not out of danger even when he passes within the palace gates; nay, it is just there that he thinks he must walk most warily.
[11] Once again, to private citizens a truce or peace brings rest from war; but despots are never at peace with the people subject to their despotism, and no truce can ever make a despot confident.
οὖν ἐπειδάν γε ἔλθωσιν οἴκαδε, ἀσφάλειαν σφίσιν ἡγοῦνται εἶναι
[8] εὐθὺς γὰρ τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις, ἂν μὴ ἡ πόλις αὐτῶν κοινὸν πόλεμον πολεμῇ, ἔξεστιν ὅποι ἂν βούλωνται πορεύεσθαι μηδὲν φοβουμένους μή τις αὐτοὺς ἀποκτείνῃ, οἱ δὲ τύραννοι πάντες πανταχῇ ὡς διὰ πολεμίας πορεύονται. αὐτοί τε γοῦν ὡπλισμένοι οἴονται ἀνάγκην εἶναι διάγειν καὶ ἄλλους ὁπλοφόρους ἀεὶ συμπεριάγεσθαι.
[9] ἔπειτα δὲ οἱ μὲν ἰδιῶται, ἐὰν καὶ στρατεύωνταί που εἰς πολεμίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ἐπειδάν γε ἔλθωσιν οἴκαδε, ἀσφάλειαν σφίσιν ἡγοῦνται εἶναι, οἱ δὲ τύραννοι ἐπειδὰν εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πόλιν ἀφίκωνται, τότε ἐν πλείστοις πολεμίοις ἴσασιν ὄντες.
[8] To begin with, so long as their state is not engaged in a war in which all take part, private citizens are free to go wherever they choose without fear of being killed. But all despots move everywhere as in an enemy's country; at any rate they think they are bound to wear arms continually themselves, and to take an armed escort about with them at all times.
[9] “Secondly, in the event of an expedition against an enemy's country, private citizens at least think themselves safe as soon as they have come home. But when despots reach their own city, they know that they are now among more enemies than ever.
ὥστε διὰ τὰς πατρίδας ἀσφαλῶς ἕκαστος βιοτεύει τῶν πολιτῶν
[3] ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ αἱ πατρίδες τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις πλείστου ἄξιαι. πολῖται γὰρ δορυφοροῦσι μὲν ἀλλήλους ἄνευ μισθοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς δούλους, δορυφοροῦσι δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς κακούργους, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν βιαίῳ θανάτῳ ἀποθνῄσκειν.
[4] οὕτω δὲ πόρρω προεληλύθασι φυλακῆς ὥστε πεποίηνται πολλοὶ νόμον τῷ μιαιφόνῳ μηδὲ τὸν συνόντα καθαρεύειν: ὥστε διὰ τὰς πατρίδας ἀσφαλῶς ἕκαστος βιοτεύει τῶν πολιτῶν.
[5] τοῖς δὲ τυράννοις καὶ τοῦτο ἔμπαλιν ἀνέστραπται. ἀντὶ γὰρ τοῦ τιμωρεῖν αἱ πόλεις αὐτοῖς μεγάλως τιμῶσι τὸν ἀποκτείναντα τὸν τύραννον, καὶ ἀντί γε τοῦ εἴργειν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν, ὥσπερ τοὺς τῶν ἰδιωτῶν φονέας, ἀντὶ τούτου καὶ εἰκόνας ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἱστᾶσιν αἱ πόλεις τῶν τοιοῦτόν τι ποιησάντων.
[3] Again, to all other men their fatherland is very precious. For citizens ward one another without pay from their slaves and from evildoers, to the end that none of the citizens may perish by a violent death.
[4] They have gone so far in measures of precaution that many have made a law whereby even the companion of the bloodguilty is deemed impure; and so—thanks to the fatherland—every citizen lives in security.
[5] But for despots the position is the reverse in this case too. Instead of avenging them, the cities heap honours on the slayer of the despot; and, whereas they exclude the murderers of private persons from the temples, the cities, so far from treating assassins in the same manner, actually put up statues of them in the holy places.
οὕτω γὰρ τὸ ἀσφαλὲς καὶ τὸ καλὸν θεάσεται ἡ βουλή
[14] ὅταν γε μὴν ἐν τῷ ἐπικρότῳ ἐν Ἀκαδημέᾳ ἱππεύειν δέῃ, ἔχω τάδε παραινέσαι: εἰς μὲν τὸ μὴ ἀποκρούεσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων, ὑπτίους ἀναπεπτωκότας ἐλαύνειν, εἰς δὲ τὸ μὴ πίπτειν, τοὺς ἵππους ὑπολαμβάνειν ἐν ταῖς ἀναστροφαῖς. τὰ μέντοι ὀρθὰ ταχὺ ἐλαύνειν χρή: οὕτω γὰρ τὸ ἀσφαλὲς καὶ τὸ καλὸν θεάσεται ἡ βουλή.
[14] When the ride is to take place in the Academy on the hard ground, I have the following recommendations to make. To avoid being thrown the riders should throw the body back in charging, and collect their horses when wheeling, to keep them from falling. In the straight, however, they should gallop. The Council will thus watch a safe as well as a beautiful performance.
ἢν ᾖ ποθεν ἐξ ἀσφαλοῦς, θεώμενον τοὺς πολεμίους ἀθρεῖν ἤν τι ἁμαρτάνωσι
[16] καὶ τὸ μὲν διὰ κατασκόπων πειρᾶσθαι εἰδέναι τὰ τῶν πολεμίων πάλαι εἴρηται ὡς ἀγαθόν ἐστιν: ἐγὼ δὲ πάντων ἄριστον νομίζω εἶναι τὸ αὐτὸν πειρᾶσθαι, ἢν ᾖ ποθεν ἐξ ἀσφαλοῦς, θεώμενον τοὺς πολεμίους ἀθρεῖν ἤν τι ἁμαρτάνωσι.
[16] It is an old maxim that, in attempting to discover what the enemy is about, it is well to employ spies. But the best plan of all, in my opinion, is for the commander himself to watch the enemy from some safe coign of vantage, if possible, and take notice of his mistakes.
ὃ ἂν ἀφύλακτον ᾖ ἀφαρπάσαντες εἰς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἀποχωρεῖν πρὶν ληφθῆναι
[17] καὶ τὸ μὲν κλαπῆναι δυνατὸν πέμπειν χρὴ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους κλέψοντας, τὸ δ᾽ ἁρπασθῆναι ἐγχωροῦν ἐφιέναι τοὺς ἁρπάσοντας. ἢν δὲ πορευομένων ποι τῶν πολεμίων ἀπαρτᾶταί τι ἀσθενέστερον τῆς αὑτοῦ δυνάμεως ἢ θαρροῦν ἀποσκεδαννύηται, οὐδὲ τοῦτο χρὴ λανθάνειν: ἀεὶ μέντοι <τῷ> ἰσχυροτέρῳ τὸ ἀσθενέστερον θηρᾶν.
[18] δυνατὸν δὲ προσέχοντι τὸν νοῦν ταῦτα καταμανθάνειν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ βραχυγνωμονέστερα ἀνθρώπου θηρία, οἵ τε ἴκτινοι δύνανται ὃ ἂν ἀφύλακτον ᾖ ἀφαρπάσαντες εἰς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἀποχωρεῖν πρὶν ληφθῆναι, καὶ οἱ λύκοι δὲ τά τε ἐρημούμενα φυλακῆς ἀγρεύουσι καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς δυσοράτοις κλέπτουσι,
[19] κἂν μεταθέων γέ τις ἐπιγίγνηται κύων, ἢν μὲν ἥττων ᾖ, τούτῳ ἐπιτίθεται, ἢν δὲ κρείττων, ἀποσπάσας ὅ τι ἂν ἔχῃ ἀποχωρεῖ. ὅταν δέ γε φυλακῆς καταφρονήσωσι λύκοι, τάξαντες ἑαυτῶν τοὺς μὲν ἀπελάσαι τὴν φυλακήν, τοὺς δὲ ἁρπάζειν, οὕτω τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πορίζονται.
[17] And when anything can be filched by cunning, you should send likely men to steal it; and when anything may be seized you should despatch troops to seize it. If the enemy is marching on some objective and a part of his force weaker than your own separates from the main body or straggles carelessly, the chance must not be missed; the hunter, however, must always be stronger than the hunted.
[18] You can see the point of this if you consider. Even wild creatures less intelligent than man, such as hawks, will grab unguarded plunder and get away into a place of safety before they can be caught: wolves, again, prey on anything left unprotected and steal things lying in holes and corners; and if a dog does pursue and overtake him,
[19] the wolf, if stronger than the dog, attacks him; or if weaker, snatches away the prize and makes off. Moreover, when a pack of wolves feels no fear of a convoy, they arrange themselves so that some shall drive off the convoy, and others seize the plunder; and thus they get their food.
καὶ γὰρ ἀσφαλέστερον τὸ πρόσω καὶ ἀπατητικώτερον
[5] ὅταν μέντοι βούλῃ τοὺς ἱππέας πολλοὺς φαίνεσθαι, ἓν μὲν πρῶτον ὑπαρχέτω, ἤνπερ ἐγχωρῇ, μὴ ἐγγὺς τῶν πολεμίων ἐγχειρεῖν ἐξαπατᾶν: καὶ γὰρ ἀσφαλέστερον τὸ πρόσω καὶ ἀπατητικώτερον. ἔπειτα δὲ χρὴ εἰδέναι ὅτι ἁθρόοι μὲν ἵπποι πολλοὶ φαίνονται διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ ζῴου, διασπειρόμενοι δ᾽ εὐαρίθμητοι γίγνονται.
[5] When your object is to make the number of your cavalry look large, first take it for an axiom, if possible, not to attempt the ruse when you are near the enemy: for distance gives safety and increases the illusion. Secondly you must know that horses look many when crowded, owing to the animal's size, but are easily counted when scattered.
ὅπως ἀσφαλῶς μὲν ἀποχωρήσουσι, πεφυλαγμένως δὲ ἀναπαύσονται
[2] εὐνοϊκῶς μὲν οὖν ἔχειν [καὶ] ἐκ τῶνδε εἰκὸς τοὺς ἀρχομένους, ὅταν φιλοφρόνως τε ἔχῃ πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ προνοῶν φαίνηται ὅπως τε σῖτον ἕξουσι καὶ ὅπως ἀσφαλῶς μὲν ἀποχωρήσουσι, πεφυλαγμένως δὲ ἀναπαύσονται.
[3] ἐν δὲ ταῖς φρουραῖς χρὴ καὶ χιλοῦ καὶ σκηνῶν καὶ ὕδατος καὶ φρυγάνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων φανερὸν εἶναι ἐπιμελόμενον καὶ προνοοῦντά τε καὶ ἀγρυπνοῦντα ἕνεκα τῶν ἀρχομένων. καὶ ὅταν γε πλέον ἔχῃ τι, τὸ μεταδοῦναι κερδαλέον τῷ προεστηκότι.
[2] Now the feeling of loyalty will naturally be fostered when the commander is kind to his men, and obviously takes care that they have victuals, and that they are safe in retreat and well protected when at rest.
[3] In the garrisons he must show an interest in fodder, tents, water, firewood, and all other supplies: he must show that he thinks ahead and keeps his eyes open for the sake of his men. And when he is doing well the chief's best policy is to give them a share in his good things.
τὸν ἄρχοντα δυνάμενον ἐπὶ τοῦ ἵππου καὶ τάφρους ἀσφαλῶς περᾶν
[4] ἥκιστα δ᾽ ἂν καταφρονοῖεν ἄρχοντος, ὡς μὲν συνελόντι εἰπεῖν, εἰ ὁπόσα ἐκείνοις παραινοίη, αὐτὸς ταῦτα βέλτιον ἐκείνων φαίνοιτο ποιῶν.
[5] ἀρξάμενον οὖν δεῖ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀναβαίνειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἵππους πάντα τὰ ἐν ἱππικῇ μελετᾶν, ὅπως ὁρῶσι τὸν ἄρχοντα δυνάμενον ἐπὶ τοῦ ἵππου καὶ τάφρους ἀσφαλῶς περᾶν καὶ τειχία ὑπερακρίζειν καὶ ἀπ᾽ ὄχθων κατορούειν καὶ ἀκοντίζειν ἱκανῶς: πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα προκόπτει τι εἰς τὸ μὴ καταφρονεῖσθαι.
[6] ἢν δὲ δὴ καὶ τάττειν γνῶσιν ἐπιστάμενόν τε καὶ δυνάμενον παρασκευάζειν ὡς ἂν πλέον ἔχοιεν τῶν πολεμίων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις κἀκεῖνο λάβωσιν εἰς τὴν γνώμην, ὡς οὔτ᾽ ἂν εἰκῇ οὔτ᾽ ἄνευ θεῶν οὔτε παρὰ τὰ ἱερὰ ἡγήσαιτ᾽ ἂν ἐπὶ πολεμίους, πάντα ταῦτα πιθανωτέρους τῷ ἄρχοντι τοὺς ἀρχομένους ποιεῖ.
[4] To put it shortly, a commander is least likely to incur the contempt of his men if he shows himself more capable than they of doing whatever he requires of them.
[5] He must therefore practise every detail of horsemanship—mounting and the rest,—that they may see their commander able to take a ditch without a spill, clear a wall, leap down from a bank and throw a javelin skilfully. For all these feats are so many stepping stones to their respect.
[6] If they know him also to be a master of tactics and able to put them in the way of getting the better of the enemy; and if besides, they are certain that he will never lead them against an enemy recklessly or without the gods' approval or in defiance of the sacrifices, all these conditions increase the men's readiness to obey their commander.
ἔστι τῷ προσέχοντι τὸν νοῦν ἀσφαλῶς ἐφεπομένῳ ταμιεύσασθαι ὥστε ὁπόσοις ἂν βούληται τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιτίθεσθαι
[11] πολλάκις δὲ πορευόμενον στράτευμα καὶ εἰς ὁδοὺς ἔρχεται ἐν αἷς οὐδὲν πλέον οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ὀλίγων δύνανται. καὶ ἐν διαβάσεσί γε ἔστι τῷ προσέχοντι τὸν νοῦν ἀσφαλῶς ἐφεπομένῳ ταμιεύσασθαι ὥστε ὁπόσοις ἂν βούληται τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιτίθεσθαι.
[11] An army on the march often comes to roads where large numbers have no advantage over small. In crossing rivers, again, a man with his wits about him may dog the enemy's steps without danger and regulate according to his will the number of the enemy that he chooses to attack.
τοὺς πολεμίους ἱκανοὶ ἔσονται καὶ ἀναχωρίζειν εἰς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τὰ δεόμενα ὡς ἐκ πλείστου
[6] εἰ δὲ φυλάττοι μὲν τὰ ἔξω τείχους τοσούτοις ὅσοι σκοπεύειν τε τοὺς πολεμίους ἱκανοὶ ἔσονται καὶ ἀναχωρίζειν εἰς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τὰ δεόμενα ὡς ἐκ πλείστου— ἱκανοὶ δὲ καὶ προορᾶν οὐδὲν ἧττον οἱ ὀλίγοι τῶν πολλῶν, καὶ φυλάττειν τοίνυν καὶ ἀναχωρίζειν τὰ φίλια οὐκ ἀκαιρότεροι οἱ μήτε αὑτοῖς μήτε τοῖς ἵπποις πιστεύοντες:
[7] ὁ γὰρ φόβος δεινὸς δοκεῖ συμφύλαξ εἶναι—τοὺς μὲν <οὖν> φύλακας ἐκ τούτων ἄν τις ποιῶν ἴσως ὀρθῶς βουλεύοιτο: τοὺς δὲ περιττοὺς τῆς φυλακῆς εἰ μέν τις στρατιὰν ἔχειν ἡγήσεται, ὀλίγη αὐτῷ φανεῖται: τοῦ παντὸς γὰρ ἐνδεήσεται ὥστε ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς διακινδυνεύειν: ἢν δὲ ὡς λῃσταῖς αὐτοῖς χρῆται, πάνυ ἂν ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς ἱκανὴν τοῦτο πράττειν ἔχοι δύναμιν.
[6] But should he guard whatever lies outside the walls with a force that will be just sufficient to keep an eye on the enemy and to remove into safety from as great a distance as possible property that needs saving,—and a large force is not necessary for this: a small force can keep a look-out as well as a large one, and when it comes to guarding and removing the property of friends, men who have no confidence in themselves or their horses will meet the case, because Fear, it seems, is a
[7] formidable member of a guard—well, it may perhaps be a sound plan to draw on these men for his guards. But if he imagines that the number remaining over and above the guard constitutes an army, he will find it too small; for it will be utterly inadequate to risk a conflict in the open. Let him use these men as raiders, and he will probably have a force quite sufficient for this purpose.
τοὺς μέντοι μέλλοντας δυνήσεσθαι ἀσφαλῶς τὸ πολὺ κρεῖττον στράτευμα κακουργεῖν
[1] τοὺς μέντοι μέλλοντας δυνήσεσθαι ἀσφαλῶς τὸ πολὺ κρεῖττον στράτευμα κακουργεῖν σαφῶς δεῖ τοσοῦτον διαφέρειν ὥστε αὐτοὺς μὲν ἀσκητὰς φαίνεσθαι τῶν πολεμικῶν ἐν ἱππικῇ ἔργων, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους ἰδιώτας.
[1] It is clear, however, that no troops will be able to inflict loss on a much stronger army with impunity, unless they are so superior in the practical application of horsemanship to war that they show like experts contending with amateurs.
ἀποχωρῆσαι ἀσφαλέστερον ἂν δύναιντο
[12] ὅταν δὲ τοῖς πολὺ κρείττοσιν ἐπιχειρῇ καὶ προγιγνώσκῃ ὅτι ποιήσαντα ὅ τι ἂν δύνηται φευκτέον ἐστίν, εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτά φημι πολὺ κρεῖττον εἶναι ὀλίγους ἢ πάντας προσάγειν, τοὺς μέντοι ἀπειλεγμένους καὶ ἵππους καὶ ἄνδρας τοὺς κρατίστους. τοιοῦτοι γὰρ ὄντες καὶ ποιῆσαι ἄν τι καὶ ἀποχωρῆσαι ἀσφαλέστερον ἂν δύναιντο.
[13] ὅταν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς κρείττους πάντας προσαγαγὼν ἀποχωρεῖν βούληται, ἀνάγκη τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν βραδυτάτων ἵππων ἁλίσκεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ καὶ δι᾽ ἀφιππίαν πίπτειν, τοὺς δὲ διὰ δυσχωρίας ἀπολαμβάνεσθαι: καὶ γὰρ πολὺν τόπον χαλεπὸν εὑρεῖν οἷον ἄν τις εὔξαιτο.
[12] But when he tries conclusions with a much stronger force, knowing beforehand that he is bound to retreat when he has done his best, I hold that it is far better in such a case to throw a small part of his strength into the attack than the whole of it; only horses and men alike should be his very best. For such a force will be able to achieve something and to retreat with less risk.
[13] But when he has thrown the whole of his strength into an attack on a stronger force, and wants to retire, the men on the slowest mounts are bound to be taken prisoners; others to be thrown through lack of horsemanship; and others to be cut off owing to inequalities in the ground, since it is hard to find a wide expanse of country entirely to your liking.
τὸ εὑρίσκειν πόθεν ἂν οἱ φίλοι ἐξ ἀσφαλοῦς ἐπιφαινόμενοι βραδυτέρους τοὺς διώκοντας παρέχοιεν
[15] σύμφορον δ᾽ εἰς τοῦτο καὶ αἱ ψευδενέδραι: χρήσιμον δὲ κἀκεῖνο, τὸ εὑρίσκειν πόθεν ἂν οἱ φίλοι ἐξ ἀσφαλοῦς ἐπιφαινόμενοι βραδυτέρους τοὺς διώκοντας παρέχοιεν.
[16] ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τόδε δῆλον, ὡς πόνοις καὶ τάχει οἱ ὀλίγοι τῶν πολλῶν πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ὀλίγων περιγίγνοιντ᾽ ἄν. καὶ οὐ λέγω ὡς διὰ τὸ ὀλίγοι εἶναι καὶ πονεῖν μᾶλλον δυνήσονται καὶ θάττους ἔσονται, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ῥᾷον εὑρεῖν ὀλίγους ἢ πολλοὺς τοὺς καὶ τῶν ἵππων ἐπιμελησομένους ὡς δεῖ καὶ αὐτοὺς φρονίμως μελετήσοντας τὴν ἱππικήν.
[15] Sham ambuscades, too, are helpful for this purpose. It is also useful to discover on what quarter your friends may suddenly reveal themselves in a safe position and make the pursuit slower.
[16] Then again it is obvious that in point of endurance and speed the advantage is much more likely to rest with a small than with a large force. I do not mean that mere paucity of numbers will increase the men's powers of endurance and add to their speed; but it is easier to find few men than many who will take proper care of their horses and will practise the art of horsemanship intelligently on their own account.
ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς ἀσφαλέστατ᾽ ἂν διάγοι
[23] ἐὰν δέ ποτε αὖ ἢ φαλάγγων ἀντιτεταγμένων ἢ χωρίων ἑκατέροις ὑπαρχόντων ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἀναστροφαί τε καὶ διώξεις καὶ ἀποχωρήσεις γίγνωνται, εἰώθασι μὲν ὡς τὰ πολλὰ ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων ὁρμᾶν μὲν [ἐκ τῶν ἀναστροφῶν] βραδέως ἀμφότεροι, τὸ δ᾽ ἐν μέσῳ τάχιστα ἐλαύνειν.
[24] ἢν δέ τις οὕτω προδείξας ἔπειτα [δ᾽] ἐκ τῶν ἀναστροφῶν ταχέως τε διώκῃ καὶ ταχέως ἀποχωρῇ, βλάπτειν τ᾽ ἂν μάλιστα τοὺς πολεμίους δύναιτο καὶ ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς ἀσφαλέστατ᾽ ἂν διάγοι, ταχὺ μὲν διώκων ἐν ᾧ ἂν ἐγγὺς ᾖ τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ ἰσχυροῦ, ταχὺ δὲ ἀποχωρῶν ἀπὸ τῶν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἰσχυρῶν.
[25] Suppose now that the cavalry are busy in the no-man's-land that separates two battle lines drawn up face to face or two strategic positions, wheeling, pursuing and retreating. After such manoeuvres both sides usually start off at a slow pace, but gallop at full speed in the unoccupied ground.
[24] But if a commander first feints in this manner, and then after wheeling, pursues and retreats at the gallop he will be able to inflict the greatest loss on the enemy, and will probably come through with the least harm, by pursuing at the gallop so long as he is near his own defence, and retreating at the gallop from the enemy's defences.
ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλῶν ἀσφαλῶς κατιέναι καὶ τὰ κατάντη ταχὺ ἐλαύνεσθαι
[2] τοῦτο δ᾽ ἂν εἴη πρῶτον μὲν <εἰ οἱ> λῄζεσθαι μέλλοντες ἐκπεπονημένοι εἶεν τῇ ἐλάσει, ὥστε δύνασθαι στρατιωτικοὺς πόνους ὑποφέρειν: οἱ γὰρ πρὸς ταῦτα ἀμελῶς ἔχοντες καὶ ἵπποι καὶ ἄνδρες εἰκότως ἂν ὥσπερ γυναῖκες πρὸς ἄνδρας ἀγωνίζοιντο.
[3] οἱ δέ γε δεδιδαγμένοι τε καὶ εἰθισμένοι τάφρους διαπηδᾶν καὶ τειχία ὑπεραίρειν καὶ ἐπ᾽ ὄχθους ἀνάλλεσθαι καὶ ἀφ᾽ ὑψηλῶν ἀσφαλῶς κατιέναι καὶ τὰ κατάντη ταχὺ ἐλαύνεσθαι, οὗτοι δ᾽ αὖ τοσοῦτον διαφέροιεν ἂν τῶν ἀμελετήτων ταῦτα ὅσονπερ πτηνοὶ πεζῶν: οἱ δέ γε αὖ τοὺς πόδας ἐκπεπονημένοι τῶν ἀτριβῶν πρὸς τραχέα ὅσονπερ ὑγιεῖς χωλῶν: καὶ οἵ γε τῶν τόπων ἔμπειροι πρὸς τοὺς ἀπείρους τοσοῦτον ἐν ταῖς προελάσεσι καὶ ἀποχωρήσεσι διαφέροιεν ἂν ὅσονπερ οἱ ὁρῶντες τῶν τυφλῶν.
[2] This superiority can be attained first and foremost if your marauding bands are so thoroughly drilled in riding that they can stand the hard work of a campaign. For both horses and men that are carelessly trained in this respect will naturally be like women struggling with men.
[3] On the contrary, those that are taught and accustomed to jump ditches, leap walls, spring up banks, leap down from heights without a spill, and gallop down steep places, will be as superior to the men and horses that lack this training as birds to beasts. Moreover, those that have their feet well hardened will differ on rough ground from the tender-footed as widely as the sound from the lame. And those that are familiar with the locality, compared with those to whom it is unfamiliar, will differ in the advance and retreat as much as men with eyes differ from the blind.
ἐν φυγῇ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ὀρθῶς καὶ ἀσφαλῶς διώξονται τοὺς ἐναντίους
[4] ἐν φυγῇ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ὀρθῶς καὶ ἀσφαλῶς διώξονται τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐν παντὶ χωρίῳ διὰ συνήθειαν. δυστυχήσαντος δὲ οἰκείου στρατοπέδου ἐν χωρίοις ὑλώδεσι καὶ ἀποκρήμνοις ἢ ἄλλως χαλεποῖς οἷοί τ᾽ ἔσονται καὶ αὐτοὶ σῴζεσθαι μὴ αἰσχρῶς καὶ ἑτέρους σῴζειν: ἡ γὰρ συνήθεια τοῦ ἔργου παρέξει αὐτοῖς πλέον τι εἰδέναι.
[4] In the rout of the enemy they will make straight for the foe without a slip over any kind of ground, through habit. If part of their own army has met with disaster in ground rendered difficult by woods and defiles or what not, they will manage to save themselves without loss of honour and to save others. For their familiarity with the business will give them knowledge that others lack.
ὅπως οὖν ἀσφαλῶς θηρῴη, ἱππέας τε προσέλαβε πολλοὺς καὶ πελταστάς
[16] ἀμφὶ δὲ τὰ πέντε ἢ ἑκκαίδεκα ἔτη γενομένου αὐτοῦ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Ἀσσυρίων βασιλέως γαμεῖν μέλλων ἐπεθύμησε <καὶ> αὐτὸς θηρᾶσαι ἐς τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον. ἀκούων οὖν ἐν τοῖς μεθορίοις τοῖς τε αὑτῶν καὶ τοῖς Μήδων πολλὰ θηρία εἶναι ἀθήρευτα διὰ τὸν πόλεμον, ἐνταῦθα ἐπεθύμησεν ἐξελθεῖν. ὅπως οὖν ἀσφαλῶς θηρῴη, ἱππέας τε προσέλαβε πολλοὺς καὶ πελταστάς, οἵτινες ἔμελλον αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν λασίων τὰ θηρία ἐξελᾶν ἐς τὰ ἐργάσιμά τε καὶ εὐήλατα. ἀφικόμενος δὲ ὅπου ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ φρούρια καὶ ἡ φυλακή, ἐνταῦθα ἐδειπνοποιεῖτο, ὡς πρῲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ θηράσων.
[16] But when Cyrus was about fifteen or sixteen years old, the son of the Assyrian king, on the eve of his marriage, desired in person to get the game for that occasion. Now, hearing that on the frontiers of Assyria and Media there was plenty of game that because of the war had not been hunted, he desired to go out thither. Accordingly, that he might hunt without danger, he took along a large force of cavalry and targeteers, who were to drive the game out of the thickets for him into country that was open and suitable for riding. And when he arrived where their frontier-forts and the garrison were, there he dined, planning to hunt early on the following day.
τὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους νόμιμα ἐδόκει ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι διδάσκειν
[33] ἐγένετο οὖν ἐκ τούτων ῥήτρα, ᾗ καὶ νῦν χρώμεθα ἔτι, ἁπλῶς διδάσκειν τοὺς παῖδας ὥσπερ τοὺς οἰκέτας πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς διδάσκομεν ἀληθεύειν καὶ μὴ ἐξαπατᾶν καὶ μὴ πλεονεκτεῖν: εἰ δὲ παρὰ ταῦτα ποιοῖεν, κολάζειν, ὅπως σὺν τοιούτῳ ἔθει ἐθισθέντες πρᾳότεροι πολῖται γένοιντο.
[34] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔχοιεν τὴν ἡλικίαν ἣν σὺ νῦν ἔχεις, ἤδη καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους νόμιμα ἐδόκει ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι διδάσκειν. οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἔτι ἐξενεχθῆναι δοκεῖτε πρὸς τὸ ἄγριοι πολῖται γενέσθαι ἐν τῷ αἰδεῖσθαι ἀλλήλους συντεθραμμένοι: ὥσπερ γε καὶ περὶ ἀφροδισίων οὐ διελεγόμεθα πρὸς τοὺς ἄγαν νέους, ἵνα μὴ πρὸς τὴν ἰσχυρὰν ἐπιθυμίαν αὐτοῖς ῥᾳδιουργίας προσγενομένης ἀμέτρως αὐτῇ χρῷντο οἱ νέοι.
[33] In consequence of that, therefore, an ordinance was passed which obtains even unto this day, simply to teach our boys, just as we teach our servants in their relations toward us, to tell the truth and not to deceive and not to take unfair advantage; and if they should act contrary to this law, the law requires their punishment, in order that, inured to such habits, they may become more refined members of society.
[34] But when they came to be as old as you are now, then it seemed to be safe to teach them that also which is lawful toward enemies; for it does not seem likely that you would break away and degenerate into savages after you had been brought up together in mutual respect. In the same way we do not discuss sexual matters in the presence of very young boys, lest in case lax discipline should give a free rein to their passions the young might indulge them to excess.”
ἐπιμελουμένους ἀσφαλέστερον [ἂν] διάγειν ἢ ἀφυλακτοῦντας τούτων
[5] τί γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ παῖ, μέμνησαι ἐκεῖνα ἅ ποτε ἐδόκει ἡμῖν, ὡς ἅπερ δεδώκασιν οἱ θεοὶ μαθόντας ἀνθρώπους βέλτιον πράττειν ἢ ἀνεπιστήμονας αὐτῶν ὄντας καὶ ἐργαζομένους μᾶλλον ἁνύτειν ἢ ἀργοῦντας καὶ ἐπιμελουμένους ἀσφαλέστερον [ἂν] διάγειν ἢ ἀφυλακτοῦντας τούτων, —παρέχοντας οὖν τοιούτους ἑαυτοὺς οἵους δεῖ, οὕτως ἡμῖν ἐδόκει δεῖν καὶ αἰτεῖσθαι τἀγαθὰ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν;
[5] “To be sure,” said his father; “and do you (1) remember the conclusion which once we reached—that as people who know what the gods have granted fare better than those who do not; as people who work accomplish more than those who are idle; as people who are careful live more securely than those who are indifferent; so in this matter it seemed to us that those only who had made themselves what they ought to be had a right to ask for corresponding blessings from the gods?”
1 God helps those who help themselves
ἡμῖν μὲν ποιήσεις τὸ ὁμόσε τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἰέναι ἀσφαλέστατον
[9] τί μὴν ἄλλο ἐνορᾷς ἄμεινον τούτου; ἐγὼ μὲν ἄν, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος, εἰ σὺ εἴην, ὡς τάχιστα ὅπλα ποιοίμην πᾶσι Πέρσαις τοῖς προσιοῦσιν οἷάπερ ἔχοντες ἔρχονται παρ᾽ ἡμῶν οἱ τῶν ὁμοτίμων καλούμενοι: ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐστὶ θώραξ μὲν περὶ τὰ στέρνα, γέρρον δὲ εἰς τὴν ἀριστεράν, κοπὶς δὲ ἢ σάγαρις εἰς τὴν δεξιάν: κἂν ταῦτα παρασκευάσῃς, ἡμῖν μὲν ποιήσεις τὸ ὁμόσε τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἰέναι ἀσφαλέστατον, τοῖς πολεμίοις δὲ τὸ φεύγειν ἢ τὸ μένειν αἱρετώτερον. τάττομεν δέ, ἔφη, ἡμᾶς μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς μένοντας: οἵ γε μέντἂν αὐτῶν φεύγωσι, τούτους ὑμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἵπποις νέμομεν, ὡς μὴ σχολάζωσι μήτε μένειν μήτε ἀναστρέφεσθαι.
[9] “What better plan do you see than this?”
“If I were you,” said Cyrus, “I should as quickly (1) as possible have armour made for all the Persians who are coming here just like that of the so-called peers who are coming from our country—that is, a corselet to wear about the breast, a small shield upon the left arm, and a scimitar or sabre in the right hand. And if you provide these weapons, you will make it the safest procedure for us to fight at close quarters with the enemy, while for the enemy flight will prove preferable to standing their ground. And it is for us,” he continued, “to range ourselves against those who hold their ground, while those of them who run away we propose to leave to you and the cavalry, that they may have no chance to stand their ground or to turn back.”
1 Proposed reorganization of the Persian commoners
ἐν τῷ παραχρῆμα ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ εἶναι τοῦ μὴ αὐτός γε ὑποχείριος γενέσθαι
[13] καὶ ὁ Κῦρος ἐπήρετο: αἱ δ᾽ οἰκήσεις αὐτῷ πότερον ἐν ἐχυροῖς χωρίοις εἰσὶν ἢ καί που ἐν εὐεφόδοις; καὶ ὁ Κυαξάρης εἶπεν: αἱ μὲν οἰκήσεις οὐ πάνυ ἐν ἐχυροῖς: ἐγὼ γὰρ τούτου οὐκ ἠμέλουν: ὄρη μέντοι ἔστιν ἔνθα δύναιτ᾽ ἂν ἀπελθὼν ἐν τῷ παραχρῆμα ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ εἶναι τοῦ μὴ αὐτός γε ὑποχείριος γενέσθαι, μηδὲ ὅσα ἐνταῦθα δύναιτο ὑπεκκομίσασθαι, εἰ μή τις πολιορκοίη προσκαθήμενος, ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ ἐμὸς πατήρ ποτε ἐποίησεν.
[13] “But his residences,” asked Cyrus, “are they all in fortified places or are perhaps some of them in places easy of approach?”
“His residences,” answered Cyaxares, “are in places not very well fortified; I did not fail to attend to that. However, there are mountains where he could take refuge and for a time be safe from falling into our hands himself, and where he could insure the safety of whatever he could have carried up there secretly, unless some one should occupy the approaches and hold him in siege, as my father did.”
τὰ μὲν γὰρ ὑμέτερα ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε
[12] ἐν δὲ τούτῳ προσάγουσι τῷ Κύρῳ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους δεδεμένους, τοὺς δέ τινας καὶ τετρωμένους. ὡς δὲ εἶδεν, εὐθὺς λύειν μὲν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς δεδεμένους, τοὺς δὲ τετρωμένους ἰατροὺς καλέσας θεραπεύειν ἐκέλευσεν: ἔπειτα δὲ ἔλεξε τοῖς Χαλδαίοις ὅτι ἥκοι οὔτε ἀπολέσαι ἐπιθυμῶν ἐκείνους οὔτε πολεμεῖν δεόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ εἰρήνην βουλόμενος ποιῆσαι Ἀρμενίοις καὶ Χαλδαίοις. πρὶν μὲν οὖν ἔχεσθαι τὰ ἄκρα οἶδ᾽ ὅτι οὐδὲν ἐδεῖσθε εἰρήνης: τὰ μὲν γὰρ ὑμέτερα ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε, τὰ δὲ τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἤγετε καὶ ἐφέρετε: νῦν δὲ ὁρᾶτε δὴ ἐν οἵῳ ἐστέ.
[12] At this juncture they brought to Cyrus the prisoners in chains and also some that had been wounded. And when he saw them he at once ordered that the fetters be taken off, and he sent for surgeons and bade them attend to the wounded men. And then he told the Chaldaeans that he had come with no wish to destroy them and with no desire to make war, but because he wished to make peace between the Armenians and the Chaldaeans.
“Now I know that before the heights were taken you had no wish at all for peace, for everything of yours was secure, while you carried off and plundered the property of the Armenians; but now see in what a predicament you are!
ἐπιθυμεῖτε ὅτι νομίζετε ἀσφαλέστερον ἂν δύνασθαι ζῆν εἰρήνης γενομένης ἢ πολεμοῦντες
[17] ὁ μὲν Ἀρμένιος τοσαῦτ᾽ ἔλεξεν.
οἱ δὲ Χαλδαῖοι ἧκον δεόμενοι τοῦ Κύρου εἰρήνην σφίσι ποιῆσαι. καὶ ὁ Κῦρος ἐπήρετο αὐτούς: ἄλλο τι, ἔφη, ὦ Χαλδαῖοι, ἢ τούτου ἕνεκα εἰρήνης νῦν ἐπιθυμεῖτε ὅτι νομίζετε ἀσφαλέστερον ἂν δύνασθαι ζῆν εἰρήνης γενομένης ἢ πολεμοῦντες, ἐπεὶ ἡμεῖς τάδ᾽ ἔχομεν;
[18] ἔφασαν οἱ Χαλδαῖοι.
[17] Thus the Armenian king spoke.
Now the Chaldaeans had come back with the request that Cyrus should make peace with them. And Cyrus asked them: “Is this the reason that you, Chaldaeans, now desire peace, because you think, that since we are in possession of these heights, you could live in greater security if we had peace than if we were at war?”
[18] The Chaldaeans assented.
"σφόδρα ἄν, ἔφη, εἴπερ οἰοίμην ἀσφαλῶς νεμεῖν" (3.2.20 Z. 8) / "ἀσφαλῶς ἂν νέμοιτε, εἰ τὰ ἄκρα ἔχοιτε σύμμαχα; ἔφη ὁ Ἀρμένιος" (3.2.20 Z. 9)
[20] τί δ᾽, ὑμεῖς, ἔφη, ὦ Χαλδαῖοι, ἐπεὶ ὄρη ἀγαθὰ ἔχετε, ἐθέλοιτ᾽ ἂν ἐᾶν νέμειν ταῦτα τοὺς Ἀρμενίους, εἰ ὑμῖν μέλλοιεν οἱ νέμοντες τὰ δίκαια ἀποτελεῖν; ἔφασαν οἱ Χαλδαῖοι: πολλὰ γὰρ ἂν ὠφελεῖσθαι οὐδὲν πονοῦντες. σὺ δέ, ἔφη, ὦ Ἀρμένιε, ἐθέλοις ἂν ταῖς τούτων νομαῖς χρῆσθαι, εἰ μέλλοις μικρὰ ὠφελῶν Χαλδαίους πολὺ πλείω ὠφελήσεσθαι; καὶ σφόδρα ἄν, ἔφη, εἴπερ οἰοίμην ἀσφαλῶς νεμεῖν. οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, ἀσφαλῶς ἂν νέμοιτε, εἰ τὰ ἄκρα ἔχοιτε σύμμαχα; ἔφη ὁ Ἀρμένιος.
[20] “And tell me, Chaldaeans,” said he, “seeing that you have fine mountains, would you be willing to let the Armenians pasture their herds there, if the herdsmen would pay you what is fair?”
The Chaldaeans said they would; for they would get large profits by it, without any labour on their own part.
“And you, King of Armenia,” said he, “would you be willing to rent their pasture lands, if by letting the Chaldaeans have a little profit you were to get much greater profit for yourself?”
“Why, of course,” said he, “if I thought I could pasture my cattle there in security.”
“Well then,” said he, “could you pasture them there in security, if the heights were in the possession of your friends?”
“Yes,” said the Armenian.
οὐκ ἂν ἡμεῖς ἀσφαλῶς ἐργαζοίμεθα μὴ ὅτι τὴν τούτων
[21] ἀλλὰ μὰ Δί᾽, ἔφασαν οἱ Χαλδαῖοι, οὐκ ἂν ἡμεῖς ἀσφαλῶς ἐργαζοίμεθα μὴ ὅτι τὴν τούτων, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἂν τὴν ἡμετέραν, εἰ οὗτοι τὰ ἄκρα ἔχοιεν. εἰ δ᾽ ὑμῖν αὖ, ἔφη, τὰ ἄκρα σύμμαχα εἶεν; οὕτως ἄν, ἔφασαν, ἡμῖν καλῶς ἔχοι. ἀλλὰ μὰ Δί᾽, ἔφη ὁ Ἀρμένιος, οὐκ ἂν ἡμῖν αὖ καλῶς ἔχοι, εἰ οὗτοι παραλήψονται πάλιν τὰ ἄκρα ἄλλως τε καὶ τετειχισμένα.
[21] “But, by Zeus,” said the Chaldaeans, “we could not even work our own farms in security, to say nothing of theirs, if they were to have possession of the heights.”
“But,” said Cyrus, “suppose on the other hand that the heights were in the possession of your friends?”
“In that case,” they answered, “we should be all right.”
“But, by Zeus,” said the Armenian, “we, on our part, should not be all right, if they are again to get possession of the heights, especially now that they have been fortified.”
ἴσως τὸ ἀσφαλέστατον ἦν αἱρετέον
[17] ἔτι δὲ εἰ μὲν μείζων τις ἡμῖν ὁ κίνδυνος ἔμελλεν εἶναι ἐκεῖ ἢ ἐνθάδε, ἴσως τὸ ἀσφαλέστατον ἦν αἱρετέον. νῦν δὲ ἴσοι μὲν ἐκεῖνοι ἔσονται, ἤν τε ἐνθάδε ὑπομένωμεν ἤν τε εἰς τὴν ἐκείνων ἰόντες ὑπαντῶμεν αὐτοῖς: ἴσοι δὲ ἡμεῖς ὄντες μαχούμεθα, ἤν τε ἐνθάδε ἐπιόντας αὐτοὺς δεχώμεθα ἤν τε ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνους ἰόντες τὴν μάχην συνάπτωμεν.
[18] πολὺ μέντοι ἡμεῖς βελτίοσι καὶ ἐρρωμενεστέραις ταῖς ψυχαῖς τῶν στρατιωτῶν χρησόμεθα, ἢν ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ μὴ ἄκοντες ὁρᾶν δοκῶμεν τοὺς πολεμίους: πολὺ δὲ κἀκεῖνοι μᾶλλον ἡμᾶς φοβήσονται, ὅταν ἀκούσωσιν ὅτι οὐ φοβούμενοι πτήσσομεν αὐτοὺς οἴκοι καθήμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ αἰσθανόμεθα προσιόντας, ἀπαντῶμέν τε αὐτοῖς, ἵν᾽ ὡς τάχιστα συμμείξωμεν, καὶ οὐκ ἀναμένομεν ἕως ἂν ἡ ἡμετέρα χώρα κακῶται, ἀλλὰ φθάνοντες ἤδη δῃοῦμεν τὴν ἐκείνων γῆν.
[17] And then again, if we were likely to be in any greater danger there than here, we should, perhaps, have to choose the safer course. But their numbers will be the same, whether we wait here or whether we go and meet them in their own territory. And our numbers in the fight will be just the same, whether we engage them as they come hither or whether we go against them to join battle.
[18] We shall, however, find the courage of our soldiers much better and stronger, if we assume the offensive and show that we are not unwilling to face the foe; and they will be much more afraid of us, when they hear that we do not sit down at home and cower in fear of them, but that, when we hear that they are coming, we advance to meet them to join battle as soon as possible, and do not wait until our country is ravaged, but take the initiative and devastate theirs.
εἰδότες ὅτι ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ εἰσι τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν
[31] ὁ δὲ Κῦρος, μηδαμῶς, ἔφη, πρὸς τῶν θεῶν, ὦ Κυαξάρη, οὕτω ποιήσωμεν. εἰ γὰρ ἤδη ἐκφανέντες πορευσόμεθα, ὡς σὺ κελεύεις, νῦν τε προσιόντας ἡμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι θεάσονται οὐδὲν φοβούμενοι, εἰδότες ὅτι ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ εἰσι τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν, ἐπειδάν τε μηδὲν ποιήσαντες ἀπίωμεν, πάλιν καθορῶντες ἡμῶν τὸ πλῆθος πολὺ ἐνδεέστερον τοῦ ἑαυτῶν καταφρονήσουσι, καὶ αὔριον ἐξίασι πολὺ ἐρρωμενεστέραις ταῖς γνώμαις.
[31] Such was his proposal. But Cyrus said: “No, by the gods, Cyaxares, let us not do that; never! For if we march out and show ourselves, as you suggest, the enemy will see us marching up but will have no fear, for they know that they are secure against any injury; and when we withdraw without having accomplished anything, they will furthermore see that our numbers are inferior to their own and despise us; and tomorrow they will come out with much stouter hearts.
ἐμεμαθήκεσαν ἀσφαλέστατον εἶναι καὶ ῥᾷστον τὸ ὁμόσε ἰέναι τοῖς πολεμίοις
[57] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ προσευξάμενος τοῖς θεοῖς ἐξῆγε τὸ στράτευμα. ὡς δ᾽ ἤρξατο ἄγειν, ἤδη θᾶττον ἡγεῖτο, οἱ δ᾽ εἵποντο εὐτάκτως μὲν διὰ τὸ ἐπίστασθαί τε καὶ μεμελετηκέναι ἐν τάξει πορεύεσθαι, ἐρρωμένως δὲ διὰ τὸ φιλονίκως ἔχειν πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ διὰ τὸ τὰ σώματα ἐκπεπονῆσθαι καὶ διὰ τὸ πάντας ἄρχοντας τοὺς πρωτοστάτας εἶναι, ἡδέως δὲ διὰ τὸ φρονίμως ἔχειν: ἠπίσταντο γὰρ καὶ ἐκ πολλοῦ οὕτως ἐμεμαθήκεσαν ἀσφαλέστατον εἶναι καὶ ῥᾷστον τὸ ὁμόσε ἰέναι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοξόταις καὶ ἀκοντισταῖς καὶ ἱππεῦσιν.
[57] When he had said this, he prayed to the gods (1) and led out his army. And as soon as he began to advance, he led on at a double-quick pace and they followed in good order, for they understood marching in line and had practised it; moreover, they followed courageously, because they were in eager rivalry with one another and because their bodies were in thorough training and because the front-rank men were all officers; and they followed gladly, because they were intelligent men; for they had become convinced by long instruction that the easiest and safest way was to meet the enemy hand to hand—especially if that enemy were made up of bowmen, spearmen, and cavalry.
1 The charge of the Persians
ἴσως ἂν καὶ διώκειν τοὺς ἥττους ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε
[15] ἢν μὲν τοίνυν, ἐπεὶ εὐτυχοῦμεν, σωφρόνως διαφυλάττωμεν αὐτήν, ἴσως δυναίμεθ᾽ ἂν ἀκινδύνως εὐδαιμονοῦντες γηρᾶν: εἰ δ᾽ ἀπλήστως χρώμενοι ταύτῃ ἄλλην καὶ ἄλλην πειρασόμεθα διώκειν, ὁρᾶτε μὴ πάθωμεν ἅπερ πολλοὺς μὲν λέγουσιν ἐν θαλάττῃ πεπονθέναι, διὰ τὸ εὐτυχεῖν οὐκ ἐθέλοντας παύσασθαι πλέοντας ἀπολέσθαι: πολλοὺς δὲ νίκης τυχόντας ἑτέρας ἐφιεμένους καὶ τὴν πρόσθεν ἀποβαλεῖν.
[16] καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι ἥττους ὄντες ἡμῶν ἔφευγον, ἴσως ἂν καὶ διώκειν τοὺς ἥττους ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε. νῦν δὲ κατανόησον πόστῳ μέρει αὐτῶν πάντες μαχεσάμενοι νενικήκαμεν: οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι ἄμαχοί εἰσιν: οὓς εἰ μὲν μὴ ἀναγκάσομεν μάχεσθαι, ἀγνοοῦντες καὶ ἡμᾶς καὶ ἑαυτοὺς δι᾽ ἀμαθίαν καὶ μαλακίαν ἀπίασιν: εἰ δὲ γνώσονται ὅτι ἀπιόντες οὐδὲν ἧττον κινδυνεύουσιν ἢ μένοντες, ὅπως μὴ ἀναγκάσομεν αὐτούς, κἂν μὴ βούλωνται, ἀγαθοὺς γενέσθαι.
[15] “If, therefore [when we are successful], we follow up our success with moderation, we might, perhaps, be able to grow old in happiness unalloyed with danger. But if we enjoy it intemperately and try to pursue first one success and then another, see to it that we do not share the same fate that they say many have suffered upon the sea, that is, because of their success they have not been willing to give up seafaring, and so they have been lost; and many others, when they have gained a victory, have aimed at another and so have lost even what they gained by the first.
[16] And that is the way with us; for if it were because they were inferior to us in numbers that the enemy are fleeing from us, perhaps it might be safe for us actually to pursue this lesser army. But, as it is, reflect with what a mere fraction of their numbers we, with all our forces, have fought and won, while the rest of theirs have not tasted of battle; and if we do not compel them to fight, they will remain unacquainted with our strength and with their own, and they will go away because of their ignorance and cowardice. But if they discover that they are in no less danger if they go away than if they remain in the field, beware lest we compel them to be valiant even against their will.
τοῦτο γὰρ ἀσφαλέστατον νῦν ὡς ἐλαχίστους τῶν πολεμίων λιπεῖν
[24] ὑμῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν ἄρχοντες καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι ἐν τάξει ἁθρόοι ἐλαύνετε, εἰ σωφρονεῖτε, ἵνα μήποτε ἁθρόῳ τινὶ ἐντυχόντες ἀποβιασθῆτε, τοὺς δὲ νεωτέρους ἀφίετε διώκειν: οὗτοι δὲ <κατα>καινόντων: τοῦτο γὰρ ἀσφαλέστατον νῦν ὡς ἐλαχίστους τῶν πολεμίων λιπεῖν.
[25] ἢν δὲ νικῶμεν, ἔφη, ὃ πολλοῖς δὴ κρατοῦσι τὴν τύχην ἀνέτρεψε, φυλάξασθαι δεῖ τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν τραπέσθαι: ὡς ὁ τοῦτο ποιῶν οὐκέτ᾽ ἀνήρ ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ σκευοφόρος: καὶ ἔξεστι τῷ βουλομένῳ χρῆσθαι ἤδη τούτῳ ὡς ἀνδραπόδῳ.
[24] But you, officers and men of years, march together in close order, if you are wise, so that if you fall in with any compact body you may never be forced back; and leave the pursuit to the younger men, and let them kill all they can; for this is the safest measure—to leave now as few of the enemy alive as possible.
[25] “And if we win the battle,” he continued, “we must be on our guard against an error which has lost the day for many in the hour of victory—turning aside to plunder. For the man who does this is no longer a soldier but a camp-follower; and any one who will is free to treat him as a slave.
27: τοσούτῳ πλέονά σοι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ποιεῖν νομίζομεν / 28: οὐ γὰρ οἱ ἐγγύτατα τῶν φίλων καθήμενοι μάλιστα τοῖς φίλοις τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρέχουσιν
[27] Κῦρος Κυαξάρῃ χαίρειν. ἡμεῖς σε οὔτε ἔρημον κατελίπομεν: οὐδεὶς γάρ, ὅταν ἐχθρῶν κρατῇ, τότε φίλων ἔρημος γίγνεται: οὐδὲ μὴν ἀποχωροῦντές γέ σε οἰόμεθα ἐν κινδύνῳ καθιστάναι: ἀλλὰ ὅσῳ πλέον ἀπέχομεν, τοσούτῳ πλέονά σοι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ποιεῖν νομίζομεν:
[28] οὐ γὰρ οἱ ἐγγύτατα τῶν φίλων καθήμενοι μάλιστα τοῖς φίλοις τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρέχουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μήκιστον ἀπελαύνοντες μᾶλλον τοὺς φίλους ἐν ἀκινδύνῳ καθιστᾶσι.
[27] “My Dear Cyaxares:
We have not left you deserted; for no one is deserted by his friends at a time when he is conquering his enemies. We do not even think that we have brought you into any danger through our departure; but we maintain that the farther away we are, the greater the security we provide for you.
[28] For it is not those who sit down nearest to their friends that provide them with the greatest security; but it is those who drive the enemy farthest away that help their friends most effectually out of danger.
κελεύων ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα τὰς πορείας ποιεῖσθαι / ἀσφαλεστέραν οὐδεμίαν πορείαν ἡμῖν τῆς πρὸς αὐτὴν Βαβυλῶνα εἶναι
[31] καὶ ὁ Κῦρος ἀκούσας τοῦ Γωβρύα τοιαῦτα τοιάδε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔλεξε. καλῶς μοι δοκεῖς λέγειν, ὦ Γωβρύα, κελεύων ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα τὰς πορείας ποιεῖσθαι. ἔγωγ᾽ οὖν σκοπῶν οὐ δύναμαι ἐννοῆσαι ἀσφαλεστέραν οὐδεμίαν πορείαν ἡμῖν τῆς πρὸς αὐτὴν Βαβυλῶνα εἶναι, εἰ ἐκεῖ τῶν πολεμίων ἐστὶ τὸ κράτιστον. πολλοὶ μὲν γάρ εἰσιν, ὡς σὺ φῄς: εἰ δὲ θαρρήσουσι, καὶ δεινοὶ ἡμῖν, ὡς ἐγώ φημι, ἔσονται.
[31] “I think you are right, Gobryas, in admonishing us to march with the utmost caution,” Cyrus made answer upon hearing this suggestion from him. “But when I think of it, I cannot conceive of any safer procedure for us than to march directly upon Babylon, if that is where the main body of the enemy's forces is. For they are, as you say, numerous; and if they take courage, they will also, as I say, give us cause to fear them.
εἰσιέναι τὸν Κῦρον ἐκέλευσεν ὅπως νομίζοι ἀσφαλέστατα
[6] οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐπὶ τούτῳ ταχθέντες διῄρουν τε ταῦτα καὶ ἐδειπνοποίουν. ὁ δὲ Γωβρύας, ἐπεὶ πάντες αὐτῷ οἱ ἄνδρες ἔξω ἦσαν, εἰσιέναι τὸν Κῦρον ἐκέλευσεν ὅπως νομίζοι ἀσφαλέστατα. προεισπέμψας οὖν ὁ Κῦρος προσκόπους καὶ δύναμιν καὶ αὐτὸς οὕτως εἰσῄει. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰσῆλθεν ἀναπεπταμένας ἔχων τὰς πύλας, παρεκάλει πάντας τοὺς φίλους καὶ ἄρχοντας τῶν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ.
[6] And they whose business it was apportioned it and set about preparing the meal. And when all his men were outside, Gobryas bade Cyrus enter, in whatever way he thought he might enter most safely. So Cyrus sent in ahead of him some scouts and a part of his forces, and then with this precaution he went in himself. And when he had gone in, keeping the gates wide open, he called to him all his friends and the officers of the troops with him.
ἁθρόοι γὰρ ὄντες καὶ τάχιστα καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα πορευοίμεθ᾽ ἄν
[36] πρώτους μὲν ἄγε σύ, Χρυσάντα, τοὺς θωρακοφόρους, ἐπεὶ ὁμαλή τε καὶ πλατεῖα ἡ ὁδός ἐστι, τοὺς ταξιάρχους ἔχων ἐν μετώπῳ πάντας: ἡ δὲ τάξις ἑκάστη ἐφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἴτω: ἁθρόοι γὰρ ὄντες καὶ τάχιστα καὶ ἀσφαλέστατα πορευοίμεθ᾽ ἄν.
[37] τούτου δ᾽ ἕνεκα, ἔφη, κελεύω τοὺς θωρακοφόρους ἡγεῖσθαι ὅτι τοῦτο βραδύτατόν ἐστι τοῦ στρατεύματος: τοῦ δὲ βραδυτάτου ἡγουμένου ἀνάγκη ῥᾳδίως ἕπεσθαι πάντα τὰ θᾶττον ἰόντα: ὅταν δὲ τὸ τάχιστον ἡγῆται ἐν νυκτί, οὐδέν ἐστι θαυμαστὸν καὶ διασπᾶσθαι τὰ στρατεύματα: τὸ γὰρ προταχθὲν ἀποδιδράσκει.
[36] And now let us march in the following order: Chrysantas, do you lead in the van the men armed with breastplates, for the road is smooth and wide. Have all your captains in front, each company following in single file; for, massed together, we can march with the greatest speed and the greatest safety.
[37] And the reason why I direct the men armed with breastplates to lead the march is that they are the slowest portion of the army; and when the slowest lead, then all the more quickly moving troops can follow easily, as a matter of course. But when at night the light forces lead, it is not at all a strange thing for the line to be broken and a gap formed, for the vanguard outstrips the rear.
προσελάσας ἔνθα ἀσφαλὲς ἦν ταῦτα εἶπεν
[5] ἐκ τούτου δὴ ᾔει πρὸς Βαβυλῶνα παραταξάμενος ὥσπερ ὅτε ἡ μάχη ἦν. ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἀντεξῇσαν οἱ Ἀσσύριοι, ἐκέλευσεν ὁ Κῦρος τὸν Γωβρύαν προσελάσαντα εἰπεῖν ὅτι εἰ βούλεται ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξιὼν ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας μάχεσθαι, κἂν αὐτὸς σὺν ἐκείνῳ μάχοιτο: εἰ δὲ μὴ ἀμυνεῖ τῇ χώρᾳ, ὅτι ἀνάγκη τοῖς κρατοῦσι πείθεσθαι.
[6] ὁ μὲν δὴ Γωβρύας προσελάσας ἔνθα ἀσφαλὲς ἦν ταῦτα εἶπεν, ὁ δ᾽ αὐτῷ ἐξέπεμψεν ἀποκρινούμενον τοιάδε: δεσπότης ὁ σὸς λέγει, ὦ Γωβρύα, οὐχ ὅτι ἀπέκτεινά σου τὸν υἱὸν μεταμέλει μοι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι οὐ καὶ σὲ προσαπέκτεινα. μάχεσθαι δὲ ἐὰν βούλησθε, ἥκετε εἰς τριακοστὴν ἡμέραν: νῦν δ᾽ οὔπω ἡμῖν σχολή: ἔτι γὰρ παρασκευαζόμεθα.
[7] ὁ δὲ Γωβρύας εἶπεν: ἀλλὰ μήποτέ σοι λήξειεν αὕτη ἡ μεταμέλεια: δῆλον γὰρ ὅτι ἀνιῶ σέ τι, ἐξ οὗ αὕτη σε ἡ μεταμέλεια ἔχει.
[5] After this Cyrus renewed his march upon Babylon, with his army in the same order as when the battle was fought. But as the Assyrians did not march out to meet them, Cyrus ordered Gobryas to ride up and say: “If the king wishes to come out and fight for his country, I myself would join him and fight for him too; but if the king will not protect his country, then I must needs submit to the victors.”
[6] Accordingly, Gobryas rode to a place where he could safely give his message; and the king sent out a messenger to deliver to Gobryas this reply: “This is your sovereign's response to you, Gobryas: ‘I do not regret that I killed your son, but only that I did not kill you, too. And if you and your men wish to fight, come back a month from now. Just at present we have no time to fight, for we are still busy with our preparations.’”
[7] “I only hope that this regret of yours may never cease,” Gobryas replied; “for it is evident that I have been something of a thorn in your flesh, ever since you began to feel it.”
Ἀσσύριος διώξας ἄχρι οὗ ἀσφαλὲς ᾤετο εἶναι ἀπετράπετο
[16] ὡς δ᾽ ἔγνω μόνους ὄντας τοὺς Καδουσίους, ἐπιτίθεται, καὶ τόν τε ἄρχοντα τῶν Καδουσίων ἀποκτείνει καὶ ἄλλους πολλούς, καὶ ἵππους τινὰς λαμβάνει τῶν Καδουσίων καὶ ἣν ἄγοντες λείαν ἐτύγχανον ἀφαιρεῖται. καὶ ὁ μὲν Ἀσσύριος διώξας ἄχρι οὗ ἀσφαλὲς ᾤετο εἶναι ἀπετράπετο: οἱ δὲ Καδούσιοι ἐσῴζοντο πρὸς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀμφὶ δείλην οἱ πρῶτοι.
[16] And when he discovered that the Cadusians were alone, he made an attack, slew the commander of the Cadusians and many others, took some of their horses, and recovered the spoil which they happened to be carrying off. He also pursued them as far as he thought was safe and then turned back. So the survivors of the Cadusians arrived at the camp, the first of them towards evening.
ἔστι δὲ ἄλλα παρέχοντα πράγματα τοῖς πολεμίοις τοῖς φίλοις ἀσφάλειαν παρέχειν
[20] καὶ οὐ τοῦτο, ἔφη, λέγω ὡς οὐ δεῖ ποτε καὶ ἐλάττονι ἔτι μορίῳ ἰέναι, ὅπου ἂν δέῃ, ἢ νῦν ὁ Καδούσιος ᾤχετο: ἀλλ᾽ ἐάν τις κοινούμενος ὁρμᾶται τῷ ἱκανῷ βοηθῆσαι, ἔστι μὲν ἀπαρτηθῆναι, ἔστι δὲ τῷ ὑπομένοντι ἐξαπατήσαντι τοὺς πολεμίους ἄλλοσε τρέψαι ἀπὸ τῶν ἐξεληλυθότων, ἔστι δὲ ἄλλα παρέχοντα πράγματα τοῖς πολεμίοις τοῖς φίλοις ἀσφάλειαν παρέχειν: καὶ οὕτω μὲν οὐδ᾽ ὁ χωρὶς ὢν ἀπέσται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξαρτήσεται τῆς ἰσχύος: ὁ δὲ ἀπεληλυθὼς μὴ ἀνακοινωσάμενος, ὅπου ἂν ᾖ, οὐδὲν διάφορον πάσχει ἢ εἰ μόνος ἐστρατεύετο.
[20] I do not mean by that that we should never go off, if circumstances require it, with a still smaller detachment than that with which the Cadusian prince went. But if an officer, when he starts on an expedition, communicates his intention to one that is able to bring help, he may possibly fall into a trap, but then it is equally possible for the one who remains behind to entrap the enemy and turn them away from the detached corps; or he may annoy the enemy in some other way and so secure safety for his friends; and thus even those who are at a distance will not be out of reach but will keep in touch with the main body. But the man who goes off without communicating his purpose is in the same situation, no matter where he is, as if he were carrying on a campaign alone.
ὀργίζεσθαι οὐ τὸ ἀσφαλέστατον σκοποῦσα διῆγεν
[35] τάχ᾽ οὖν εἴποι τις ἄν: καὶ τί δῆτα οὐχ οὕτως ἐνενοοῦ πρὶν ἀποστῆναι; ὅτι, ὦ Κῦρε, ἡ ψυχή μου διὰ τὸ ὑβρίσθαι καὶ ὀργίζεσθαι οὐ τὸ ἀσφαλέστατον σκοποῦσα διῆγεν, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ τοῦτο κυοῦς᾽, ἆρά ποτ᾽ ἔσται ἀποτείσασθαι τὸν καὶ θεοῖς ἐχθρὸν καὶ ἀνθρώποις, ὃς διατελεῖ μισῶν, οὐκ ἤν τίς τι αὐτὸν ἀδικῇ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐάν τινα ὑποπτεύσῃ βελτίονα αὑτοῦ εἶναι.
[35] “Perhaps, then, some one might say: ‘And why, pray, did you not think of that before you revolted?’ Because, Cyrus, on account of the outrage I had suffered and my consequent resentment, my soul was not looking out consistently for the safest course but was pregnant with this thought, whether it would ever be in my power to get revenge upon that enemy of gods and men, who cherishes an implacable hatred not so much toward the man who does him wrong as toward the one whom he suspects of being better than himself.
ὅπως ἄν σοι σῷα ᾖ χρῆσθαι ἀσφαλῶς, ὁπόταν εἰς αὐτὰ ἴῃς
[37] ἀκούσαντι ταῦτα τῷ Κύρῳ ἔδοξεν ἄξια ἐπιμελείας λέγειν: καὶ εὐθὺς εἶπε: τί οὖν, ἔφη, ὦ Γαδάτα, οὐχὶ τὰ μὲν τείχη φυλακῇ ἐχυρὰ ἐποιήσαμεν, ὅπως ἄν σοι σῷα ᾖ χρῆσθαι ἀσφαλῶς, ὁπόταν εἰς αὐτὰ ἴῃς: αὐτὸς δὲ σὺν ἡμῖν στρατεύῃ, ἵνα ἢν οἱ θεοὶ ὥσπερ νῦν σὺν ἡμῖν ὦσιν, οὗτος σὲ φοβῆται, ἀλλὰ μὴ σὺ τοῦτον; ὅ τι δὲ ἡδύ σοι ὁρᾶν τῶν σῶν ἢ ὅτῳ συνὼν χαίρεις, ἔχων σὺν σαυτῷ πορεύου. καὶ σύ τ᾽ ἂν ἐμοί, ὥς γ᾽ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, πάνυ χρήσιμος εἴης, ἐγώ τε σοὶ ὅσα ἂν δύνωμαι πειράσομαι.
[37] As Cyrus heard this, it seemed to him that Gadatas said something worthy of consideration; so he answered at once: “Pray then, Gadatas,” said he, “let us make the fortifications strong with garrisons and safe, that you may have confidence in their security, whenever you go into them; and then do you take the field with us yourself so that, if the gods continue on our side as they now are, he may be afraid of you, not you of him. And bring with you whatsoever of yours you like to look at or to have with you, and come. It seems to me, too, that you would be very useful to me, and I shall try to be the same to you, as far as I can.”
[καὶ ἀπάγουσι δὲ οἱ σώφρονες ᾗ ἂν ἀσφαλέστατα, [45] οὐχ ᾗ ἂν τάχιστα ἀπέλθοιεν]
[44] ἀλλὰ μὴ θαύμαζε: οὐ γὰρ τὸ αὐτό ἐστι προσάγειν τε καὶ παράγειν. προσάγουσι μὲν γὰρ πάντες οὕτω ταξάμενοι ὡς ἂν ἄριστοι εἶεν μάχεσθαι [καὶ ἀπάγουσι δὲ οἱ σώφρονες ᾗ ἂν ἀσφαλέστατα,
[45] οὐχ ᾗ ἂν τάχιστα ἀπέλθοιεν], παριέναι δὲ ἀνάγκη ἐστὶν ἐκτεταμέναις μὲν ταῖς ἁμάξαις, ἀνειρμένοις δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις σκευοφόροις ἐπὶ πολύ: ταῦτα δὲ πάντα δεῖ προκεκαλύφθαι τοῖς ὁπλοφόροις καὶ μηδαμῇ τοῖς πολεμίοις γυμνὰ ὅπλων τὰ σκευοφόρα φαίνεσθαι.
[44] But do not be surprised; for marching up to and marching by are not the same thing. For every one leads up in the order best for fighting [and the wise also retreat in the safest possible way, and not in the quickest],
[45] but an army must needs march by with the wagons in an extended line and with the rest of the baggage vans in a long train. And these must all be covered by soldiers, and the enemy must never see the baggage wagons unprotected by arms.
σὺν τοῖς θεοῖς ἐμοῦ παρόντος ἀσφαλῶς ἔχει σοι
[12] ὧν ἕνεκα, εὖ ἴσθι, ἐγὼ οὐκ ἀπέπεμπον ἄνευ ἐμαυτοῦ τούτους, φοβούμενος μή τι γένοιτο διὰ τὴν σὴν ὀργὴν ὅ τι πάντας ἡμᾶς λυπήσοι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν σὺν τοῖς θεοῖς ἐμοῦ παρόντος ἀσφαλῶς ἔχει σοι: τὸ μέντοι σε νομίζειν ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἀδικεῖσθαι, τοῦτο ἐγὼ πάνυ χαλεπῶς φέρω, εἰ ἀσκῶν ὅσον δύναμαι τοὺς φίλους ὡς πλεῖστα ἀγαθὰ ποιεῖν ἔπειτα τἀναντία τούτου δοκῶ ἐξεργάζεσθαι.
[12] It was for this reason, let me assure you, that I did not let them come back without me, for I was afraid that in consequence of your anger something might happen for which we should all be sorry. With the help of the gods, therefore, you are secured against that by my presence.
“As to your supposition that you have been wronged by me—I am exceedingly sorry, if, while I have been striving to the utmost of my ability to do as much good as possible to my friends, I seem after all to be accomplishing just the opposite.
ἐπεί σοι οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἐδόκει εἶναι τὸ διώκειν
[20] ὁ μὲν δὴ Κυαξάρης πρὸς τοῦτο ἐσίγα: ὁ δὲ Κῦρος πάλιν ἔλεγεν ὧδε: ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ πρὸς τοῦτο σιωπᾶν ἥδιόν σοι ἢ ἀποκρίνασθαι, τόδε γ᾽, ἔφη, εἰπὲ εἴ τι ἀδικεῖσθαι ἐνόμισας ὅτι, ἐπεί σοι οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἐδόκει εἶναι τὸ διώκειν, σὲ μὲν αὐτὸν ἀφῆκα τοῦ κινδύνου τούτου μετέχειν, ἱππέας δὲ τῶν σῶν συμπέμψαι μοι ἐδεόμην σου: εἰ γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο αἰτῶν ἠδίκουν, ἄλλως τε καὶ προπαρεσχηκὼς ἐμαυτόν σοι σύμμαχον, τοῦτ᾽ αὖ παρὰ σοῦ, ἔφη, ἐπιδεικνύσθω.
[20] To this Cyaxares said nothing. So Cyrus went on again: “Well, seeing that it suits you better to be silent than to reply to this question, tell me whether you thought you were wronged in any way because, when you did not think it safe to pursue, I excused you from a share in that peril and asked you to let some of your cavalry go with me. For if I did wrong also in asking that, and that, too, when I had previously given you my own services as an ally, that is yours to prove.”
ὡς ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ οἱ αἰεὶ μένοντες εἶεν
[23] Κῦρος δ᾽ ἐπεὶ ἔγνω ὅτι διατριβὴ ἔσται ἀμφὶ ταῦτα, ἐκάθισε τὸ στράτευμα ἔνθα ᾤετο ὑγιεινότατον εἶναι καὶ εὐπροσοδώτατον ὅσα ἔδει προσκομίζεσθαι: ὅσα τε ἐρυμνότητος προσεδεῖτο, ἐποιήσατο, ὡς ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ οἱ αἰεὶ μένοντες εἶεν, εἴ ποτε καὶ πρόσω τῇ ἰσχύι ἀποστρατοπεδεύοιτο.
[23] Since Cyrus realized that a long time would be required for the execution of these designs, he encamped with his army in a place which he thought was most healthful and most readily accessible for conveying there everything that was necessary. And wherever any point needed further strengthening, he made provision that those who from time to time remained there should be in safety, even if he should be encamped at a distance with the main body of his forces.
εἰ δέ τις ἄλλῃ πῃ γιγνώσκει ἢ ἀσφαλέστερον εἶναι ἢ ῥᾷον ἡμῖν, διδασκέτω
[23] καὶ μὲν δή, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος, ὦ ἄνδρες, δοκεῖ μοι ἰέναι ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὡς τάχιστα, ἵνα πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοὺς φθάσωμεν ἀφικόμενοι, ἢν δυνώμεθα, ὅπου τὰ ἐπιτήδεια αὐτοῖς συλλέγεται: ἔπειτα δὲ ὅσῳ ἂν θᾶττον ἴωμεν, τοσούτῳ μείω μὲν τὰ παρόντα αὐτοῖς εὑρήσομεν, πλείω δὲ τὰ ἀπόντα.
[24] ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ οὕτω λέγω: εἰ δέ τις ἄλλῃ πῃ γιγνώσκει ἢ ἀσφαλέστερον εἶναι ἢ ῥᾷον ἡμῖν, διδασκέτω. ἐπεὶ δὲ συνηγόρευον μὲν πολλοὶ ὡς χρεὼν εἴη ὅτι τάχιστα πορεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀντέλεγε δὲ οὐδείς, ἐκ τούτου δὴ ὁ Κῦρος ἤρχετο λόγου τοιοῦδε.
[23] “And indeed, my friends,” said Cyrus, “I propose that we move against them as soon as possible, in the first place that we may reach the place where their supplies are being collected, before they do, if we can; and in the second place, because the faster we march the less perfected we shall find their arrangements and the greater we shall find their deficiencies.
[24] This, then, is my proposal; but if any one thinks that any other course would be safer or easier for us, let him inform us.”
Many supported him, saying that it was expedient to proceed as soon as possible against the enemy, and no one opposed his plan; so Cyrus began to speak as follows:
ὡς ἂν ἀσφαλέστατά γε εἰδείην ὁπόσον τὸ στράτευμά ἐστιν ἐποίουν
[18] καὶ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Ἀράσπας, ὡς ἂν ἀσφαλέστατά γε εἰδείην ὁπόσον τὸ στράτευμά ἐστιν ἐποίουν: συνεξέταττον γὰρ παρὼν αὐτός. σὺ μὲν ἄρα, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος, οὐ τὸ πλῆθος μόνον οἶσθα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν τάξιν αὐτῶν. ἐγὼ μὲν ναὶ μὰ Δί᾽, ἔφη ὁ Ἀράσπας, καὶ ὡς διανοοῦνται τὴν μάχην ποιεῖσθαι. ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος, τὸ πλῆθος ἡμῖν πρῶτον εἰπὲ ἐν κεφαλαίῳ.
[18] “Aye,” said Araspas, “but I did take steps to get the most accurate information about the size of their army; for I was present in person and helped to draw it up in battle order.”
“And so,” said Cyrus, “you are acquainted not only with their numbers but also with their order of battle.”
“Yes, by Zeus,” answered Araspas, “I am; and I know also how they are planning to conduct the battle.”
“Good,” said Cyrus; “still, tell us first, in round numbers, how many of them there are.”
οὕτω πολύ μοι δοκῶ ἐν ἀσφαλεστάτῳ εἶναι
[15] ὡς δὲ παριὼν κατὰ Ἀβραδάταν ἐγένετο, ἔστη: καὶ ὁ Ἀβραδάτος παραδοὺς τῷ ὑφηνιόχῳ τὰς ἡνίας προσῆλθεν αὐτῷ: προσέδραμον δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν πλησίον τεταγμένων καὶ πεζῶν καὶ ἁρματηλατῶν. ὁ δ᾽ αὖ Κῦρος ἐν τοῖς παραγεγενημένοις ἔλεξεν: ὁ μὲν θεός, ὦ Ἀβραδάτα, ὥσπερ σὺ ἠξίους, συνηξίωσέ σε καὶ τοὺς σὺν σοὶ πρωτοστάτας εἶναι τῶν συμμάχων: σὺ δὲ τοῦτο μέμνησο, ὅταν δέῃ σε ἤδη ἀγωνίζεσθαι, ὅτι Πέρσαι οἵ τε θεασόμενοι ὑμᾶς ἔσονται καὶ οἱ ἑψόμενοι ὑμῖν καὶ οὐκ ἐάσοντες ἐρήμους ὑμᾶς ἀγωνίζεσθαι.
[16] καὶ ὁ Ἀβραδάτας εἶπεν: ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ὦ Κῦρε, καλῶς ἔχειν: ἀλλὰ τὰ πλάγια λυπεῖ με, ὅτι τὰ μὲν τῶν πολεμίων κέρατα ἰσχυρὰ ὁρῶ ἀνατεινόμενα καὶ ἅρμασι καὶ παντοδαπῇ στρατιᾷ: ἡμέτερον δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἄλλο αὐτοῖς ἀντιτέτακται ἢ ἅρματα: ὥστ᾽ ἔγωγ᾽, ἔφη, εἰ μὴ ἔλαχον τήνδε τὴν τάξιν, ᾐσχυνόμην ἂν ἐνθάδε ὤν: οὕτω πολύ μοι δοκῶ ἐν ἀσφαλεστάτῳ εἶναι.
[17] καὶ ὁ Κῦρος εἶπεν: ἀλλ᾽ εἰ τὰ παρὰ σοὶ καλῶς ἔχει, θάρρει ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων: ἐγὼ γάρ σοι σὺν θεοῖς ἔρημα τῶν πολεμίων τὰ πλάγια ταῦτα ἀποδείξω. καὶ σὺ μὴ πρότερον ἔμβαλλε τοῖς ἐναντίοις, διαμαρτύρομαι, πρὶν ἂν φεύγοντας τούτους οὓς νῦν φοβῇ θεάσῃ: τοιαῦτα δ᾽ ἐμεγαληγόρει, μελλούσης τῆς μάχης γίγνεσθαι: ἄλλως δ᾽ οὐ μάλα μεγαλήγορος ἦν: ὅταν μέντοι ἴδῃς τούτους φεύγοντας, ἐμέ τε ἤδη παρεῖναι νόμιζε καὶ ὅρμα εἰς τοὺς ἄνδρας: καὶ σὺ γὰρ τότε τοῖς μὲν ἐναντίοις κακίστοις ἂν χρήσαιο, τοῖς δὲ μετὰ σαυτοῦ ἀρίστοις.
[15] And as he passed along and came to Abradatas, he stopped; and Abradatas, handing the reins to his groom, came toward him, and others also of those whose positions were near, both foot and chariot-drivers, ran up. And then to the company gathered about him Cyrus said: “Abradatas, God has approved your request that you and your men should take the front ranks among the allies. So now remember this, when presently it becomes necessary for you to enter the conflict, that Persians will not only be your witnesses but will also follow you and will not let you go into the conflict unsupported.”
[16] “Well,” answered Abradatas, “to me at least our part of the army seems to be all right; but I am anxious for the flanks; for I see the enemy's wings stretching out strong with chariots and troops of every description, while in the centre there is nothing opposed to our side except chariots; and so if I had not obtained this position by lot, I should, for my part, be ashamed of being here, so much the safest position do I think I occupy.”
[17] “Well,” said Cyrus, “if your part is all right, never fear for the others; for with the help of the gods I will clear those flanks of enemies for you. And do not you hurl yourself upon the opposing ranks, I adjure you, until you see in flight those whom you now fear.” Cyrus indulged in such boastful speech only on the eve of battle; at other times he was never boastful at all; and he went on: “But when you see them in flight, then be sure that I am already at hand, and charge upon those fellows; for at that moment you will find your opponents most cowardly and your own men valiant.
πολὺ γὰρ ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ ἔσεσθε ἔξω γενόμενοι ἢ ἔνδον ἀπολαμβανόμενοι
[21] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν προῄει. ἐπεὶ δὲ κατὰ τὸ πλευρὸν παριὼν ἐγένετο καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν ταύτῃ ἁρμάτων, πρὸς τοῦτον ἔλεξεν: ἐγὼ δὲ ἔρχομαι ὑμῖν ἐπικουρήσων: ἀλλ᾽ ὁπόταν αἴσθησθε ἡμᾶς ἐπιτιθεμένους κατ᾽ ἄκρον, τότε καὶ ὑμεῖς πειρᾶσθε ἅμα διὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἐλαύνειν: πολὺ γὰρ ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ ἔσεσθε ἔξω γενόμενοι ἢ ἔνδον ἀπολαμβανόμενοι.
[22] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὖ παριὼν ἐγένετο ὄπισθεν τῶν ἁρμαμαξῶν, Ἀρταγέρσαν μὲν καὶ Φαρνοῦχον ἐκέλευσεν ἔχοντας τήν τε τῶν πεζῶν χιλιοστὺν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἱππέων μένειν αὐτοῦ. ἐπειδὰν δ᾽, ἔφη, αἰσθάνησθε ἐμοῦ ἐπιτιθεμένου τοῖς κατὰ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας, τότε καὶ ὑμεῖς τοῖς καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐπιχειρεῖτε: μαχεῖσθε δ᾽, ἔφη, πρὸς κέρας, ᾗπερ ἀσθενέστατον στράτευμα γίγνεται, φάλαγγα [δ᾽] ἔχοντες, ὥσπερ ἂν ἰσχυρότατοι εἴητε. καὶ εἰσὶ μέν, ὡς ὁρᾶτε, τῶν πολεμίων ἱππεῖς οἱ ἔσχατοι: πάντως δὲ πρόετε πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὴν τῶν καμήλων τάξιν, καὶ εὖ ἴστε ὅτι καὶ πρὶν μάχεσθαι γελοίους τοὺς πολεμίους θεάσεσθε.
[21] Thus he spoke and passed on. And as he went along the flank, he came to the general in command of the chariots there and to him he said: “Yes, I am coming to help you; but when you see us charging on the extremity of the enemy's wing, then do you try at the same time to break through their lines; for you will be in a much securer position if you get clear through than if you are enclosed within their line.”
[22] And as he passed on again and came behind the women's carriages, he ordered Artagerses and Pharnuchus with their respective regiments of infantry and cavalry to stay there. “But,” said he, “when you see me charging against those opposite our right wing, do you also attack those opposite you. And you will be in a phalanx—the formation in which you would be strongest—and take the enemy on their flank, the position in which an army is weakest. And, as you see, their cavalry stands furthest out; so by all means send against them the brigade of camels, and be assured that even before the battle begins you will see the enemy in a ridiculous plight.”
ἀσφαλῶς σὺν τῷ θεῷ ἀπῆλθον καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμοί
[22] καὶ τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα δὴ χρόνον, ἕως μὲν εἶχον ἡσυχίαν, οὐδὲν ἐνεκάλουν μετὰ τὸν τοῦ παιδὸς θάνατον ταῖς τύχαις: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀνεπείσθην ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀσσυρίου ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς στρατεύεσθαι, εἰς πάντα κίνδυνον ἦλθον: ἐσώθην μέντοι οὐδὲν κακὸν λαβών. οὐκ αἰτιῶμαι δὲ οὐδὲ τάδε τὸν θεόν. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἔγνων ἐμαυτὸν μὴ ἱκανὸν ὑμῖν μάχεσθαι, ἀσφαλῶς σὺν τῷ θεῷ ἀπῆλθον καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμοί.
[23] νῦν δ᾽ αὖ πάλιν ὑπό τε πλούτου τοῦ παρόντος διαθρυπτόμενος καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν δεομένων μου προστάτην γενέσθαι καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν δώρων ὧν ἐδίδοσάν μοι καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων, οἵ με κολακεύοντες ἔλεγον ὡς εἰ ἐγὼ θέλοιμι ἄρχειν, πάντες ἂν ἐμοὶ πείθοιντο καὶ μέγιστος ἂν εἴην ἀνθρώπων, ὑπὸ τοιούτων δὲ λόγων ἀναφυσώμενος, ὡς εἵλοντό με πάντες οἱ κύκλῳ βασιλεῖς προστάτην τοῦ πολέμου, ὑπεδεξάμην τὴν στρατηγίαν, ὡς ἱκανὸς ὢν μέγιστος γενέσθαι,
[22] “For the succeeding years, as long as I lived at peace, I had no complaint to make of my fortunes after the death of my son. But when I was persuaded by the Assyrian king to take the field against you, I fell into every sort of danger. However, I was saved without having suffered any harm. Here again I have no fault to find with the god. For when I recognized that I was not your match in battle, with his help I got off in safety, both I and my men.
[23] “And lately again, spoiled by the wealth I had and by those who were begging me to become their leader, by the gifts they gave me and by the people who flattered me, saying that if I would consent to take command they would all obey me and I should be the greatest of men—puffed up by such words, when all the princes round about chose me to be their leader in the war, I accepted the command, deeming myself fit to be the greatest; but, as it seems, I did not know myself.
τι νομίζων αὐτὸν εἶναι εἴτε καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον οὕτως ἡγούμενος
[29] ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὁ Κῦρος τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ ἐθαύμασε μὲν τὴν εὐθυμίαν, ἦγε δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ὅποι καὶ αὐτὸς πορεύοιτο, εἴτε ἄρα καὶ χρήσιμόν τι νομίζων αὐτὸν εἶναι εἴτε καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον οὕτως ἡγούμενος.
[29] At hearing these words Cyrus wondered at his good spirits, and after that he always used to take Croesus with him wherever he went, whether, as may well have been, because he thought Croesus was of some service to him, or whether he considered that this was the safer course.
ἢν δὲ εἰρήνην ὑμῖν ποιήσω καὶ ἀσφάλειαν ἐργάζεσθαι ἀμφοτέροις τὴν γῆν
[5] ὁ μέντοι Ἀδούσιος ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ἐγὼ ὑμῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὤμοσα ἀδόλως εἰσιέναι εἰς τὰ τείχη καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ τῶν δεχομένων. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀπολῶ ὁποτέρους ὑμῶν, νομίζω ἐπὶ κακῷ εἰσεληλυθέναι Καρῶν: ἢν δὲ εἰρήνην ὑμῖν ποιήσω καὶ ἀσφάλειαν ἐργάζεσθαι ἀμφοτέροις τὴν γῆν, νομίζω ὑμῖν ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ παρεῖναι. νῦν οὖν χρὴ ἀπὸ τῆσδε τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιμίγνυσθαί τε ἀλλήλοις φιλικῶς, ἐργάζεσθαί τε τὴν γῆν ἀδεῶς, διδόναι τε τέκνα καὶ λαμβάνειν παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων. ἢν δὲ παρὰ ταῦτα ἀδικεῖν τις ἐπιχειρῇ, τούτοις Κῦρός τε καὶ ἡμεῖς πολέμιοι ἐσόμεθα.
[5] Adusius, however, addressed them as follows: (1)
“Gentlemen, I gave you my oath that I would without treachery enter your walls for the advantage of those who admitted me. If, therefore, I destroy either party of you, I think that I have come in to the injury of the Carians; whereas, if I can secure peace for you and security for all to till the fields, I think I am here for your advantage. Now, therefore, from this day you must live together like friends, till your lands without fear of one another, and intermarry your children one party with the other; and if any one in defiance of these regulations attempts to make trouble, Cyrus, and we with him, will be that man's enemies.”
1 Peace is established between the factions
ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐδόκουν εἶναι, ξυνεῖρον ἀπιόντες, ἔστ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς σκηναῖς ἐγένοντο.
[6] ἐπεὶ δὲ οὕτω συνεσπειράθησαν, ἀπῇσαν, ἕως μὲν ἐξικνεῖτο τὰ βέλη ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους, ἐπὶ πόδα: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔξω βελῶν ἐγένοντο, στραφέντες, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὀλίγα βήματα προϊόντες μετεβάλοντο ἐπ᾽ ἀσπίδα καὶ ἵσταντο πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος βλέποντες: ὅσῳ δὲ προσωτέρω ἐγίγνοντο, τόσῳ δὲ μανότερον μετεβάλλοντο. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐδόκουν εἶναι, ξυνεῖρον ἀπιόντες, ἔστ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς σκηναῖς ἐγένοντο.
[6] And when they had thus closed up, they retired backward as long as they were within range of the missiles from the wall; but when they were out of range, they would face about and go forward at first only a few steps and wheel to the left and stand facing the wall; and the further off they got, the less often did they thus wheel around; and when they seemed to be out of all danger, they marched off without stopping until they arrived at their tents.
τῇ μὲν δὴ ὅλῃ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ οὕτω τὴν ἀσφάλειαν κατεσκεύαζεν
[44] καὶ γὰρ ὁπότε ἐλαύνοιεν τὰ θηρία τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν εἰς τὰ πεδία, φέρεσθαι σῖτον εἰς θήραν τούτοις ἐπέτρεπε, τῶν δὲ ἐλευθέρων οὐδενί: καὶ ὁπότε πορεία εἴη, ἦγεν αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὰ ὕδατα ὥσπερ τὰ ὑποζύγια. καὶ ὁπότε δὲ ὥρα εἴη ἀρίστου, ἀνέμενεν αὐτοὺς ἔστ᾽ ἐμφάγοιέν τι, ὡς μὴ βουλιμιῷεν: ὥστε καὶ οὗτοι αὐτὸν ὥσπερ οἱ ἄριστοι πατέρα ἐκάλουν, ὅτι ἐπεμέλετο αὐτῶν ὅπως ἀναμφιλόγως ἀεὶ ἀνδράποδα διατελοῖεν.
[45] τῇ μὲν δὴ ὅλῃ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ οὕτω τὴν ἀσφάλειαν κατεσκεύαζεν. αὑτῷ δὲ ὅτι μὲν οὐχ ὑπὸ τῶν καταστραφέντων κίνδυνος εἴη παθεῖν τι ἰσχυρῶς ἐθάρρει: καὶ γὰρ ἀνάλκιδας ἡγεῖτο εἶναι αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀσυντάκτους ὄντας ἑώρα, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις οὐδ᾽ ἐπλησίαζε τούτων οὐδεὶς αὐτῷ οὔτε νυκτὸς οὔτε ἡμέρας.
[44] And he managed it in this way: whenever they were to drive the animals down into the plains for the horsemen, he allowed those of the lower classes, but none of the freemen, to take food with them on the hunt; and whenever there was an expedition to make, he would lead the serving men to water, just as he did the beasts of burden. And again, when it was time for luncheon, he would wait for them until they could get something to eat, so that they should not get so ravenously hungry. And so this class also called him “father,” just as the nobles did, for he provided for them well <so that they might spend all their lives as slaves, without a protest>.
[45] Thus he secured for the whole Persian empire (1) the necessary stability; and as for himself, he was perfectly confident that there was no danger of his suffering aught at the hands of those whom he had subdued. And the ground of his confidence was this—that he believed them to be powerless and he saw that they were unorganized; and besides that, not one of them came near him either by night or by day.
1 His personal security
κράτιστον εἶναι πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ κάλλιστον
[46] οὓς δὲ κρατίστους τε ἡγεῖτο καὶ ὡπλισμένους καὶ ἁθρόους ὄντας ἑώρα—καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ᾔδει ἱππέων ἡγεμόνας ὄντας, τοὺς δὲ πεζῶν: πολλοὺς δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ φρονήματα ἔχοντας ᾐσθάνετο ὡς ἱκανοὺς ὄντας ἄρχειν: καὶ τοῖς φύλαξι δὲ αὐτοῦ οὗτοι μάλιστα ἐπλησίαζον, καὶ αὐτῷ δὲ τῷ Κύρῳ τούτων πολλοὶ πολλάκις συνεμίγνυσαν: ἀνάγκη γὰρ ἦν, ὅ τι καὶ χρῆσθαι ἔμελλεν αὐτοῖς—ὑπὸ τούτων οὖν καὶ κίνδυνος ἦν αὐτὸν μάλιστα παθεῖν τι κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους.
[47] σκοπῶν οὖν ὅπως ἂν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ τούτων ἀκίνδυνα γένοιτο, τὸ μὲν περιελέσθαι αὐτῶν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ ἀπολέμους ποιῆσαι ἀπεδοκίμασε, καὶ ἄδικον ἡγούμενος καὶ κατάλυσιν τῆς ἀρχῆς ταύτην νομίζων: τὸ δ᾽ αὖ μὴ προσίεσθαι αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ ἀπιστοῦντα φανερὸν εἶναι ἀρχὴν ἡγήσατο πολέμου:
[48] ἓν δὲ ἀντὶ πάντων τούτων ἔγνω καὶ κράτιστον εἶναι πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀσφάλειαν καὶ κάλλιστον, εἰ δύναιτο ποιῆσαι τοὺς κρατίστους ἑαυτῷ μᾶλλον φίλους ἢ ἀλλήλοις. ὡς οὖν ἐπὶ τὸ φιλεῖσθαι δοκεῖ ἡμῖν ἐλθεῖν, τοῦτο πειρασόμεθα διηγήσασθαι.
[46] But there were some whom he considered very powerful and whom he saw well armed and well organized; and some of them, he knew, had cavalry under their command, others infantry; and he was aware that many of them had the assurance to think that they were competent to rule; and these not only came in very close touch with his guards but many of them came frequently in contact with Cyrus himself, and this was unavoidable if he was to make any use of them—this, then, was the quarter from which there was the greatest danger that something might happen to him in any one of many ways.
[47] So, as he cast about in his mind how to remove any danger that might arise from them also, he rejected the thought of disarming them and making them incapable of war; for he decided that that would be unjust, and besides he thought that this would be destruction to his empire. On the other hand, he believed that to refuse to admit them to his presence or to show that he mistrusted them would lead at once to hostilities.
[48] But better than any of these ways, he recognized that there was one course that would be at once the most honourable and the most conducive to his own personal security, and that was, if possible, to make those powerful nobles better friends to himself than to one another. We shall, therefore, attempt to explain the method that he seems to have taken to gain their friendship.
ἐκ τούτων καρποῦμαι ἀσφάλειαν καὶ εὔκλειαν
[22] ἐπειδὰν δὲ κτήσωμαι, ἃ ἂν ἴδω περιττὰ ὄντα τῶν ἐμοὶ ἀρκούντων, τούτοις τάς τ᾽ ἐνδείας τῶν φίλων ἐξακοῦμαι καὶ πλουτίζων καὶ εὐεργετῶν ἀνθρώπους εὔνοιαν ἐξ αὐτῶν κτῶμαι καὶ φιλίαν, καὶ ἐκ τούτων καρποῦμαι ἀσφάλειαν καὶ εὔκλειαν: ἃ οὔτε κατασήπεται οὔτε ὑπερληροῦντα λυμαίνεται, ἀλλὰ ἡ εὔκλεια ὅσῳ ἂν πλείων ᾖ, τοσούτῳ καὶ μείζων καὶ καλλίων καὶ κουφοτέρα φέρειν γίγνεται, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τοὺς φέροντας αὐτὴν κουφοτέρους παρέχεται.
[22] But I follow the leading of the gods and am always grasping after more. But when I have obtained what I see is more than enough for my needs, I use it to satisfy the wants of my friends; and by enriching men and doing them kindnesses I win with my superfluous wealth their friendship and loyalty, and from that I reap as my reward security and good fame—possessions that never decay or do injury from overloading the recipient; but the more one has of good fame, the greater and more attractive and lighter to bear it becomes, and often, too, it makes those who bear it lighter of heart.
οἱ μονιμώτατοι πρόσθεν ὄντες παρέχοιεν αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλῆ τὴν καθόπλισιν
[11] ὁπλίτας δὲ καὶ τοὺς τὰ μεγάλα γέρρα ἔχοντας κύκλῳ πάντων εἶχεν ὥσπερ τεῖχος, ὅπως καὶ εἰ δέοι τι ἐνσκευάζεσθαι τοὺς ἱππέας, οἱ μονιμώτατοι πρόσθεν ὄντες παρέχοιεν αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλῆ τὴν καθόπλισιν.
[12] ἐκάθευδον δὲ αὐτῷ ἐν τάξει ὥσπερ οἱ ὁπλῖται, οὕτω δὲ καὶ οἱ πελτασταὶ καὶ οἱ τοξόται, ὅπως καὶ ἐκ νυκτῶν, εἰ δέοι τι, ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ ὁπλῖται παρεσκευασμένοι εἰσὶ παίειν τὸν εἰς χεῖρας ἰόντα, οὕτω καὶ οἱ τοξόται καὶ οἱ ἀκοντισταί, εἴ τινες προσίοιεν, ἐξ ἑτοίμου ἀκοντίζοιεν καὶ τοξεύοιεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.
[11] The hoplites and those armed with the large shields he arranged around all the rest like a wall, so that those who could best hold their ground might, by being in front of them, make it possible for the cavalry to arm in safety, if it should be necessary.
[12] Moreover, he had the peltasts and the bowmen sleep on their arms, like the hoplites, in order that, if there should be occasion to go into action even at night, they might be ready for it. And just as the hoplites were prepared to do battle if any one came within arm's reach of them, so these troops also were to be ready to let fly their lances and arrows over the heads of the hoplites, if any one attacked.
οἱ πιστοὶ φίλοι σκῆπτρον βασιλεῦσιν ἀληθέστατον καὶ ἀσφαλέστατον
[13] οἶσθα μὲν οὖν καὶ σύ, ὦ Καμβύση, ὅτι οὐ τόδε τὸ χρυσοῦν σκῆπτρον τὸ τὴν βασιλείαν διασῷζόν ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ πιστοὶ φίλοι σκῆπτρον βασιλεῦσιν ἀληθέστατον καὶ ἀσφαλέστατον. πιστοὺς δὲ μὴ νόμιζε φύσει φύεσθαι ἀνθρώπους: πᾶσι γὰρ ἂν οἱ αὐτοὶ πιστοὶ φαίνοιντο, ὥσπερ καὶ τἆλλα τὰ πεφυκότα πᾶσι τὰ αὐτὰ φαίνεται: ἀλλὰ τοὺς πιστοὺς τίθεσθαι δεῖ ἕκαστον ἑαυτῷ: ἡ δὲ κτῆσις αὐτῶν ἔστιν οὐδαμῶς σὺν τῇ βίᾳ, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον σὺν τῇ εὐεργεσίᾳ.
[14] εἰ οὖν καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς πειράσῃ συμφύλακας τῆς βασιλείας ποιεῖσθαι μηδαμόθεν πρότερον ἄρχου ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὁμόθεν γενομένου. καὶ πολῖταί τοι ἄνθρωποι ἀλλοδαπῶν οἰκειότεροι καὶ σύσσιτοι ἀποσκήνων: οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ σπέρματος φύντες καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς μητρὸς τραφέντες καὶ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐξηθέντες καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν γονέων ἀγαπώμενοι καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν μητέρα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν πατέρα προσαγορεύοντες, πῶς οὐ πάντων οὗτοι οἰκειότατοι;
[13] “As for you, Cambyses, you must also know that it is not this golden sceptre that maintains your empire; but faithful friends are a monarch's truest and surest sceptre. But do not think that man is naturally faithful; else all men would find the same persons faithful, just as all find the other properties of nature the same. But every one must create for himself faithfulness in his friends; and the winning of such friends comes in no wise by compulsion, but by kindness.
[14] If, then, you shall endeavour to make others also fellow-guardians of your sovereignty, make a beginning nowhere sooner than with him who is of the same blood with yourself. Fellow-citizens, you know, stand nearer than foreigners do, and messmates nearer than those who eat elsewhere; but those who are sprung from the same seed, nursed by the same mother, reared in the same home, loved by the same parents, and who address the same persons as father and mother, how are they not the closest of all?
παρακαλεῖτε συνησθησομένους ἐμοὶ ὅτι ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη ἔσομαι
[27] Πέρσας μέντοι πάντας καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπὶ τὸ μνῆμα τοὐμὸν παρακαλεῖτε συνησθησομένους ἐμοὶ ὅτι ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη ἔσομαι, ὡς μηδὲν ἂν ἔτι κακὸν παθεῖν, μήτε ἢν μετὰ τοῦ θείου γένωμαι μήτε ἢν μηδὲν ἔτι ὦ: ὁπόσοι δ᾽ ἂν ἔλθωσι, τούτους εὖ ποιήσαντες ὁπόσα ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὶ εὐδαίμονι νομίζεται ἀποπέμπετε.
[27] “Invite, however, all the Persians and our allies to my burial, to joy with me in that I shall henceforth be in security such that no evil can ever again come nigh me, whether I shall be in the divine presence or whether I shall no longer have any being; and to all those who come show all the courtesies that are usual in honour of a man that has been blessed of fortune, and then dismiss them.
εἰ μὴ ὄρος ἀσφαλὲς εἴη ἢ τεῖχος ἢ ποταμὸν ὄπισθεν ἔχοιεν
[1] ἐρῶ δὲ καὶ ᾗ στρατοπεδεύεσθαι ἐνόμισε χρῆναι Λυκοῦργος. διὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ τὰς γωνίας τοῦ τετραγώνου ἀχρήστους εἶναι κύκλον ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο, εἰ μὴ ὄρος ἀσφαλὲς εἴη ἢ τεῖχος ἢ ποταμὸν ὄπισθεν ἔχοιεν.
[2] φυλακάς γε μὴν ἐποίησε μεθημερινὰς τὰς μὲν παρὰ τὰ ὅπλα εἴσω βλεπούσας: οὐ γὰρ πολεμίων ἕνεκα ἀλλὰ φίλων αὗται καθίστανται: τούς γε μὴν πολεμίους ἱππεῖς φυλάττουσιν ἀπὸ χωρίων ὧν ἂν ἐκ πλείστου προορῷεν εἰ [δέ] τις προσίοι.
[1] I will now explain the method of encampment approved by Lycurgus.
Seeing that the angles of a square are useless, he introduced the circular form of camp, except where there was a secure hill or wall, or a river afforded protection in the rear.
[2] He caused sentries to be posted by day facing inwards along the place where the arms were kept, for the object of these is to keep an eye not on the enemy but on their friends. The enemy is watched by cavalry from positions that command the widest outlook.
καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα ποιοῦσιν
[3] νύκτωρ <δὲ> ἔξω τῆς φάλαγγος ἐνόμισεν ὑπὸ Σκιριτῶν προφυλάττεσθαι: （νῦν δ᾽ ἤδη καὶ ὑπὸ ξένων ...
[4] αὐτῶν τινες συμπαρόντες.） τὸ δὲ ἔχοντας τὰ δόρατα ἀεὶ περιιέναι, εὖ καὶ τοῦτο δεῖ εἰδέναι, ὅτι τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἕνεκά ἐστιν οὗπερ καὶ τοὺς δούλους εἴργουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων, καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰ ἀναγκαῖα ἀπιόντας οὐ δεῖ θαυμάζειν ὅτι οὔτε ἀλλήλων οὔτε τῶν ὅπλων πλέον ἢ ὅσον μὴ λυπεῖν ἀλλήλους ἀπέρχονται: καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα ποιοῦσιν.
[5] μεταστρατοπεδεύονταί γε μὴν πυκνὰ καὶ τοῦ σίνεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ ὠφελεῖν τοὺς φίλους. καὶ γυμνάζεσθαι δὲ προαγορεύεται ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἅπασι Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἕωσπερ ἂν στρατεύωνται. ὥστε μεγαλοπρεπεστέρους μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς γίγνεσθαι, ἐλευθεριωτέρους δὲ τῶν ἄλλων φαίνεσθαι. δεῖ δὲ οὔτε περίπατον οὔτε δρόμον μάσσω ποιεῖσθαι ἢ ὅσον ἂν ἡ μόρα ἐφήκῃ, ὅπως μηδεὶς τῶν αὑτοῦ ὅπλων πόρρω γίγνηται.
[3] To meet the case of a hostile approach at night, he assigned the duty of acting as sentries outside the lines to the Sciritae. In these days the duty is shared by foreigners, if any happen to be present in the camp.
[4] The rule that patrols invariably carry their spears, has the same purpose, undoubtedly, as the exclusion of slaves from the place of arms. Nor is it surprising that sentries who withdraw for necessary purposes only go so far away from one another and from the arms as not to cause inconvenience. Safety is the first object of this rule also.
[5] The camp is frequently shifted with the double object of annoying their enemies and of helping their friends.
Moreover the law requires all Lacedaemonians to practise gymnastics regularly throughout the campaign; and the result is that they take more pride in themselves and have a more dignified appearance than other men. Neither walk nor race-course may exceed in length the space covered by the regiment, so that no one may get far away from his own arms.
ἀσφαλέστερον δὲ πρανῆ καταβαίνειν, καὶ πηδῆσαι δὲ καὶ ἀναθορεῖν καὶ δραμεῖν θᾶττον
[3] ἀντί γε μὴν τοῦ ἁπαλύνειν τοὺς πόδας ὑποδήμασιν ἔταξεν ἀνυποδησίᾳ κρατύνειν, νομίζων, εἰ τοῦτ᾽ ἀσκήσειαν, πολὺ μὲν ῥᾷον ἂν ὀρθιάδε ἐκβαίνειν, ἀσφαλέστερον δὲ πρανῆ καταβαίνειν, καὶ πηδῆσαι δὲ καὶ ἀναθορεῖν καὶ δραμεῖν θᾶττον [ἀνυπόδητον, εἰ ἠσκηκὼς εἴη τοὺς πόδας, ἢ ὑποδεδεμένον].
[3] Instead of softening the boys' feet with sandals he required them to harden their feet by going without shoes. He believed that if this habit were cultivated it would enable them to climb hills more easily and descend steep inclines with less danger, and that a youth who had accustomed himself to go barefoot would leap and jump and run more nimbly than a boy in sandals.
ἀφροδισιάζειν τοὺς μὴ ἀσφαλῶς ἔχοντας πρὸς ἀφροδίσια ᾤετο χρῆναι πρὸς τοιαῦτα
[13] ὦ μῶρε, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, τοὺς δὲ καλοὺς οὐκ οἴει φιλοῦντας ἐνιέναι τι, ὅτι σὺ οὐχ ὁρᾷς: οὐκ οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι τοῦτο τὸ θηρίον, ὃ καλοῦσι καλὸν καὶ ὡραῖον, τοσούτῳ δεινότερόν ἐστι τῶν φαλαγγίων, ὅσῳ ἐκεῖνα μὲν ἁψάμενα, τοῦτο δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἁπτόμενον, ἐάν τις αὐτὸ θεᾶται, ἐνίησί τι καὶ πάνυ πρόσωθεν τοιοῦτον ὥστε μαίνεσθαι ποιεῖν; [ἴσως δὲ καὶ οἱ ἔρωτες τοξόται διὰ τοῦτο καλοῦνται, ὅτι καὶ πρόσωθεν οἱ καλοὶ τιτρώσκουσιν.] ἀλλὰ συμβουλεύω σοι, ὦ Ξενοφῶν, ὁπόταν ἴδῃς τινὰ καλόν, φεύγειν προτροπάδην. σοὶ δ᾽, ὦ Κριτόβουλε, συμβουλεύω ἀπενιαυτίσαι: μόλις γὰρ ἂν ἴσως ἐν τοσούτῳ χρόνῳ [τὸ δῆγμα] ὑγιὴς γένοιο.
[14] οὕτω δὴ καὶ ἀφροδισιάζειν τοὺς μὴ ἀσφαλῶς ἔχοντας πρὸς ἀφροδίσια ᾤετο χρῆναι πρὸς τοιαῦτα, οἷα μὴ πάνυ μὲν δεομένου τοῦ σώματος οὐκ ἂν προσδέξαιτο ἡ ψυχή, δεομένου δὲ οὐκ ἂν πράγματα παρέχοι. αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα φανερὸς ἦν οὕτω παρεσκευασμένος ὥστε ῥᾷον ἀπέχεσθαι τῶν καλλίστων καὶ ὡραιοτάτων ἢ οἱ ἄλλοι τῶν αἰσχίστων καὶ ἀωροτάτων.
[13] “And do you think, you foolish fellow, that the fair inject nothing when they kiss, just because you don't see it? Don't you know that this creature called ‘fair and young’ is more dangerous than the scorpion, seeing that it need not even come in contact, like the insect, but at any distance can inject a maddening poison into anyone who only looks at it?
“Maybe, too, the loves are called archers for this reason, that the fair can wound even at a distance.
“Nay, I advise you, Xenophon, as soon as you see a pretty face to take to your heels and fly: and you, Critobulus, I advise to spend a year abroad. It will certainly take you at least as long as that to recover from the bite.”
[14] Thus in the matter of carnal appetite, he held that those whose passions were not under complete control should limit themselves to such indulgence as the soul would reject unless the need of the body were pressing, and such as would do no harm when the need was there. As for his own conduct in this matter, it was evident that he had trained himself to avoid the fairest and most attractive more easily than others avoid the ugliest and most repulsive.
θαρραλέως καὶ ἀσφαλῶς διάγοι
[5] διαίτῃ δὲ τήν τε ψυχὴν ἐπαίδευσε καὶ τὸ σῶμα ᾗ χρώμενος ἄν τις, εἰ μή τι δαιμόνιον εἴη, θαρραλέως καὶ ἀσφαλῶς διάγοι καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἀπορήσειε τοσαύτης δαπάνης. οὕτω γὰρ εὐτελὴς ἦν, ὥστ᾽ οὐκ οἶδ᾽ εἴ τις οὕτως ἂν ὀλίγα ἐργάζοιτο ὥστε μὴ λαμβάνειν τὰ Σωκράτει ἀρκοῦντα. σίτῳ μὲν γὰρ τοσούτῳ ἐχρῆτο, ὅσον ἡδέως ἤσθιε, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦτο οὕτω παρεσκευασμένος ᾔει ὥστε τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τοῦ σίτου ὄψον αὐτῷ εἶναι: ποτὸν δὲ πᾶν ἡδὺ ἦν αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ μὴ πίνειν, εἰ μὴ διψῴη.
[5] He schooled his body and soul by following, a system which, in all human calculation, would give him a life of confidence and security, and would make it easy to meet his expenses. For he was so frugal that it is hardly possible to imagine a man doing so little work as not to earn enough to satisfy the needs of Socrates. He ate just sufficient food to make eating a pleasure, and he was so ready for his food that he found appetite the best sauce (1): and any kind of drink he found pleasant, because he drank only when he was thirsty.
1 Cyropaedia I. v. 12.
ἦ διότι αἱ πόλεις σοι κηρύττουσιν ἀσφάλειαν καὶ προσιόντι καὶ ἀπιόντι, θαρρεῖς;
[14] καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης ἔφη: τοῦτο μέντοι ἤδη λέγεις δεινὸν πάλαισμα. τοὺς γὰρ ξένους, ἐξ οὗ ὅ τε Σίνις καὶ ὁ Σκείρων καὶ ὁ Προκρούστης ἀπέθανον, οὐδεὶς ἔτι ἀδικεῖ: ἀλλὰ νῦν οἱ μὲν πολιτευόμενοι ἐν ταῖς πατρίσι καὶ νόμους τίθενται, ἵνα μὴ ἀδικῶνται, καὶ φίλους πρὸς τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις καλουμένοις ἄλλους κτῶνται βοηθούς, καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐρύματα περιβάλλονται, καὶ ὅπλα κτῶνται οἷς ἀμυνοῦνται τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἄλλους ἔξωθεν συμμάχους κατασκευάζονται: καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα πάντα κεκτημένοι ὅμως ἀδικοῦνται:
[15] σὺ δὲ οὐδὲν μὲν τούτων ἔχων, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ὁδοῖς, ἔνθα πλεῖστοι ἀδικοῦνται, πολὺν χρόνον διατρίβων, εἰς ὁποίαν δ᾽ ἂν πόλιν ἀφίκῃ, τῶν πολιτῶν πάντων ἥττων ὤν, καὶ τοιοῦτος, οἵοις μάλιστα ἐπιτίθενται οἱ βουλόμενοι ἀδικεῖν, ὅμως διὰ τὸ ξένος εἶναι οὐκ ἂν οἴει ἀδικηθῆναι; ἦ διότι αἱ πόλεις σοι κηρύττουσιν ἀσφάλειαν καὶ προσιόντι καὶ ἀπιόντι, θαρρεῖς; ἢ διότι καὶ δοῦλος ἂν οἴει τοιοῦτος εἶναι οἷος μηδενὶ δεσπότῃ λυσιτελεῖν; τίς γὰρ ἂν ἐθέλοι ἄνθρωπον ἐν οἰκίᾳ ἔχειν πονεῖν μὲν μηδὲν ἐθέλοντα, τῇ δὲ πολυτελεστάτῃ διαίτῃ χαίροντα;
“A very cunning trick, that!” cried Socrates, “for ever since the death of Sinis and Sceiron and Procrustes no one injures strangers! And yet nowadays those who take a hand in the affairs of their homeland pass laws to protect themselves from injury, get friends to help them over and above those whom nature has given them, encompass their cities with fortresses, get themselves weapons to ward off the workers of mischief; and besides all this seek to make allies in other lands; and in spite of all these precautions, they are still wronged.
[15] But you, with none of these advantages, spend much time on the open road, where so many come to harm; and into whatever city you enter, you rank below all its citizens, and are one of those specially marked down for attack by intending wrongdoers; and yet, because you are a stranger, do you expect to escape injury? What gives you confidence? Is it that the cities by proclamation guarantee your safety in your coming and going? Or is it the thought that no master would find you worth having among his slaves? For who would care to have a man in his house who wants to do no work and has a weakness for high living?
κρεῖττον σὺν πολλοῖς οἰκοῦντα ἀσφαλῶς τἀρκοῦντα ἔχειν
[2] θαυμαστὸν δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, εἴ τις τοὺς μὲν ἀδελφοὺς ζημίαν ἡγεῖται, ὅτι οὐ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν κέκτηται, τοὺς δὲ πολίτας οὐχ ἡγεῖται ζημίαν, ὅτι οὐ καὶ τὰ τῶν πολιτῶν ἔχει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνταῦθα μὲν δύνανται λογίζεσθαι ὅτι κρεῖττον σὺν πολλοῖς οἰκοῦντα ἀσφαλῶς τἀρκοῦντα ἔχειν ἢ μόνον διαιτώμενον τὰ τῶν πολιτῶν ἐπικινδύνως πάντα κεκτῆσθαι, ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἀγνοοῦσι:
[2] It is strange too that a man should think he loses by his brothers because he cannot have their possessions as well as his own, and yet should not think that he loses by his fellow-citizens because their possessions are not his; and whereas in this case men can reflect that it is better to belong to a community, secure in the possession of a sufficiency, than to dwell in solitude with a precarious hold on all the property of their fellow-citizens, they fail to see that the same principle applies to brothers.
ἀλλὰ συντομωτάτη τε καὶ ἀσφαλεστάτη καὶ καλλίστη ὁδός
[38] εἰ δὲ μὴ φανερὸν οὕτω σοι, ἐκ τῶνδε σκέψαι: εἰ γάρ σε βουλόμενος φίλον ποιῆσαι ναυκλήρῳ ψευδόμενος ἐπαινοίην, φάσκων ἀγαθὸν εἶναι κυβερνήτην, ὁ δέ μοι πεισθεὶς ἐπιτρέψειέ σοι τὴν ναῦν μὴ ἐπισταμένῳ κυβερνᾶν, ἔχεις τινὰ ἐλπίδα μὴ ἂν σαυτόν τε καὶ τὴν ναῦν ἀπολέσαι; ἢ εἴ σοι πείσαιμι κοινῇ τὴν πόλιν ψευδόμενος, ὡς ἂν στρατηγικῷ τε καὶ δικαστικῷ καὶ πολιτικῷ, ἑαυτὴν ἐπιτρέψαι, τί ἂν οἴει σεαυτὸν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ σοῦ παθεῖν; ἢ εἴ τινας ἰδίᾳ τῶν πολιτῶν πείσαιμι ψευδόμενος, ὡς ὄντι οἰκονομικῷ τε καὶ ἐπιμελεῖ, τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἐπιτρέψαι, ἆρ᾽ οὐκ ἂν πεῖραν διδοὺς ἅμα τε βλαβερὸς εἴης καὶ καταγέλαστος φαίνοιο;
[39] ἀλλὰ συντομωτάτη τε καὶ ἀσφαλεστάτη καὶ καλλίστη ὁδός, ὦ Κριτόβουλε, ὅ τι ἂν βούλῃ δοκεῖν ἀγαθὸς εἶναι, τοῦτο καὶ γενέσθαι ἀγαθὸν πειρᾶσθαι: ὅσαι δ᾽ ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἀρεταὶ λέγονται, σκοπούμενος εὑρήσεις πάσας μαθήσει τε καὶ μελέτῃ αὐξανομένας. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν, ὦ Κριτόβουλε, οἶμαι δεῖν ἡμᾶς †...: εἰ δὲ σύ πως ἄλλως γιγνώσκεις, δίδασκε. καὶ ὁ Κριτόβουλος, ἀλλ᾽ αἰσχυνοίμην ἄν, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἀντιλέγων τούτοις: οὔτε γὰρ καλὰ οὔτε ἀληθῆ λέγοιμ᾽ ἄν.
[38] If you don't yet see clearly, take the following cases as illustrations. Suppose that I wanted to get a shipmaster to make you his friend, and as a recommendation told him that you are a good skipper, which is untrue; and suppose that he believed me and put you in charge of his ship in spite of your not knowing how to steer it: have you any reason to hope that you would not lose the ship and your life as well? Or suppose that I falsely represented to the Assembly that you are a born general, jurist and statesman in one, and so persuaded the state to commit her fortunes to you, what do you suppose would happen to the state and to yourself under your guidance? Or again, suppose that I falsely described you to certain citizens in private as a thrifty, careful person, and persuaded them to place their affairs in your hands, wouldn't you do them harm and look ridiculous when you came to the test?
[39] Nay, Critobulus, if you want to be thought good at anything, you must try to be so; that is the quickest, the surest, the best way.(1) You will find on reflection that every kind of virtue named among men is increased by study and practice. Such is the view I take of our duty, Critobulus. If you have anything to say against it, tell me.”
“Why, Socrates,” said Critobulus, “I should be ashamed to contradict you, for I should be saying what is neither honourable nor true.”
1 Cyropaedia I. vi. 22.
οὐδ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἀδικούμεναι ἀσφαλῶς τε καὶ ἡδέως ἐργαζόμεναι ζῶσιν
[13] καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης ἔφη: εἶτα οὐ λέγεις αὐταῖς τὸν τοῦ κυνὸς λόγον; φασὶ γάρ, ὅτε φωνήεντα ἦν τὰ ζῷα, τὴν οἶν πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην εἰπεῖν: θαυμαστὸν ποιεῖς, ὃς ἡμῖν μὲν ταῖς καὶ ἔριά σοι καὶ ἄρνας καὶ τυρὸν παρεχούσαις οὐδὲν δίδως ὅ τι ἂν μὴ ἐκ τῆς γῆς λάβωμεν, τῷ δὲ κυνί, ὃς οὐδὲν τοιοῦτόν σοι παρέχει, μεταδίδως οὗπερ αὐτὸς ἔχεις σίτου.
[14] τὸν κύνα οὖν ἀκούσαντα εἰπεῖν: ναὶ μὰ Δί᾽: ἐγὼ γάρ εἰμι ὁ καὶ ὑμᾶς αὐτὰς σῴζων ὥστε μήτε ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων κλέπτεσθαι μήτε ὑπὸ λύκων ἁρπάζεσθαι: ἐπεὶ ὑμεῖς γε, εἰ μὴ ἐγὼ προφυλάττοιμι ὑμᾶς, οὐδ᾽ ἂν νέμεσθαι δύναισθε, φοβούμεναι μὴ ἀπόλησθε. οὕτω δὴ λέγεται καὶ τὰ πρόβατα συγχωρῆσαι τὸν κύνα προτιμᾶσθαι. καὶ σὺ οὖν ἐκείναις λέγε ὅτι ἀντὶ κυνὸς εἶ φύλαξ καὶ ἐπιμελητής, καὶ διὰ σὲ οὐδ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἀδικούμεναι ἀσφαλῶς τε καὶ ἡδέως ἐργαζόμεναι ζῶσιν.
[13] “Then why not tell them the story of the dog?” asked Socrates. “It is said that when beasts could talk, a sheep said to her master: ‘It is strange that you give us sheep nothing but what we get from the land, though we supply you with wool and lambs and cheese, and yet you share your own food with your dog, who supplies you with none of these things.’ The dog heard this, and said:
[14] ‘Of course he does. Do not I keep you from being stolen by thieves, and carried off by wolves? Why, but for my protection you couldn't even feed for fear of being killed.’ And so, they say, the sheep admitted the dog's claim to preference. Do you then tell these women that you are their watch-dog and keeper, and it is due to you that they live and work in safety and comfort, with none to harm them.”
καὶ προετικὸν καὶ ἅρπαγα καὶ φιλόδωρον καὶ πλεονέκτην καὶ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ ἐπιθετικόν, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ…
[6] ἀλλὰ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, τοῦτό γε πολλοστὸν μέρος ἐστὶ στρατηγίας. καὶ γὰρ παρασκευαστικὸν τῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον τὸν στρατηγὸν εἶναι χρή, καὶ ποριστικὸν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τοῖς στρατιώταις, καὶ μηχανικὸν καὶ ἐργαστικὸν καὶ ἐπιμελῆ καὶ καρτερικὸν καὶ ἀγχίνουν, καὶ φιλόφρονά τε καὶ ὠμόν, καὶ ἁπλοῦν τε καὶ ἐπίβουλον, καὶ φυλακτικόν τε καὶ κλέπτην, καὶ προετικὸν καὶ ἅρπαγα καὶ φιλόδωρον καὶ πλεονέκτην καὶ ἀσφαλῆ καὶ ἐπιθετικόν, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ καὶ φύσει καὶ ἐπιστήμῃ δεῖ τὸν εὖ στρατηγήσοντα ἔχειν.
[6] “But then that is only a small part of generalship. For a general must also be capable of furnishing military equipment and providing supplies for the men;(1) he must be resourceful, active, careful, hardy and quick-witted; he must be both gentle and brutal, at once straightforward and designing, capable of both caution and surprise, lavish and rapacious, generous and mean, skilful in defence and attack; and there are many other qualifications, some natural, some acquired, that are necessary to one who would succeed as a general.
1 Cyropaedia I. vi. 14.
τοῖς δὲ τὰ σώματα εὖ ἔχουσι πολλὴ ἀσφάλεια καὶ οὐδεὶς κίνδυνος διά γε τὴν τοῦ σώματος καχεξίαν τοιοῦτόν τι παθεῖν
[6] ἐπεὶ καὶ ἐν ᾧ δοκεῖ ἐλαχίστη σώματος χρεία εἶναι, ἐν τῷ διανοεῖσθαι, τίς οὐκ οἶδεν ὅτι καὶ ἐν τούτῳ πολλοὶ μεγάλα σφάλλονται διὰ τὸ μὴ ὑγιαίνειν τὸ σῶμα; καὶ λήθη δὲ καὶ ἀθυμία καὶ δυσκολία καὶ μανία πολλάκις πολλοῖς διὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος καχεξίαν εἰς τὴν διάνοιαν ἐμπίπτουσιν οὕτως ὥστε καὶ τὰς ἐπιστήμας ἐκβάλλειν.
[7] τοῖς δὲ τὰ σώματα εὖ ἔχουσι πολλὴ ἀσφάλεια καὶ οὐδεὶς κίνδυνος διά γε τὴν τοῦ σώματος καχεξίαν τοιοῦτόν τι παθεῖν, εἰκὸς δὲ μᾶλλον πρὸς τὰ ἐναντία τῶν διὰ τὴν καχεξίαν γιγνομένων [καὶ] τὴν εὐεξίαν χρήσιμον εἶναι: καίτοι τῶν γε τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἐναντίων ἕνεκα τί οὐκ ἄν τις νοῦν ἔχων ὑπομείνειεν;
[6] Why, even in the process of thinking, in which the use of the body seems to be reduced to a minimum, it is matter of common knowledge that grave mistakes may often be traced to bad health. And because the body is in a bad condition, loss of memory, depression, discontent, insanity often assail the mind so violently as to drive whatever knowledge it contains clean out of it.
[7] But a sound and healthy body is a strong protection to a man, and at least there is no danger then of such a calamity happening to him through physical weakness: on the contrary, it is likely that his sound condition will serve to produce effects the opposite of those that arise from bad condition. And surely a man of sense would submit to anything to obtain the effects that are the opposite of those mentioned in my list.
τὰ ὄντα ἀσφαλέστατα τιθοῖτο
[10] ὡς δὲ συνελόντι εἰπεῖν, ὅποι πάσας ὥρας αὐτός τε ἂν ἥδιστα καταφεύγοι καὶ τὰ ὄντα ἀσφαλέστατα τιθοῖτο, αὕτη ἂν εἰκότως ἡδίστη τε καὶ καλλίστη οἴκησις εἴη: γραφαὶ δὲ καὶ ποικιλίαι πλείονας εὐφροσύνας ἀποστεροῦσιν ἢ παρέχουσι. ναοῖς γε μὴν καὶ βωμοῖς χώραν ἔφη εἶναι πρεπωδεστάτην ἥτις ἐμφανεστάτη οὖσα ἀστιβεστάτη εἴη: ἡδὺ μὲν γὰρ ἰδόντας προσεύξασθαι, ἡδὺ δὲ ἁγνῶς ἔχοντας προσιέναι.
[10] To put it shortly, the house in which the owner can find a pleasant retreat at all seasons and can store his belongings safely is presumably at once the pleasantest and the most beautiful. As for paintings and decorations, they rob one of more delights than they give.”
For temples and altars the most suitable position, he said, was a conspicuous site remote from traffic; for it is pleasant to breathe a prayer at the sight of them, and pleasant to approach them filled with holy thoughts.
1) νομίζων ταύτην τὴν ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι λόγου / 2) Ὅμηρον τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ ἀναθεῖναι τὸ ἀσφαλῆ ῥήτορα εἶναι
[15] ὁπότε δὲ αὐτός τι τῷ λόγῳ διεξίοι, διὰ τῶν μάλιστα ὁμολογουμένων ἐπορεύετο, νομίζων ταύτην τὴν ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι λόγου. τοιγαροῦν πολὺ μάλιστα ὧν ἐγὼ οἶδα, ὅτε λέγοι, τοὺς ἀκούοντας ὁμολογοῦντας παρεῖχε. ἔφη δὲ καὶ Ὅμηρον τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ ἀναθεῖναι τὸ ἀσφαλῆ ῥήτορα εἶναι, ὡς ἱκανὸν αὐτὸν ὄντα διὰ τῶν δοκούντων τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἄγειν τοὺς λόγους.
[15] Whenever he himself argued out a question, he advanced by steps that gained general assent, holding this to be the only sure method. Accordingly, whenever he argued, he gained a greater measure of assent from his hearers than any man I have known. He said that Homer gave Odysseus the credit of being “a safe speaker”(1) because he had a way of leading the discussion from one acknowledged truth to another.
πολλάκις δ᾽ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ ἀσφαλέστερόν ἐστι σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις τὴν τροφὴν μαστεύειν ἢ σὺν τοῖς γεωργικοῖς ὀργάνοις
[13] ἐὰν δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ ὑπὸ πλήθους ποτὲ στρατευμάτων τῶν ἔργων στερηθῶσιν οἱ ἐν τῇ γεωργίᾳ ἀναστρεφόμενοι καὶ σφοδρῶς καὶ ἀνδρικῶς παιδευόμενοι, οὗτοι εὖ παρεσκευασμένοι καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα, ἂν μὴ θεὸς ἀποκωλύῃ, δύνανται ἰόντες εἰς τὰς τῶν ἀποκωλυόντων λαμβάνειν ἀφ᾽ ὧν θρέψονται. πολλάκις δ᾽ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ ἀσφαλέστερόν ἐστι σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις τὴν τροφὴν μαστεύειν ἢ σὺν τοῖς γεωργικοῖς ὀργάνοις.
[14] συμπαιδεύει δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ ἐπαρκεῖν ἀλλήλοις ἡ γεωργία. ἐπί τε γὰρ τοὺς πολεμίους σὺν ἀνθρώποις δεῖ ἰέναι, τῆς τε γῆς σὺν ἀνθρώποις ἐστὶν ἡ ἐργασία.
[13] And if haply those who are occupied in farming, and are receiving a rigorous and manly teaching, are forced at any time to quit their lands by great armies, they, as men well-found in mind and in body, can enter the country of those who hinder them, and take sufficient for their support. Often in time of war it is safer to go armed in search of food than to gather it with farming implements.
[14] “Moreover, husbandry helps to train men for corporate effort. For men are essential to an expedition against an enemy, and the cultivation of the soil demands the aid of men.
αἱ δὲ κύνες τά τε θηρία ἀπερύκουσαι ἀπὸ λύμης καρπῶν καὶ προβάτων καὶ τῇ ἐρημίᾳ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν συμπαρέχουσαι
[6] ὠφελούμενοι δὲ καὶ οἱ ἵπποι καὶ αἱ κύνες ἀπὸ τῆς γεωργίας ἀντωφελοῦσι τὸν χῶρον, ὁ μὲν ἵππος πρῴ τε κομίζων τὸν κηδόμενον εἰς τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ ἐξουσίαν παρέχων ὀψὲ ἀπιέναι, αἱ δὲ κύνες τά τε θηρία ἀπερύκουσαι ἀπὸ λύμης καρπῶν καὶ προβάτων καὶ τῇ ἐρημίᾳ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν συμπαρέχουσαι.
[7] παρορμᾷ δέ τι καὶ εἰς τὸ ἀρήγειν σὺν ὅπλοις τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ ἡ γῆ τοὺς γεωργοὺς ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τοὺς καρποὺς τρέφουσα τῷ κρατοῦντι λαμβάνειν.
[8] καὶ δραμεῖν δὲ καὶ βαλεῖν καὶ πηδῆσαι τίς ἱκανωτέρους τέχνη γεωργίας παρέχεται; τίς δὲ τοῖς ἐργαζομένοις πλείω τέχνη ἀντιχαρίζεται; τίς δὲ ἥδιον τὸν ἐπιμελόμενον δέχεται προτείνουσα προσιόντι λαβεῖν ὅ τι χρῄζει;
[6] And if husbandry benefits horses and hounds, they benefit the farm no less, the horses by carrying the overseer early to the scene of his duties and enabling him to leave it late, the hounds by keeping the wild animals from injuring crops and sheep, and by helping to give safety to solitude.
[7] The land also stimulates armed protection of the country on the part of the husbandmen, by nourishing her crops in the open for the strongest to take.
[8] And what art produces better runners, throwers and jumpers than husbandry? What art rewards the labourer more generously? What art welcomes her follower more gladly, inviting him to come and take whatever he wants? What art entertains strangers more generously?
ἡ δὲ θαρρούντως τε καὶ ἀσφαλῶς ταῦτα διεπράττετο
[11] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο κύκλος εἰσηνέχθη περίμεστος ξιφῶν ὀρθῶν. εἰς οὖν ταῦτα ἡ ὀρχηστρὶς ἐκυβίστα τε καὶ ἐξεκυβίστα ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν. ὥστε οἱ μὲν θεώμενοι ἐφοβοῦντο μή τι πάθῃ, ἡ δὲ θαρρούντως τε καὶ ἀσφαλῶς ταῦτα διεπράττετο.
[12] καὶ ὁ Σωκράτης καλέσας τὸν Ἀντισθένην εἶπεν: οὔτοι τούς γε θεωμένους τάδε ἀντιλέξειν ἔτι οἴομαι, ὡς οὐχὶ καὶ ἡ ἀνδρεία διδακτόν, ὁπότε αὕτη καίπερ γυνὴ οὖσα οὕτω τολμηρῶς εἰς τὰ ξίφη ἵεται.
[11] But now there was brought in a hoop set all around with upright swords; over these the dancer turned somersaults into the hoop and out again, to the dismay of the onlookers, who thought that she might suffer some mishap. She, however, went through this performance fearlessly and safely.
[12] Then Socrates, drawing Antisthenes' attention, said: “Witnesses of this feat, surely, will never again deny, I feel sure, that courage, like other things, admits of being taught, when this girl, in spite of her sex, leaps so boldly in among the swords!”
ἀσφαλεστάτας ὑποδοχὰς ἔχει, ὅπου γ᾽ ἔστιν εἰσορμισθέντας ἀδεῶς ἕνεκα χειμῶνος ἀναπαύεσθαι
[1] ὥς γε μὴν καὶ ἐμπορεύεσθαι ἡδίστη τε καὶ κερδαλεωτάτη ἡ πόλις, νῦν ταῦτα λέξω. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ δήπου ναυσὶ καλλίστας καὶ ἀσφαλεστάτας ὑποδοχὰς ἔχει, ὅπου γ᾽ ἔστιν εἰσορμισθέντας ἀδεῶς ἕνεκα χειμῶνος ἀναπαύεσθαι.
[2] ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοῖς ἐμπόροις ἐν μὲν ταῖς πλείσταις τῶν πόλεων ἀντιφορτίζεσθαί τι ἀνάγκη: νομίσμασι γὰρ οὐ χρησίμοις ἔξω χρῶνται: ἐν δὲ ταῖς Ἀθήναις πλεῖστα μὲν ἔστιν ἀντεξάγειν ὧν ἂν δέωνται ἄνθρωποι, ἢν δὲ μὴ βούλωνται ἀντιφορτίζεσθαι, καὶ [οἱ] ἀργύριον ἐξάγοντες καλὴν ἐμπορίαν ἐξάγουσιν. ὅπου γὰρ ἂν πωλῶσιν αὐτό, πανταχοῦ πλέον τοῦ ἀρχαίου λαμβάνουσιν.
[1] I shall now say something of the unrivalled amenities and advantages of our city as a commercial centre.
In the first place, I presume, she possesses the finest and safest accomodation for shipping, since vessels can anchor here and ride safe at their moorings in spite of bad weather.
[2] Moreover, at most other ports merchants are compelled to ship a return cargo, because the local currency has no circulation in other states; but at Athens they have the opportunity of exchanging their cargo and exporting very many classes of goods that are in demand, or, if they do not want to ship a return cargo of goods, it is sound business to export silver; for, wherever they sell it, they are sure to make a profit on the capital invested.
ὃ δοκεῖ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀσφαλέστατόν τε καὶ πολυχρονιώτατον εἶναι
[9] κτῆσιν δὲ ἀπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἂν οὕτω καλὴν κτήσαιντο ὥσπερ ἀφ᾽ οὗ ἂν προτελέσωσιν εἰς τὴν ἀφορμήν: ᾧ μὲν γὰρ ἂν δέκα μναῖ εἰσφορὰ γένηται, ὥσπερ ναυτικόν, σχεδὸν ἐπίπεμπτον αὐτῷ γίγνεται, τριώβολον τῆς ἡμέρας λαμβάνοντι: ᾧ δέ γ᾽ ἂν πέντε μναῖ, πλέον ἢ ἐπίτριτον.
[10] οἱ δέ γε πλεῖστοι Ἀθηναίων πλείονα λήψονται κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἢ ὅσα ἂν εἰσενέγκωσιν. οἱ γὰρ μνᾶν προτελέσαντες ἐγγὺς δυοῖν μναῖν πρόσοδον ἕξουσι, καὶ ταῦτα ἐν πόλει, ὃ δοκεῖ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀσφαλέστατόν τε καὶ πολυχρονιώτατον εἶναι.
[11] οἶμαι δὲ ἔγωγε, εἰ μέλλοιεν ἀναγραφήσεσθαι εὐεργέται εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον, καὶ ξένους ἂν πολλοὺς εἰσενεγκεῖν, ἔστι δ᾽ ἃς ἂν καὶ πόλεις τῆς ἀναγραφῆς ὀρεγομένας. ἐλπίζω δὲ καὶ βασιλέας ἄν τινας καὶ τυράννους καὶ σατράπας ἐπιθυμῆσαι μετασχεῖν ταύτης τῆς χάριτος.
[9] But no investment can yield them so fine a return as the money advanced by them to form the capital fund. For every subscriber of ten minae, drawing three obols a day, gets nearly twenty per cent.—as much as he would get on bottomry; and every subscriber of five minae gets more than a third of his capital back in interest.
[10] But most of the Athenians will get over a hundred per cent in a year, for those who advance one mina will draw an income of nearly two minae, guaranteed by the state, which is to all appearances the safest and most durable of human institutions.
[11] I think, too, that if their names were to be recorded in the roll of benefactors for all time, many foreigners also would subscribe, and a certain number of states would be attracted by the prospect of enrolment. I believe that even kings and despots and oriental governors would desire to share in this reward.
ὡς ἂν ἀσφαλέστατα καινοτομοῖτο
[29] ὁ μὲν γὰρ εὑρὼν ἀγαθὴν ἐργασίαν πλούσιος γίγνεται, ὁ δὲ μὴ εὑρὼν πάντα ἀπόλλυσιν ὅσα ἂν δαπανήσῃ. εἰς τοῦτον οὖν τὸν κίνδυνον οὐ μάλα πως ἐθέλουσιν οἱ νῦν ἰέναι.
[30] ἐγὼ μέντοι ἔχειν μοι δοκῶ καὶ περὶ τούτου συμβουλεῦσαι ὡς ἂν ἀσφαλέστατα καινοτομοῖτο. εἰσὶ μὲν γὰρ δήπου Ἀθηναίων δέκα φυλαί: εἰ δ᾽ ἡ πόλις δοίη ἑκάστῃ αὐτῶν ἴσα ἀνδράποδα, αἱ δὲ κοινωσάμεναι τὴν τύχην καινοτομοῖεν, οὕτως ἄν, εἰ μία εὕροι,
[31] πάσαις ἂν λυσιτελὲς ἀποδείξειεν, εἰ δὲ δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρες ἢ αἱ ἡμίσειαι εὕροιεν, δῆλον ὅτι <ἔτι> λυσιτελέστερα ἂν τὰ ἔργα ταῦτα γίγνοιτο. τό γε μὴν πάσας ἀποτυχεῖν οὐδενὶ τῶν παρεληλυθότων ἐοικός.
[29] disappointed, he loses the money he has spent. Therefore people nowadays are very chary of taking such a risk.
[30] However, I think I can meet this difficulty too, and suggest a plan that will make the opening of new cuttings a perfectly safe undertaking. The Athenians, of course, are divided into ten tribes. Now assume that the state were to offer each tribe an equal number of slaves, and that when new cuttings were made, the tribes were to pool their luck.
[31] The result would be that if one tribe found silver, the discovery would be profitable to all; and if two, three, four, or half the tribes found, the profits from these works would obviously be greater.
Nothing that has happened in the past makes it probable that all would fail to find.
κοινουμένους τὴν τύχην ἀσφαλέστερον κινδυνεύειν
[32] οἷόν τε δὴ οὕτως καὶ ἰδιώτας συνισταμένους καὶ κοινουμένους τὴν τύχην ἀσφαλέστερον κινδυνεύειν. μηδὲ μέντοι τοῦτο φοβεῖσθε, ὡς ἢ τὸ δημόσιον οὕτω κατασκευαζόμενον παραλυπήσει τοὺς ἰδιώτας ἢ οἱ ἰδιῶται τὸ δημόσιον: ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ σύμμαχοι, ὅσῳ ἂν πλείους συνιῶσιν, ἰσχυροτέρους ἀλλήλους ποιοῦσιν, οὕτω καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἀργυρείοις ὅσῳπερ ἂν πλείους ἐργάζωνται, τόσῳ πλείω τἀγαθὰ εὑρήσουσί τε καὶ ἐκφορήσουσι.
[32] Of course, private individuals also are able to combine on this principle and pool their fortunes in order to diminish the risk. Nevertheless there is no reason to fear that a public company formed on this plan will conflict with the interests of private persons, or be hampered by them. No, just as every new adhesion to a confederacy brings an increase of strength to all its members, so the greater the number of persons operating in the mines, the more treasure they will discover and unearth.
βραχὺ ἂν εἴη ἑκάστῳ εἰς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἀποχωρῆσαι
[44] εἰ οὖν καὶ ἐν μέσῳ τούτων γένοιτο ἐπὶ τῷ ὑψηλοτάτῳ Βήσης τρίτον ἔρυμα, συνήκοι τ᾽ ἂν τὰ ἔργα εἰς ἓν ἐξ ἁπάντων τῶν τειχῶν, καὶ εἴ τι αἰσθάνοιτο πολεμικόν, βραχὺ ἂν εἴη ἑκάστῳ εἰς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἀποχωρῆσαι.
[45] εἰ δὲ καὶ ἔλθοιεν πλείους οἱ πολέμιοι, δῆλον ὅτι εἰ μὲν σῖτον ἢ οἶνον ἢ πρόβατα ἔξω εὕροιεν, ἀφέλοιντ᾽ ἂν ταῦτα: ἀργυρίτιδος δὲ κρατήσαντες τί ἂν μᾶλλον ἢ λίθοις ἔχοιεν χρῆσθαι;
[44] Now suppose that we had a third stronghold between them on the highest point of Besa. The works would then be linked up by all the fortresses, and at the first intimation of a hostile movement, every man would have but a short distance to go in order to reach safety.
[45] In case an enemy came in force, he would, no doubt, seize any corn or wine or cattle that he found outside; but the silver ore, when he had got it, would be of as much use to him as a heap of stones.
1.: Ἕλλησι γενησόμεθα, ἀσφαλέστερον δὲ οἰκήσομεν / 2.: ἵνα ἔτι ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐπίδωμεν τὴν πόλιν μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας εὐδαιμονοῦσαν;
[1] ἀλλ᾽ εἴ γε μὴν τῶν εἰρημένων ἀδύνατον μὲν μηδέν ἐστι μηδὲ χαλεπόν, πραττομένων δὲ αὐτῶν προσφιλέστεροι μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησι γενησόμεθα, ἀσφαλέστερον δὲ οἰκήσομεν, εὐκλεέστεροι δὲ ἐσόμεθα, καὶ ὁ μὲν δῆμος τροφῆς εὐπορήσει, οἱ δὲ πλούσιοι τῆς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον δαπάνης ἀπαλλαγήσονται, περιουσίας δὲ πολλῆς γενομένης μεγαλοπρεπέστερον μὲν ἔτι ἢ νῦν ἑορτὰς ἄξομεν, ἱερὰ δ᾽ ἐπισκευάσομεν, τείχη δὲ καὶ νεώρια ἀνορθώσομεν, ἱερεῦσι δὲ καὶ βουλῇ καὶ ἀρχαῖς καὶ ἱππεῦσι τὰ πάτρια ἀποδώσομεν, πῶς οὐκ ἄξιον ὡς τάχιστα τούτοις ἐγχειρεῖν, ἵνα ἔτι ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐπίδωμεν τὴν πόλιν μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας εὐδαιμονοῦσαν;
[2] εἴ γε μὴν ταῦτα δόξειεν ὑμῖν πράττειν, συμβουλεύσαιμ᾽ ἂν ἔγωγε πέμψαντας καὶ εἰς Δωδώνην καὶ εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπερέσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς εἰ λῷον καὶ ἄμεινον εἴη ἂν τῇ πόλει οὕτω κατασκευαζομένῃ καὶ αὐτίκα καὶ εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον.
[3] εἰ δὲ ταῦτα συναινοῖεν, τότ᾽ ἂν αὖ φαίην χρῆναι ἐπερωτᾶν τίνας θεῶν προσποιούμενοι ταῦτα κάλλιστα καὶ ἄριστα πράττοιμεν ἄν: οὓς δ᾽ ἀνέλοιεν θεούς, τούτοις εἰκὸς καλλιερήσαντας ἄρχεσθαι τοῦ ἔργου. σὺν γὰρ θεῷ πραττομένων εἰκὸς καὶ τὰς πράξεις προϊέναι ἐπὶ τὸ λῷον καὶ ἄμεινον ἀεὶ τῇ πόλει.
[1] Well now, surely, if none of these proposals is impossible or even difficult, if by carrying them into effect we shall be regarded with more affection by the Greeks, shall live in greater security, and be more glorious; if the people will be maintained in comfort and the rich no more burdened with the expenses of war; if with a large surplus in hand we shall celebrate our festivals with even more splendour than at present, shall restore the temples, and repair the walls and docks, and shall give back to priests, councillors, magistrates, knights their ancient privileges; surely, I say, our proper course is to proceed with this scheme forthwith, that already in our generation we may come to see our city secure and prosperous.
[2] Furthermore, if you decide to go forward with the plan, I should advise you to send to Dodona and Delphi, and inquire of the gods whether such a design is fraught with weal for the state both now and in days to come.
[3] And should they consent to it, then I would say that we ought to ask them further, which of the gods we must propitiate in order that we may prosper in our handiwork. Then, when we have offered an acceptable sacrifice to the gods named in their reply, it behoves us to begin the work. For with heaven to help us in what we do, it is likely that our undertakings will go forward continually to the greater weal of the state.